Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, September 30, 2017

Right to Information: Interview with Kishali Pinto-Jayawardena


 Kishali Pinto-Jayawardena

article_imageby Shivanthi Ranasinghe-

Though the Right to Information spells power, the RTI Act has been viewed with much cynicism and suspicion. Thus it was struggling since 2003 and even before to make its entrance notes Kishali Pinto-Jayawardena. She, speaking to Sunday Island of the trials and triumphs of bringing RTI Act into Sri Lanka, is a senior lawyer and helped draft both the 2004 Freedom of Information Bill and the 2016 RTI Act. After years of struggling to let the RTI see the light of the day, she is currently serving on Sri Lanka’s RTI Commission as the nominee of the Editors Guild of Sri Lanka, the Newspaper Publishers Society and the Sri Lanka Press Institute, with its affiliates.

The Right to Information

Act in Sri Lanka

"Though RTI may seem strange to Sri Lanka, it is not so in the global culture or even in the region," notes Kishali. "India has been having its own RTI laws since 2005, Sri Lanka’s first draft of RTI was done in 2003. Had Sri Lanka enacted that set of draft Bills sent to the cabinet, Sri Lanka would have been the first country in the region to enact the RTI law. But since then Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan - certain areas of Pakistan - had surpassed Sri Lanka and had already enacted their RTI laws."

RTI, she explains, is linked very broadly with accountability of public funds. That’s the guiding criteria. It is not limited to government entities, but also includes corporate entities linked to government entities.

"If it’s a public body," expands Kishali, "or has a percentage of shares owned by the public, then it becomes a matter or an area that the RTI powers. The reason for it is simple. Public funds are been used and therefore there’s a right for the public to know how it’s been utilized. That’s the basis on which the RTI derives."

The RTI encompasses not only the public funds of our government, but could also include even of another government, or the people in another country.

"For example, if there’s an NGO here, funded by the government of Norway for instance, then there’s a right to, within certain exceptions put down in the RTI act, ask information with regard to how the funds are being utilized."

Private entities can come under the RTI purview only to the extent of its activities governed by the public money.

The distinction for example," states Kishali, "if a private factory provides shoes on contract with the Sri Lanka Army, the RTI only applies with respect to the contract with the SLA. It does not extend with respect to their private activities. This is the distinction and the dividing line what’s permissible and what’s not under the RTI."

The Struggle for a Comprehensive

RTI Act in Sri Lanka

The Sri Lankan Act on the RTI is ranked globally as the world’s third best laws for number of reasons. One is the very wide categories of bodies it covers. None of the government sectors are exempted like in the Indian law. The Indian law exempts 18 agencies, including the intelligence agencies and security agencies from the RTI. Sri Lanka does not have such broad, agency based exceptions. We have grounds for exemptions but we don’t have exemptions for particular agencies. That’s why the RTI Act was globally attractive - theoretically at least - and so high in the world ranking."

"These are not victories that were won easily, but through years of advocacy, years of pressing on these issues, years of forming public opinion around these issues. Even during the drafting process in both 2003 and in 2015-16, there was much resistance to the idea. When I was a member of the RTI committees in both 2004 and 2015, at every point of the system the basic issue was why national security should be covered by the RTI Act.

"The question was whether national security is something so important that it should not be drafted here. In India it is accepted as such and in Indian national security is not covered by their RTI Act.

"We consistently said, then and now, national security can be a ground for a refusal for information, but it cannot be just merely cited as a ground. It can’t have special sanctity by itself. Therefore, it is covered by RTI, but if there’s a particular, specific overall national security concern, then it is up to the commissioner and the courts to look at the matter and balance the facts before deciding as to what side the information should fall. It is a balancing act and it is not up to the government, but to the commissioner to determine."

The problem lies that aspects such as national security are not defined under an Act, and is existing as an illusive network.

"That is why you can’t have a blanket denial of everything as national security," explains Kishali. "It must depend on the circumstances of each case. That’s a very common position taken by even courts of law. The court has been very consistent that if citing national security for a particular action, then the reasons must be given. The court will examine those reasons and give a decision as to whether those reasons are correct or the constitutional right of the protection of arbitrary arrest or repression prevails.

"It will not breach security for this is a very sober, judicial balancing of the facts which is not done in a political sense. You see the circumstances of the particular case where the line falls - should it fall to give information or should it fall to hold information.

"Frankly, there are no instances where the RTI in the world had been used to breach national security. That’s because the RTI conditions have been carefully formulated and not ad hoc or in a way that opens the floodgates as it were. It is done very judiciously."

The Exceptions

According to Kishali, there are about 14 or so exemptions, which are in the law elsewhere in the world as well. There has to be certain gates. Overseas trade agreements also happen to fall as one such exemption.

"The basic rule for trade agreements is that if they are pending they can’t be disclosed until they are concluded. Now it is there in the Indian Act as well and it’s a matter to preserve the confidentiality of the negotiations and the discussions that are taking place. I know there’s a lot of dissatisfaction and a lot of anxiety around this clause. But this is not a provision unique to Sri Lanka, but is there in almost every RTI Act in the world.

"The other exemption that can be classified is pending cabinet papers. Despite your desire to know what’s happening in our cabinet, there should be certain reservations and cautions that should apply."

However, she assures, there is a balancing factor that takes place even in exemptions. All these exemptions, even overseas agreements, are subject to the public interest override. It is not just a case of giving or not giving information. If the relevant sub-sections disallow the information to be given by the information officers, the request comes before the RTI Commission. The Commission will take into consideration all factors before giving its decision.

The Response to the RTI Act

Since the Act was operationalized in February 2017, the response had been extremely positive. There have been more than 400 appeals before the Commission. However as the Commission had been very busy disposing of the appeals made since its function, it has not had been able to sufficiently publicized itself. Hence, many are still unaware as to how this Act works.

Recalling an incident in early February 2017 in Batticaloa where a group of women, who were mothers who had lost their children during the war had confronted public officers in police stations, village officers (grama niladaris) and prison centers with copies of the RTI Act, demanding information. The relevant officers were not aware of the provisions of this Act and they were further disadvantaged because the copies in hand were in Tamil. Thus, they had to ask the women concerned to explain the Act to them. The women knew of this because there was a personal interest as well as because of the efforts of journalists and other activists who kept them informed.

In terms of existence, the RTI is still in its infancy and does not have its own budget until next year.

"So far, we’ve been operating under huge human resources and financial constraints. The office has only three staff members. Still, there has been a considerable enthusiasm on the part of the public officers as well as members of the public in reading the RTI Act, understanding the regulations and coming before the RTI Commission. It is quite amazing because we see people coming from the extreme North as well from the extreme South with their appeals to the Commission."

Recalling one typical example, Kishali recalls a man from Matara who had to pass a construction site that was impeding the pedestrians’ movement. He wrote in 2016 to the Road Development Authority asking for an explanation as to why this obstruction was allowed, which the RDA completely ignored. In late 2017 February he lodged a RTI request to the RDA requesting to know the status of his letter to which the RDA responded by removing the obstruction within a week. He then filed an information request wanting to know how they delayed taking action for one year, the communications between the legal officer of the RDA in Colombo and the provincial engineer of the Matara RDA office, what transpired in relation to this matter, and on what basis the obstruction was removed. Generally, for the removal of a construction of this nature a court order is needed. Thus he requested copies of the correspondence between the Colombo office and the Matara field agency.

"The RTI law in my mind is not meant for those who are anyway empowered, who can access either socially or financially or politically the sectors of power, who can always get information through other ways. Generally for journalists in Colombo you get a question, you have your sources, you call somebody. For a provincial journalist it is not that easy because you don’t get the access to power that is clearly laid out as it is when you are living in Colombo. Similarly if you are a lawyer working in Colombo you have access to the Supreme Court, you can lodge cases in the court of appeal. But if you are professional in some other area of the country you don’t have that access so easily.

"What we are seeing as quite positive is that many of the applications coming before the Commission are really coming from people who are living in fairly distant areas of the country. And they are reading the RTI Act. It is extremely satisfying when you see them responding in this manner."

Thus, Kishali sees the RTI Act as something as a leveling of society, creating an equal playing field across the length and breadth of the society.

Skirting the RTI Obligation

One problem that shrouded the RTI Act was that if the government chose not to give the information sought, the seeker might be bounced from department to department.

"The Sri Lankan Act is far better in theory than the U.S. Act. The U.S. Act was drafted and implemented in very different circumstances and is also very old. It does not include any modern principles of the RTI in any sense whatsoever. The Sri Lankan Act does take notice of all these principles. So if it is proved that an Information Officer has been deliberately evasive to deny the information sought by an applicant, the penalties and repercussions are quite severe.

The RTI is on Thin Ice

The RTI laws as explained by Kishali will pave the way for better accountability, which in turn will lead to better governance. It is a pity though that the same push for RTI Act has not come for other pressing areas as national security. Had the National Security Act been in place, the RTI Act would not have been such a battle on its hands in the first place. Failing to address concerns on matters such as national security leaves the RTI Act on thin ice. Allowing individuals, whose expertise might not be in the relevant areas as national security to understand constraints and challenges, to determine if requested information falls on the side of public awareness or public safety might shorten the life of the hard won RTI Act.

It is important to understand that the RTI Act saw the light of the day because of the political will of the present government which honored a campaign pledge. Having loose threads on matters such as national security without the protection or definitions under a National Security Act could be a danger. This might give an excuse to a future administration to clamp down on RTI not for the purpose of safeguarding national security but for becoming less accountable to the public.

Demographic future of Sri Lanka

If ever there was a case for malnutrition, it was seen in Sri Lanka. Child population has reduced from 35.2% in 1981 to 25.6% in 2012.  

by Victor Cherubim-
( September 30, 2017, London, Sri Lanka Guardian)  Malthus was the precursor of population doom. Statisticians state the population around the world is decreasing since 2012.The exception is India which is expected to become the largest country in population size, surpassing China by 2022.
Population is decreasing in Sri Lanka for a good many reasons since 1953. As of 2011, the UN estimates the population around 20,906,672. As per a Population Census expert in Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese population is estimated at 74.9% of the total, whilst the Tamil population, excluding those of the Indian origin ranks third with 10.3%; behind Muslims at 10.8%.Tamils are also a minority as students in the University of Jaffna.
Reasons for decline  
There seems to be four main reasons for the decline in population in Sri Lanka. I need hardly state that immigration was the main reason. It was not only Tamils but Sinhalese
Intelligentsia left the island in droves, seeking work opportunities abroad.
The second reason was fertility. Women pregnancy and replacement of Male/Female is in the ratio 2:1. But, adult population is increasing according to the Department of Anthropology, Durham University, with a simultaneous decrease in resources. I in 4 persons is expected to be an elderly person, making Sri Lanka “the oldest population in South Asia.”
The third reason is family planning. Due to prolonged war and the drastic economic changes, family planning was resorted to. Women were treated as objects of reproductive control. Sex and the pill and pregnancy tests took silent prevalence.
The fourth reason was population displacement and security. This was seen to affect Tamils more during and after the 30 odd years war, but Sinhalese and Muslims were also affected from early marriage due to conscription of the former and other displacement reasons for the latter. Baby factories were craftily created for adoption agencies abroad.  Tamil women were further disadvantaged by the delayed marriage date due to race, religion and culture, with the pernicious caste and dowry system making widows and unwed mothers taboo in marriage. Many Tamil males also had scuppered abroad. The going rate of dowry for a qualified doctor to wed was Rs 7 million. Whilst the Dowry Prohibition Act 1961 was in operation in India, Sri Lanka was open to abuse and extortion. Something needs to be done to remedy the situation.
Marriage squeeze 
With 89,000 war widows among Tamils, 25,000 of whom are from Batticaloa and 4000 women under the age of 40, there was a marriage squeeze of Tamil women. For many widows, the main choice issue was whether to keep the “pottu,” an outward symbol of marriage, or to sacrifice themselves as many took their lives with their husbands.
Malnutrition
If ever there was a case for malnutrition, it was seen in Sri Lanka. Child population has reduced from 35.2% in 1981 to 25.6% in 2012.  The Department of Health Services Survey rated deaths due to malnutrition at 29% in the whole of Sri Lanka, with 43% in Jaffna District and 51% in Mullaitivu District, a shocking statistic.
Marital Support 
For war widows and for disabled, marital support is lacking. 9% of the total Sri Lanka population is below poverty line. The number of female headed households both in the Sinhalese and Tamil communities has increased after the thirty years war, as has the number of people with disabilities, due to the war. Action is seen to be slow but forthcoming.
Endangered species 
Public spending on social security/safety programs has decreased as a percentage of GDP from 2.2% in 2004 to 0.3% in 2009. Samurdhi, we are informed suffers from poor targeting and benefit adequacy. Statistics are galore, but action is few and far between.
Elephants, Leopards and some other species are considered as endangered species.
But until the decreasing rate of population in Sri Lanka is abated, it will be humans who will have to class as the “endangered species”.
What can be done immediately? 
Bring back Sri Lankans to their homeland by giving inducements. Bring back talent back to Sri Lanka. Attract business investment back in the form of Sri Lankans entrepreneurs abroad to return home?

Thiruketheeswaram Kovil board urge Sri Lankan President to forgo vihara opening

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29Sep 2017
The administration of the historic Thiruketheeswaram Kovil in Mannar have urged the Sri Lankan president not to participate in the opening of an illegally constructed Buddhist vihara in its environs.
Meeting the Presidential Secretary, the temple’s trustees said the construction of the vihara on illegally appropriated private land, so close to a prominent Hindu temple would provoke religious conflict.
The President is due to visit Mannar for the opening of the vihara today, Friday.
The temple said it is not opposed to the building of Buddhist shrines, but questioned the need to build multiple Buddhist structures in areas with no Buddhist populations.
Further, the board said that the vihara was being opened so close to the Kovil with the express purpose of destroying the area’s distinctiveness as a site of Tamil heritage.
Earlier this week, Mannar civil society wrote to the president criticising his planned attendance of the opening. The signatory and civil society federation leader, V. S. Sivakaran has since been summoned by the Terrorism Investigation Department in relation to the letter, in which he suggested Mannar residents would protest if the President's visit went ahead.

Questions over new electoral method


By Udaya P. Gammanpila-2017-10-01

The government introduced a new electoral method for Local Authorities on 24 August 2017. A similar method was introduced for Provincial Councils on 20 September 2017. There is only one difference between the two methods. When 60 per cent of members of the local authorities are elected from electorates, the balance will be appointed from a list on the recommendation of the party secretary. It is 50 per cent each from the electorates and the list for Provincial Councils. The government has envisaged introducing this method for parliamentary elections as well. Hence, let us be familiar with the new electoral method.

Let us take a hypothetical district of 100 allocated provincial councillors to understand the new law for the Provincial Councils.

Fifty members should be elected from electorates and the balance 50 members will be appointed from the list. For the convenience of calculation, let us assume that there are no multi-member electorates in the district.

Brown and Green parties have secured victories in 35 and 15 electorates respectively. Red and Blue parties failed to secure any electorate. The total number of votes received by Brown, Green, Blue and Red parties for all electorates in the district would amount to 55 per cent, 35 per cent, 5 per cent and 5 per cent respectively. The Proportionate Representation method presently available in the Constitution for parliamentary elections is used to determine the number of members entitled by each party.

Accordingly, Brown, Green, Blue and Red parties are entitled to 55, 35, 5 and 5 members respectively. Since Brown Party has already secured 35 members from electorates, another 20 members are allocated to it from the list. Green Party's entitlement is 35 members and it has secured only 15 members from electorates. Hence, Green Party also gets 20 members from the list. Although both Blue and Red parties are entitled to 5 members each, they have secured none from electorates. Hence, both parties get 5 members each from the list.

Female representation

Let us now look at the provisions for female representation. Every party should ensure 1/6 of its candidates for electorates are females. Further, 50 per cent of the list should be allocated for females.

As a result, 33 per cent of total candidates are females.

In the end, 25 per cent of members elected must be females. Hence, if there are no females elected from electorates, all female candidates in the list should be appointed to meet the 25 per cent minimum requirement.

There are several weaknesses in this method. Firstly, this method has weakened the people's choice and strengthened party leaders' grip. Party leaders will decide the candidates for electorates. They will prepare the lists. They will decide who should be appointed from the list. They can also appoint the defeated candidates to the council. Although people can defeat the candidates nominated for electorates, they cannot defeat the candidates in the list. The situation is worse in respect of Provincial Councils, since the members nominated from the list have been increased to 50 per cent from 40 per cent. Hence, democracy is the ultimate victim of this method.

Previous method

People had the authority to reject any candidate nominated by the party under the previous method. When Namal Rajapkasa contested Hambantota in 2010, he was a son of the then President. People still had the opportunity to reject him. Under the present method, if people want to reject the candidate, they have to defeat the party as well. Even after the defeat, he can be appointed to fill a slot reserved for the candidates in the list.

Secondly, this method leads to unstable representative councils. In order to ensure stability, two bonus members were allocated to the winning party in both local and Provincial Councils under the previous method. It helped the winning party to achieve a simple majority in councils and thereby make those stable. Hence, minor parties lost the opportunity to control major parties in a 'tail wags the dog' situation. Unfortunately, there are no bonus members in this method.

The government intends to introduce this method to parliamentary elections as well. There are 22 electoral districts for parliamentary elections. Under the present method, the political party which secures the highest number of votes in each district gets a bonus member. If the winning party secures the highest number of votes in 12 districts, it is entitled to 12 bonus members. Having bonus members, no party was able to secure the simple majority in Parliament under the present method except in 1989 and 2010. The government exploited the JVP terror to its advantage in 1989. People en masse supported the government in 2010 in gratitude for the military victory over the LTTE. Hence, the winning parties had secured the parliamentary majority in 1989 and 2010 under exceptional circumstances.

Greatest weakness

The greatest weakness of the present method is allocation of bonus members at district level. Different districts are won by diverse parties. Jaffna, Batticaloa and Vanni Districts are usually won by the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). Ampara and Trincomalee Districts are won by the party which receives the support of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC). Matara, Hambantota and Moneragala are known as the strongholds of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). Similarly, Colombo, Kandy, Badulla and Nuwara Eliya are strongholds of the United National Party (UNP). Hence, district bonus members will be distributed among several parties. As a result, it does not help the winning party to secure a simple majority in Parliament. Hence, allocation of bonus members to the winning party at the national level should be considered in the new method to produce stable councils.

Presidency: All options still on the table

Come 2020: Maithri, Ranil or Gota?



(Source: http://www.iep.utm.edu/confuciu/)

by Kumar David-September 30, 2017, 7:23 pm

Confucius say: "Even if people be made to follow right 
path, how they be made to understand it?" –Analects.

The old codger saw the deficiencies of democracy ages ago. Hence there is good reason why my previous columns dealt with unpredictability (17 September) and instability (24 September). We are nearing the end of 2017 and no one knows whether there will be a new constitution, whether the Executive Presidency will be retained and what the electoral system will be. The only two people (Ranil and Sirisena) who may have an inkling, are tight lipped, or to be frank, I think they don’t know either. The options are manifold: (a) constitution/no constitution, (b) executive/semi-executive/non-executive presidency, (c) candidates Maithri (who knows?), Ranil, Gota (dump US citizenship?), or a dark horse. If you multiply the options, on paper there are 24. Conversation among Colombo’s whisky sipping, chattering classes savours these themes; lesser hoi polloi relish the topic relaxing on poya day playing asking-hitting (booruwa). The deluge of options is too much for one piece; so today’s offering is limited to just two matters; (a) assume executive presidency is retained in 2020; (b) parliamentary election outcome under any system.

These musings were kicked off by Rajan Philips’ much read and discussed column three weeks ago ("The Hounds of Law Keep the UNP and the Rajapaksas Nervous and Concerned" Sunday Island 10 September). I am tempted to extend his offering and speculate: "Has Maithri loosened the leash on commissions of inquiry, state prosecutors and commercial-crimes cops and turn the screws on both Ranil and the Rajapaksas?" The first uncertainty is could Maithri be playing this game at all. Probably not, but if ‘yes’ there has to be a motive deeper than good governance. Were he to throw Ranil to the wolves and lose the UNP, how can he govern? Say he invites the Rajapaksa-SLFP into his fold and say they turn up at his doorstep, he will still be short of a parliamentary majority. Perish the thought of the TNA, Muslim parties or JVP playing ball. So if he screws Ranil and the UNP, his game must to be to dissolve parliament at the earliest that the constitution permits. Rather, I should state it the other way; he will bide his time till then and roast Ranil and the UNP after that. As I said I am unable to guess Maithri’s plan, but Confucius say "A man cannot conceal himself for too long".

The fire-Ranil gambit is contingent on Maithri having made up his mind to scuttle the new constitution – anodyne amendments excepted. He has already shown himself a false friend of the constitution hence he faces no psychological impediment, but he will fall foul of everybody to whom he gave false promises – that is the whole nation except the Rajapaksa-SLFP and now his SLFP. He will also be putting his neck in a Rajapaksa noose; dare he? Surely he is too cunning to play suicide games. Either way, now or in a year, the fire-Ranil gambit seems (to me) to be a dead end for Maithri; but let’s not write it off entirely; there may be dervish options I cannot fathom (unknown-unknowns).

Presidential options

Let’s move on and talk about presidential options if the executive presidency is not abolished by 2020. I will try to put aversions and preferences aside and clinically diagnose possible outcomes. I am making an effort to be as objective as I can in the context of prevailing uncertainties in evaluating likely outcomes. Confucius say "The cautious seldom err".

Ok then, there is the three candidate case and the two candidate cases (one of the three backs the third). A three cornered fight will be a walk over for Ranil who is confident of a 28% to 30% minority-vote – leeway to allow for Sinhala Catholic-Christian fluidity. Then even if a quarter of the Sinhala-Buddhist vote sees him in the high 40s while the other two battle to divide say 55%. It will be difficult for Gota to press Maithri’s vote below 10%, though the latter will be third in a three-cornered contest. This case was easy to forecast (known-known).

More interesting are the possible one-to-one combats; Ranil backed by Maithri versus Gota; Maithri sponsored by Ranil against Gota; and option three, Gota with Maithri versus Ranil. I insist Gota cannot do better than Mahinda-2015 (inability to abuse state power and no minority support). To my numerically-challenged pseudo-Marxist critics I say, this is true arithmetically, algebraically or even if you have the aptitude for the vector calculus. It’s a known-known; Confucius say: "Those who know nothing never risk being misunderstood".

A repeat of the 2015 arrangement won’t go down well with the UNP. I am a cynic, I think Maithri will like it, but it will be ‘no-no’ for the UNP base. Maithri as a ceremonial token is a non-issue, so no more about that. In any case this is irrelevant to the ‘Executive-Presidency-retained’ case.

The final challenging option is if Maithri cuts loose from the Ranil-Chandrika-JVP-JHU umbilical cord and throws his weight behind a unified-SLFP sponsored candidate Gota. Then the political scenario will look like this. The UNP is tainted by corruption, Ranil though not personally dishonest tarnished by blunders and bad judgement in appointments, the new constitution not enacted, and the economy in poor shape. Against this backdrop can Ranil pull it off against Gota?

I said clinical objectivity and not forgetting this, I think the 30% minority-community handicap that anyone starts off with against Gota, cannot be neutralised. If a strong non-Rajapaksa, specifically not-Gota, SLFP candidates is found he/she will do better. Something of a known-unknown. Juggling a discredited crony Tamil ex-diplomat, a cross-decorated Judas and an unheard of Muslim nobody on the Eliya platform will not seduce minority voters. Anecdotal feedback suggests that this caper on the Eliya stage has been counterproductive because the exhibits were implausible.

Parliamentary options

How will the various combinations fare in the tussle for seats in parliament? If there is a change to the electoral style (say 150 first-past-the-post constituencies and 75 proportional) it will be good nationally, but that matter is different from what I wish to say next. Whatever the alternatives in format and even if there is no change in format and the current all-proportional system is retained, it will not make a significant difference to the number of seats that the big three (UNP, Rajapaksa-SLFP and Maithri-SLFP) take home in a three-cornered fight. Furthermore, conventional logic says the UNP will be at an advantage in a three-cornered fight and I can’t think of why conventional logic could be incorrect. If a tactical voting agreement materialises between the UNP and Maithri-SLFP it will leave the Rajapaksa-SLFP led JO well short of a parliamentary majority. Let me repeat that these forecasts hold irrespective of whether the electoral architecture is changed or not.

The case where Maithri-SLFP and Rajapaksa-SLFP unify and take on the UNP is clearly the more complex case and my judgement is that the UNP will come off second best in this case. Mostly the reason is that Ranil and the UNP will be seen to have failed in controlling corruption, prosecuting previous corruption and most important the blame for the failure on the economic front will be laid squarely on Ranil’s shoulders; and that’s fair since the President has, most of the time, let the Prime Minister take charge of economic issues.

This brings me to a curious matter. I maintain that Gota is a dead duck for the presidency, but a unified SLFP (Maithri plus Rajapaksa wings) will collect more seats in Sinhalese areas than the UNP. The minority vote in the North and East will go to Tamil and Muslim parties. Thus the opposition is better off jettisoning the Executive Presidency, which it is unlikely to secure, and supporting a new constitution with or without revised electoral architecture. The idiocy of the opposition, for which I am thankful, is magnified by its inability to comprehend that it is better off NOT salivating for an unreachable executive presidency and instead focussing on parliament.

The reason for the idiocy is obvious enough. It is so obsessed with racism that it sees a Tiger behind every palmyrah plant and in an executive presidency it sees a Sinhala autocrat willing to subdue every form of Tamil dissent. Hence it cuts its nose to spite its face. Sun Tse say: "Never interrupt enemy when he is making mistake" – Art of War. So me happy if they keep making mistake.

Finally a few words about Burman religious bigotry and the massacre of Muslims; another example of narrow chauvinism. Amnesty released satellite images of an "orchestrated campaign" to burn Rohingya villages and evidence of security forces pushing Muslims out of the country. 400,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since violence began last month. They have long been persecuted in Burma as "illegal immigrants" (remember upcountry Tamils were kalla-thonis till recently); denied citizenship though they have lived in Burma for generations, and their villages emptied (Sirima-Shastri Pact). Confucius reminds: "Before embarking on journey of revenge, dig two graves".

The majority Burman population has no sympathy for Rohingyas, calls the Muslims terrorists (Liberation Tigers of Islamic Rohinyga!) and wants them evicted from the country. The army claims it is fighting terrorists, denies targeting civilians and says jihadists infiltrated communities and burnt down the villages. The BBC’s Jonathan Head who was in a group of reporters chaperoned by the army reported that villagers uniformly stated that rape and burnings were not done by the army; but officers always monitored the interviews. (Confucius would have said: "I didn’t say all this shit").

Burma is going the way of Lanka and Aung San Su Ki, (learning from Sirisena?) is a shield against criticism of the army. Her immense moral authority could have impacted public opinion but she has chosen not to use it. She is afraid of an angry reaction from Buddhist nationalists just like our leaders ever since the 1950s. Maybe she fears the military may step in. Buddhist will support a coup if she angers them. Confucius say: "To see the right and not to do it is cowardice".

Profits Galore In The Islam & Muslim Bashing Industry

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Nishthar Idroos
How many of us have heard or at least seen Pam Geller? A face like no other. American political activist and commentator known for her anti-Islamic writings, Sponsored “Draw the Prophet” campaign.  Her blogging in the United States are against what she terms as “Creeping Sharia” in the country. Multiple groups have described Geller as rabidly Islamophobic.
She spew so much anti-Muslim crap, it’s a kind of an unarrestable and untreatable diarrhea. Gets lethal each time she appears on Fox. Nonetheless it must be admitted that it’s great work on her part as a staunch pro-Israel activist to deflect automated genocidal machinations in Gaza and other appalling atrocities her protagonist Benjamin Netanyahu brazenly continues in occupied Palestine. More importantly keeping the American public brainwashed and ill-informed. She in essence epitomizes Zionism’s neon lights and its selective illumination.
Muslim-bashing is growing and growing rapidly in America and the world. Sri Lanka is no exception. Sri Lanka is certainly keeping the spirit alive. Though the original defacto authors of the Islam and Muslim bashing campaign are currently dethroned antics of shenanigans allied to them continue unabated. Confirmed scammers, quack exorcists, inveterate drunkards and incorrigible rapists continue their thing.
Compassion and Buddhism are so synonymous. As Sri Lankans we don’t fail to hear this at least by word especially on Poya days when loudspeakers are heard far and loud. “When a dog sees her puppies in pain she develops the wish to protect them and free them from pain, and this compassionate wish is her Buddha seed. Unfortunately, however, animals have no ability to train in compassion, and so their Buddha seed cannot ripen. Human beings, though, have a great opportunity to develop their Buddha nature” There was a golden opportunity to see the Buddha seed come into fruition by showing compassion to a deserving people. It was not to be so. Some thugs in saffron robes doing a great disservice to Buddha and Buddhism.
Radical Buddhist monks stormed a United Nations safe house for Rohingya refugees and forced a much puzzled authorities to relocate the group. The vituperative language used by some was simply unbearable. Saffron-robed Buddhist monks led an unruly mob that vandalized homes and frightened refugees. It was another sad day for Sri Lanka. Didn’t they see the anxious women? Didn’t they see the shocked children?
In a technologically integrated world news travels faster than light. Some Sri Lankan Buddhist expatriates living in Europe expressed absolute horror at what their brothers back home were doing. Compared to how they were accepted, accommodated and fed by the “suddah” what was emanating from public TV screens were disgusting to say the least.
We continue to witness worse examples on a daily basis. Islam-bashing and Muslim-bashing probably are the most profitable pursuits today. Corrupt and crooked politicians are seen doing it with direct involvement sans any qualms or consequences and through well lubricated proxies.
The “War on terror” is the larger banner emboldening these bent and mendacious politicians world over. Conceived and catapulted into action by none other than George Walker Bush and his erstwhile buddy now under a cloud Tony Blair. It has certainly helped condition the minds and mental pre-occupation of the world’s public.
Constant portrayal of that infamous steel defying aircraft coming out from the other side of one of the well-fortified mass of solid and impregnable steel of the twin tower is such a great and psychologically pinioning image. Its ingeniously contrived strategy to keep Muslims and others permanently shut and handcuffed. Interestingly in double quick time the rest of the world learnt how to control the Muslims.
On a lighter note let’s hope the imaginative and intelligent graphic/motion artist/s, the infinitely talented  probably picked  from Madison Avenue will one day tell their stories atleast in their death beds like the way many have in the recent past, haughtily scoffed and overlooked by  mainstream media.
The Islamophobia Industry is flourishing and there is no two words about it. The rising tide is quite disturbing and is sweeping through United States, Europe and the world. Bloggers, right-wing talk show hosts, extremist evangelical religious leaders and bankrupt yet crafty politicians, all united in their pronounced quest to exhume the ghosts of 9/11 and convince their compatriots that Islam is the present enemy and has to be fought tooth and nail. The propaganda machine well underway and generously financed.  People like Pam Gellar adroitly doing the amazing PR work.
Why do you fund these sinister groups who orchestrate such untold mischief? It’s simple. There is clear political benefit. Stoking fear and suspicions of fellow minority citizens always works. Is it an inherent yet misdiagnosed pathology of contemporary democracy? I wouldn’t know.
Benefits for insidious ploys flow once actors are identified. In the US flowing the anti-Muslim advocates in the 2016 presidential race were many but Donald J Trump was the favorite and darling. Bottom line is that the anti-Muslim industry is lucrative and not going anywhere soon.

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LeN proves again it never goes wrong ! -Ranga Kalan resigns


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 30.Sep.2017, 2.40PM)  Government Information Department Director General Dr. Ranga Kalansooriya who did not fall in line with the policies of media minister Mangala Samaraweera and was performing his duties recklessly  without caring a damn for the ministry’s administrative officers tendered his resignation to the minister yesterday ( 29) . The officers of the  Information department summoned a special meeting yesterday at 2.00 p.m. to make this known to all.  Kalansuriya even had conflicts with former media secretary Nimal Bopage too.

Lanka e news wishes to recall on the 20 th via its report (in Sinhala edition) , it  warned that if the present conflicts between Kalansuriya and other officers escalate , the officers were getting ready to stage a strike.
Lanka e news always first with the news and best with the views had proved once again its news , views and premonitions have never gone wrong !

Kalansuriya resigned yesterday without plunging the media ministry into chaos and confusion even before  ten days elapsed since we reported. 
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by     (2017-09-30 09:20:34)

Role of electronic media during natural disasters

Featured image courtesy Sri Lanka Red Cross
The media have a significant role to play in times of natural disasters in terms of responsible and ethical coverage. However, electronic media coverage of the floods and landslides in some parts of Sri Lanka in late May 2017 came under heavy criticism on social media. Criticism was mainly directed at a group of privately-owned media channels for “misusing” the catastrophe as a way of “marketing” their brand image. Some channels were also criticised for sensationalist and insensitive coverage of the tragedy. These criticisms left many wondering what the role of media should be during natural disasters.  This article discusses the role of the media in the context of natural disasters and analyses the way some privately-owned Sinhala media channels reported recent natural disasters.
Media as a conduit
During a disaster, the media play a crucial role as an information broker and a conduit of information in the affected region during the response and recovery phase.[1] The media are expected to give accurate, professional, comprehensive and timely data when there are injuries and fatalities involved.[2] In the case of the recent floods and landslides, almost every privately-owned media channel visited the affected areas to provide updates on the incident. Information on how many were affected, the rescue efforts by the armed forces, and where victims were taken for temporary shelter were duly provided. However, instead of providing impartial information, the main focus of some privately-owned TV channels was disseminating information on aid distribution carried out by their own channels.  These attempts to boost their brand image in a time of crisis were criticised as unethical.[3] In addition, some have questioned if the media’s role should be that of an aid distributor.
Media as an aid distributor
Aid distribution through media institutions has been a topic of debate from time to time.[4]Some argue that the media’s role is not to provide aid relief but to provide accurate and reliable information in times of natural disasters. Yet in the past, media platforms have been used to provide aid to victims in times of need. For example, in the aftermath of landslides in Aranayake in 2016, ineffective state intervention to meet the needs of victims created a vacuum that social media users came forward to fill.[5]  These individuals organised themselves on Facebook to co-ordinate relief provision to victims.[6] Similarly, when state intervention was inadequate in May this year, media institutions stepped in to fill the void. Although they carried out relief efforts that benefited victims, the media’s role as an aid distributor becomes questionable if they exploit airtime to promote their own brand image. As airwaves are considered public property,[7] it is questionable when frequencies are used to boost a media institution’s brand image during a natural disaster.
In the meantime, some channels seemed to have created a media spectacle by using war rhetoric to describe relief efforts. The Sinhala term maanushiya meheyuma (humanitarian operation) was used to refer to some of the aid relief efforts carried out by some privately-owned channels (e.g. sahana yaathra kriyaanwithaya/maanushiya meheyuma/janahada meheyuma). Additionally, the term kriyaanwithaya (“operation”) used for military operations was used to refer to some of the aid distribution campaigns. Using war rhetoric to describe these aid relief efforts tend to make these efforts look more like a media spectacle. Once again, this raises the question as to whether it is appropriate or ethical to use frequencies that are a public right to promote such narrow interests during a national calamity.
Information being selectively shared?
Although the media have a role to play in providing information during disasters, the role of the media as a conduit becomes problematic if media institutions share information selectively. Such selective sharing of information is due to the competition between media institutions to promote their efforts in aid distribution. If adequate information is not shared on aid distribution centres – particularly those run by the state and charitable institutions – serious challenges could emerge with respect to effective aid distribution.[8] For example, potential aid contributors and beneficiaries would only receive partial information on how to contribute or receive aid. The media also have a role to act as an arena that shows how various actors play out their roles and influence the framing of disaster events.[9] Accordingly, the media can act as a platform where critical information regarding relief and aid from the government, organised groups, humanitarian agencies and other sources are shared. This is where some of the media channels seem to have fallen short of expectations, as they did not share information on the government’s distribution of aid.[10]
Conclusion
The media play a crucial role during natural disasters. It acts as a conduit of and platform for information during the response and recovery phases of natural disasters.  On the one hand, some may argue that the media do not need to get involved in aid distribution in times of natural calamities. On the other hand, it could be argued that media can contribute to aid distribution, especially in the face of ineffective aid distribution on the part of the state. If the media is to contribute to aid distribution in times of natural disasters, it should be undertaken ethically in a way that does not misuse airwaves. It should not be an attempt to boost the brand image of a certain channel. Instead, the media can act not just as an information broker but as a platform through which information is shared for the benefit of the public. In this context, broadcasters and journalists must be educated on disaster journalism to ensure accurate and responsible reporting in  future.
Deepanjalie Abeywardana heads Media Research at Verité Research, which publishes The Media Analysis, a weekly analysis of the Sinhala press in Sri Lanka. She is contactable at media.analysis@veriteresearch.org

[2] Fleming, R.S. (2013), Emergency Incident Media Coverage
[5] See The Media Analysis, Vol.6, No.19
[6] Ibid
[7] Weliamuna, J.C. (2012), “Surrendering Airwaves and & Liberty to Nepotism” (on line) available at http://groundviews.org/2012/06/11/surrendering-airwaves-liberty-to-nepotism/ ; Pavarala, V. and Malik, K.K. (2007), Other Voices: The Struggle for Community Radio in India, New Delhi: Sage Publications