Between fear and hope
If we go by orthodox Marxist analysis we may classify the political stage we are going through as a Kerenskyan period. In Russia when the Czarist regime was overthrown in 1917 February there was a dual power situation. On one side imperial state was trying to survive by reforms, headed by liberal bourgeoisie; on the other hand masses were demanding full freedom and democracy; and they were represented by people’s assemblies formed throughout the country. Kerensky was the most important liberal leader who tried to secure parliamentary democracy by integrating the leadership of the mass assemblies with the reformed state structure.
In addition to such national movements there were local and regional mass organizations that participated in this anti dictatorship, democratic struggle. In many areas people faced deadly threats and came out to show protest and to organize demonstrations. Every attack by the fascistic thugs was countered by a stronger mobilization that repelled the intimidators. Oppositional presidential candidate was organized and protected by secret ways and means. The oppositional candidate, Maithree emerged and said he came out to face a deadly enemy.
Dr Vickramabahu Karunarathne-Wednesday, July 1, 2015
If we go by orthodox Marxist analysis we may classify the political stage we are going through as a Kerenskyan period. In Russia when the Czarist regime was overthrown in 1917 February there was a dual power situation. On one side imperial state was trying to survive by reforms, headed by liberal bourgeoisie; on the other hand masses were demanding full freedom and democracy; and they were represented by people’s assemblies formed throughout the country. Kerensky was the most important liberal leader who tried to secure parliamentary democracy by integrating the leadership of the mass assemblies with the reformed state structure.
He was a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and was elected vice-chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, and simultaneously became the first Minister of Justice in the newly formed Provisional government. When the Soviet passed a resolution prohibiting its leaders from joining the government, Kerensky delivered a stirring speech at a Soviet meeting. Although the decision was never formalized, he was granted a de facto exemption and continued acting in both capacities. Thus he personally took steps to bridge the gap between the state and the soviet system of workers and peasants assemblies.
Different situation
Obviously, the situation here in Lanka today is very different, as we are living in 20th century in a country that has over 50 years of history in parliamentary politics. However we have almost lost that democracy and we were fighting against a regime as dictatorial and reactionary as the Czarist regime! Also we managed to over throw that reactionary dictatorship, not just by ballots, but also with a mass uprising spread throughout the country. Do not ask for the soviets; but mass organizations such as Movement for Social Justice, Samagi Balaya and Vipakshaye Virodhaya, Janatha Handa , Vidiye Virodhaya, Anti corruption front, People’s National Council, People’s Democratic Council , People’s Voice, National Trade Union Centre, and many others mobilized masses all over the country including Tamil homeland area.
In addition to such national movements there were local and regional mass organizations that participated in this anti dictatorship, democratic struggle. In many areas people faced deadly threats and came out to show protest and to organize demonstrations. Every attack by the fascistic thugs was countered by a stronger mobilization that repelled the intimidators. Oppositional presidential candidate was organized and protected by secret ways and means. The oppositional candidate, Maithree emerged and said he came out to face a deadly enemy.
Unlike in Russia instead of one person we got a combination to lead the struggle for liberal democracy in the form of the duo Maithri and Ranil. Will they continue to lead the struggle for democracy? Will these leaders continue the struggle wining the confidence of the people? That has become a serious problem, with the emerging emerging problem in the political spectrum. Masses expect a radical solution; but they are still bound by the struggle that created the January 8 victory.
Russia’s story
In Russia, Kerensky was pushed by the radical masses to carry out radical changes. Furthermore, Kerensky adopted a policy that isolated the right-wing conservatives, both republican and monarchist-oriented. In order to appease the masses who are dissatisfied he claimed he has no leftist enemies. But there were very strong agitations by workers and soldiers leading to a demonstration in July that was mercilessly suppressed. Mass discontent following the July Days increased many fold.
The Russian populace grew highly skeptical of Kerensky Government's abilities to alleviate the economic distress and social resentment among the lower classes. In this situation Kerensky appointed Kornilov, commander-in-chief of the Russian army in July 1917. Kornilov considered that the Petrograd Soviet responsible for the breakdown in the military and commanded an assault on the Petrograd Soviet. However because the Petrograd Soviet was able to quickly gather a powerful army of workers and soldiers in defense of the Revolution, Kornilov's coup was an abysmal failure and he was placed under arrest. This later led to the October revolution.
Local situation
In our situation here, we did not encounter any July days yet nor do we see any Kornilov. Instead the fascistic ruler we deposed is haunting the political arena backed by some section of the SLFP led alliance. Of course the ‘revolutionary council’, National executive council, is no more and elections are declared for the Parliament. Still all mass organizations participated in the January revolution are live and active. Mahinda is preparing a come back through the parliamentary elections. His supporters believe that he could become the Prime Minister if supported by the powerful fascistic section of the SLFP. They have resources and trained uncompromising men. MNCs that backed corrupt mega projects, investigated for corruption and suitability, are behind the latent Mahinda regime. They are determined to fight back.
So, we are not going to face a Kornilov, as we have not gone through the JULY days! We are facing the second coming of the deposed Czar, Mahinda backed by fascistic movement ready to kill even liberalism. We have to address the leaders of January revolution as to what their preparations for the coming second encounter with the same but regenerated enemy. We are told by Marxist teachers, particularly Trotsky, that liberals are unable to carry out the democratic revolution in a country like ours because there is no radical social base to support the liberal leadership.
The only social power that could do the job is the proletariat. In addition, the masses of oppressed nationalities, nearly 30% of the population, are irreconcilable enemies of the Mahinda movement. But unfortunately Lankan proletariat is largely divided between opportunist and sectarians. We have to overcome all these set backs and prepare the people for the coming struggle and move towards victory.
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