When Elected Politicians Become Capitalists: Provincial Perspectives
Dr. Siri Gamage
There are numerous criticisms of politicians, politics and political culture by those concerned with the directions of the country, governance style, policies and programs, corruption, delay, and costs of living pressures. However, little attention has been paid to the manner politicians in Sri Lanka become capitalists during their tenure and move away from the socio-economic contexts that they were born into in the Provinces. In order to understand the reasons as to why democratic governance and rule of law are not functioning as expected by the broader population, and the social distance of elected politicians from the very masses who propel them to power, it is important to understand the process where politicians become capitalists and start operating on the basis of a completely different set of norms, motivations and desires compared to what they were elected for. In politics and governance, power is the key variable. In capitalism, capital accumulation including land, machinery, money is the key variable -though the control over labour is also important.
During the British colonial period (1796-1948), the power was vested with the imperial-colonial administration whose key positions were occupied by the British nationals. However, a layer of local chieftains called Mudaliyars occupied important positions in the administration and its institutions spreading into the Provinces in association with other local officials such as Vidane Arachchis. They were playing a supportive role to the British administrators. In return, these chieftains were rewarded with land, servants, status, monetary reward, share of power, titles, respect and recognition. They established mansions called Walawwas, controlled large tracts of highland and paddy land, ruled their respective divisions with an iron fist, and even executed justice at the local level (Research using oral history has the potential to shed new light on their behaviour, attitudes etc.) As in the Kandyan and other provinces, this was the case in the Southern province including the Hambantota district. After the independence, the situation changed and the power transferred to Sri Lankans even though the vestiges of colonialism continued including in areas such as education, law, medicine, religion, tea plantations and commerce. Populist politics to win over mass consent at elections came into being and various tactics including grand sermons, variety of rewards were used by the politicians to attract votes. A political stage was created where contenders became actors and the masses the audience.
During the colonial period, people in the Southern Province became rich by associating themselves with the colonial administration and getting rewarded for their loyalty. This aspect has not been researched adequately by our historians and social scientists in a systematic way though there are a few publications on the subject by historians. For example, I am not aware of a thorough study of Walawwas in the province or the lifestyle, income sources, accumulation of wealth, education, style of administration and its consequences, mannerisms etc. When travelling in the area one can see monuments established at the grave sites for the departed members of Walawwas, e.g. Dahanayake Walawwa in Hakmana, Hakuruwela Walawwa in Weeraketiya area (Some mansions have been transformed into tourism sites today). Research studies are necessary to understand the way a sub stratum of the ruling class from the natives was formed and operated during the colonial period dictating terms for the local population plus how some became rich capitalists. In the 1950s there was a national survey called Lanka Maneema. Land acquired by the crown was auctioned and many local chieftains and some entrepreneurs bought such land. Association with power afforded these chieftains and their families an advantage over the rest of the population for the accumulation of wealth and capital, in accessing English education, familiarity with legal procedures and making children professionals in various fields such as law and medicine.
In terms of the accumulation of wealth and capital, the other important segments were those engaged in agriculture, commerce and business activities. During the colonial administration, various opportunities existed for highly motivated people from the South to enter into new ventures. Some of them migrated to Kandy and Colombo and established shops. Others found their wealth through construction, transport, catering, plantations etc. Some who acquired large extents of land by virtue of office held or sheer entrepreneurship added more land and/or crops to their profile to become significant players in the localities. Those business people who moved from coastal areas in the South-Western sea board to towns such as Walasmulla, Beliatta used accumulated capital from businesses to purchase land from the peasants who borrowed consumer goods on credit. Likewise, until 1983, Tamil shop owners from the North operated businesses in these Southern rural towns and invested their profits in purchasing land in their own native areas and educating children. With the arrival of new technologies like tractors and farming methods including fertiliser associated with the green revolution, the productivity from the land increased and made some businessmen richer even though fluctuations of price for commercial crops affected the capital accumulation process e.g. citronella. Compared to the colonial period where the occupants of Walawwas by and large resided in their homes in the provinces, in time to come when the children were educated in English and entered the professions in the capital, absentee landlordism became a reality in areas such as Tissamaharama.
Politics became an avenue for accumulating wealth and capital since the doors were opened in the nation’s parliament for the locals starting in the 1930s. For many, legal profession coupled with family background and connections provided an avenue for entering politics without much hassle. Though the norms of democratic governance remained intact until after several decades since independence, the nexus between power and capital/wealth continued. The changes in the leadership, party structures, and the entry of petty bourgeoisie contestants to high office including from the South infused a new meaning to this relationship between power and wealth/capital starting from the late 80s. Meaning of representative democracy remained in words more so than in practice. Practice itself became the norm. Introduction of provincial Councils in 1987 provided an arena for local aspirants to high office to play the same games that national politicians played at macro level often with the blessings of party hierarchies. This changed scenario provides insights into how the politics is used as an avenue for accumulation of wealth/capital?
Sociological studies can be designed to study the way average politicians transform themselves during their political careers from their small beginnings to be extremely rich elites. The emergence of professional politicians from the provinces provides an interesting case study in terms of this nexus between power and wealth/capital accumulation and its evolution since the 80s. If one were to pay close attention there are numerous examples from other provinces also indicating the same phenomenon. An important aspect of this phenomenon is as to the nature of relationship between such politicians and their electors which is mediated through various layers of coordinating and personal secretaries, family and friend networks, brokers etc. How the large masses become the power-less spectators of the political drama enacted by these politicians, particularly after the elections, and how a distance is created between the electors and the elected is an issue to examine further. Who gets included and excluded from the political process after the elections and the obstacles constructed for the average voter to access power is a critical dimension to investigate.
The irrigation and settlement projects have made a difference in the life chances of some peasants who were disadvantaged. Opening of the job market in the middle eastern countries has also have opened opportunities for women who were not able to earn an income locally. Free market, open economic policies and programs as well as opening of borders through globalisation have encouraged young and middle aged, educated and skilled men and women to move out of their local contexts and seek greener pastures elsewhere. Even while such changes have allowed the lower to middle class inhabitants in the provinces to earn better incomes, migrate and even provide better education to children, those who have accumulated capital/wealth at a large scale through politics and other means seem to have elevated their capacities, power and status exponentially through such means as international partnerships and collaborations in mega projects and even corrupt activities.
The stark differences in life’s fortunes between those wearing amude, redda, hatta –mostly subject to vicissitudes of weather and fluctuating incomes i.e. chena cultivators, compared to those born to privilege offered through high office, agriculture, business, education and professions, politics etc. kept changing as the country’s economy, polity, education and other services changed. Exposure to modernism, urban lifestyle and even foreign influences and experiences have ameliorated such differences to some extent. However, the stark disparities in the economic and social opportunities in terms of work, recognition, access to power and wealth/capital remain especially at provincial levels for many who are desiring to make a difference in the way the country is governed and the domination-subordination dynamic is operating.
