A ‘reconciliation’ destined to be still-born
By Nayantha Wijesundara-2016-07-14
'Reconciliation in Sri Lanka' is a phrase doing the rounds in political circles, both national and international. True, there are problems to be discussed and deep rooted issues to be reconciled with if Sri Lanka is to enjoy a sustainable peace. Adjustments have to be made by both the Sinhalese and Tamil communities.
But, what is necessary for reconciliation? Well, many and varied things. It could be institutional and legislative reforms, inclusion of all stakeholders in the debate, creating awareness and educating the public, reparations, an accountability mechanism acceptable to the polity to look into the overdue issue of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed during the last war, creating a Sri Lankan identity rather than emphasizing on ethnic identity, etc. Very importantly, there must be acceptance from both sides of the ethnic divide that, Sri Lanka, or parts of it, cannot be the exclusive domain of any ethnic group. But, most importantly, there must be rational and reasonable partners to discuss issues and have a constructive dialogue with. Today's column focuses on the issue of whether this or any future government has a reasonable and rational partner to discuss reconciliation.
With the LTTE gone, there is now space for constructive and rational dialogue to emerge from the Tamil side of the ethnic divide and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) is, by default, the only candidate for the job. This is because they are the predominant Tamil political party, at present they represent the main Opposition of Sri Lanka and also because the Northern Provincial Council is governed by the TNA.
Politically, the Tamil leadership has never been placed this well with so much leverage to sit down and discuss issues constructively. Even the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) which became the main Opposition in 1977 could/did not engage constructively given the irrational stance of separatism it took at the general election after the Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976 from which they could not deviate thereafter, and also because of the growing influence of the LTTE, which would have prevented the Tamil political leadership from engaging constructively in any event. However, the LTTE is no more now and if they desire so, the Tamil political leadership has the space to engage both constructively and intellectually. Having said that, the issue at present is, does the TNA use its current position for such constructive engagement with a view to lasting reconciliation? The answer is simple. Any objective observer could say that the answer is a resounding 'NO' and that the TNA is in fact a regressive force that could exacerbate and create new conflicts.
Take the TNA's stance on constitutional reforms. They have made their position abundantly clear that they will not budge an inch from federalism, a demand of the Tamil political leadership at least since the day S.J.V. Chelvanayakam broke away from the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) and formed the Federal Party (FP). It is a different story that there is no legitimate reason for them to demand federalism (an issue that will not be touched today but perhaps in a future column) and that Chelvanayakam wanted Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was then known) to go federal even before independence, a fact which rubbishes their claim that they want federalism as a solution to the injustices caused to Tamils. The TNA knows, or ought to know, that it is unlikely that the South will agree to federalism or any sort of devolution that comes close to it, irrespective of what it is called, for the simple reason that the Tamil political leadership has not won the trust of the Sinhalese and for this reason alone, the South would be very apprehensive of granting the North any autonomy. With their talk of self-determination, traditional homelands, and all the other divisive rhetoric, the TNA has effectively managed to alienate itself from the predominantly Sinhalese South. Perhaps, this is by design and not accident, a point which will be touched on later in this column.
Infamous antics
The TNA is definitely not going to win over the trust and confidence of the South with antics like the infamous 'genocide resolution' of Wigneswaran's Northern Provincial Council which is dominated by the TNA. This resolution passed in February 2015 under the title "Sri Lanka's Genocide Against Tamils" claimed that all governments since independence engaged in a genocidal campaign against Tamils. Leaving aside the palpable falsehoods contained in it, this resolution is strongly reminiscent of the declarations made at the first national convention of the Federal Party in 1951 and the separatist Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976. Then again in April 2016 the Northern Provincial Council passed another resolution demanding a separate province for Tamil speaking people. It does not take genius to comprehend at a fragile time as this where an agenda for reconciliation needs to be worked out without fuelling extremism on either side of the ethnic divide, the adoption of such resolutions inevitably create tensions within the polity destroying any hope of lasting peace. Such actions which could radicalize the impressionable Tamil youth demonstrate only an extreme level of irresponsibility which seems to be an enduring characteristic of Tamil politics.
The TNA is definitely not going to win over the trust and confidence of the South with antics like the infamous 'genocide resolution' of Wigneswaran's Northern Provincial Council which is dominated by the TNA. This resolution passed in February 2015 under the title "Sri Lanka's Genocide Against Tamils" claimed that all governments since independence engaged in a genocidal campaign against Tamils. Leaving aside the palpable falsehoods contained in it, this resolution is strongly reminiscent of the declarations made at the first national convention of the Federal Party in 1951 and the separatist Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976. Then again in April 2016 the Northern Provincial Council passed another resolution demanding a separate province for Tamil speaking people. It does not take genius to comprehend at a fragile time as this where an agenda for reconciliation needs to be worked out without fuelling extremism on either side of the ethnic divide, the adoption of such resolutions inevitably create tensions within the polity destroying any hope of lasting peace. Such actions which could radicalize the impressionable Tamil youth demonstrate only an extreme level of irresponsibility which seems to be an enduring characteristic of Tamil politics.
Also consider the conduct of the TNA as the main Opposition and Sampanthan as Leader of the Opposition. Being the main Opposition, the TNA must act as the shadow government and must challenge the government on issues of mismanagement, corruption, ill-thought of policies, etc. Yet, for the last one and half years, the only occasions the TNA had spoken out was to discuss Tamil grievances or as reported in several newspapers in April this year, to justify the cause of the LTTE. What this shows is that the TNA is still a regional party with a petty ethno-centric mentality unsuitable for national politics. Its conduct also shows that the TNA is simply not interested in winning over the people in the South or solutions acceptable to all stakeholders. Naturally, one would be suspicious of whatever that is proposed by such a political entity.
The stance of the TNA with regard to the war crimes probe further substantiates the point made above. Although it is said that such a probe will be conducted against both the LTTE and government troops, as the LTTE leadership was decimated in battle, it would be mostly the Sri Lankan military personnel who will be on the dock. So in effect, the call for this prosecution is actually a call for a prosecution against the members of the armed forces. On this issue too, the TNA is vociferous in its demand for an international(ized) tribunal, meaning a western dominated tribunal. The present government, at the risk of alienating the Sinhalese, has made many conciliatory gestures towards the TNA, but still they insist on demanding the very things that may engulf Sri Lanka in another protracted conflict. The TNA of course knows very well that should the government embark on an international(ized) war crimes tribunal it could trigger a knee-jerk reaction in the South, which could, in the worst case scenario, take a violent form. The same goes for constitutional reforms based on federalism.
Signs of discontent
Because of the exclusion of the interests of the Sinhalese from the reconciliation and transitional justice dialogue which is catered exclusively to satiate Tamils, there are already signs of discontent among the Sinhalese. The government does not seem to comprehend that, as S.L. Gunasekara used to say, 'no single ethnic community has a monopoly over grievances.' Even the Sinhalese have problems, insecurities and aspirations which must be recognized and included in the reconciliation dialogue. Today, even the moderate Sinhalese are becoming more vocal and aggressive. Due to the marginalization of the Sinhalese the UNP-led administration's Sinhalese support base is dwindling whilst even President Sirisena's popularity among the Sinhalese is plummeting. Presently the Sinhalese feel threatened and marginalized due to the conduct of the current administration.
Because of the exclusion of the interests of the Sinhalese from the reconciliation and transitional justice dialogue which is catered exclusively to satiate Tamils, there are already signs of discontent among the Sinhalese. The government does not seem to comprehend that, as S.L. Gunasekara used to say, 'no single ethnic community has a monopoly over grievances.' Even the Sinhalese have problems, insecurities and aspirations which must be recognized and included in the reconciliation dialogue. Today, even the moderate Sinhalese are becoming more vocal and aggressive. Due to the marginalization of the Sinhalese the UNP-led administration's Sinhalese support base is dwindling whilst even President Sirisena's popularity among the Sinhalese is plummeting. Presently the Sinhalese feel threatened and marginalized due to the conduct of the current administration.
The ham-handed manner in which the present government suppresses the Sinhalese by labelling those who raise concerns as 'racists', 'traitors', and 'extremists', may work as a short-term strategy to silence and shame those elements, but the long- term viability of such strategy is suspect, especially if Sinhalese nationalism finds itself within a viable organizational structure. Although there is no such movement yet to represent the Sinhalese interests, if some such movement comes into existence the Sinhalese will undoubtedly rally around it. There is no telling that that movement will not represent a radical Sinhalese nationalism, which could create problems for reconciliation efforts.
In this context, the statements and actions of the TNA are only making matters worse as they could unnecessarily provoke the Sinhalese. The TNA does not act in the manner one would expect a responsible peace partner to conduct itself. However, although the TNA probably knows that their actions would defeat any hopes for reconciliation, why would they still insist on the very things that are bound to create more rifts and lead to further polarization on ethnic lines?
In this context, the statements and actions of the TNA are only making matters worse as they could unnecessarily provoke the Sinhalese. The TNA does not act in the manner one would expect a responsible peace partner to conduct itself. However, although the TNA probably knows that their actions would defeat any hopes for reconciliation, why would they still insist on the very things that are bound to create more rifts and lead to further polarization on ethnic lines?
One could make an educated guess and say that the answer may lie in the genetic makeup of the TNA. The political survival of the TNA depends solely on perpetuation of ethno-based conflicts, as is the case with many ethno-centric political parties. If there would be a resolution of conflict the TNA would be a political irrelevancy in the North and East as the one battle cry that ensures the survival of Tamil politics, the vilification of the Sinhalese and the government, would then ring hollow. So, despite the many claims of the TNA that its interest is the best interest of the Tamils, one would be a little hesitant to accept this. The TNA, just like the LTTE, has never displayed much interest in the welfare of the Tamils to begin with. Even when Tamils in Jaffna were complaining of a dearth of drinking water, the Tamil political leadership was only talking about traditional homelands, federalism and prosecuting alleged war crimes. The TNA is, in fact, reminiscent of the elitist vellahla casteism which propagated the exploitation of the down trodden and poor Tamils by using them as a tool to promote its own myopic agendas.
The TNA, seen through the prism of its ethno-centricity and myopia, makes it evident that they are ill-equipped to be a constructive partner to negotiate reconciliation in Sri Lanka. In fact, the TNA is the anti-thesis of such a partner. With the TNA on the other side of the negotiating table all talks of reconciliation are doomed from the beginning. Unless the TNA goes through a process of ideological reformation, one could expect the reconciliation baby to be still-born, and this time around too, the Sinhalese and the government will be blamed for the failure to usher in reconciliation since evasion of responsibility has been a constant trait of the Tamil political leadership that filled the heads of thousands of Tamil youth with dreams of a separate Tamil State and sent them to an unnecessary and inevitable death, whilst offering their own offspring a far better life in Colombo and abroad.
