Where Is Plan “B”?
Lal Keerthie Fernando
Is Sri Lanka at the cross roads? Certainly not.
It doesn’t seem to be if one were to read the correct newspapers outlining government/state development activities. Majority do not have the time to read all the newspapers or click in relevant portals encompassing development. Development does not mean infrastructural projects alone. Social welfare projects and disbursements of funds for furtherance is enormous and untold, unknown. Last year, the Indian government published all its activities, investments and related parameter, enveloping their work in SL. This was done on their national day celebrations. Resorting to press releases alone is not enough but detailing out its work, challenges the minds of a nation with 94% literacy rates.
Multi-lateral and Bi-lateral aid programmes and any other if brought to the notice of people, we might find that work has been going on, except delays in pursuing justice for final indictments of culprits. Laws and its administration cannot be rushed; the delays in such cannot be related to delays in development as well. If we remember the famous Military coup in 60s: I was a schoolboy. It took five years; three good officers died in jail while two had serious impact on their marriages. People were patient, reading court proceedings in explicit detail, without comment or lament. Newspapers published what was recorded in courts. It was a time with hardly any development.
If we are at the cross roads, then we are defunct of Plan “B”. With the newly acquired media freedom, digital and the web rolling out, SL’s exit to plan B is seriously showing path finders to anarchism, where admission of the old idealogy, a matter of the past. Guidance needed to proceed for plan B not forthcoming from the national media in particular, is frightening. This has been the scenario since 1948; our independence, an achievement we acquired to rob each other until such time media was not free. With new freedom, the politician and bureaucrats now begin to be shown and known for their talents: corruption, nepotism and unqualified, remains as a genuine statement. Media points a finger at them: Have others pointed a finger at the media for the same? Or is the kettle calling the pot black? Where is plan B ?
Being unable to show a lead in politics, permits one to accept that the national media too has burnt it`s fingers? Courts and pristine sovereignty of the “Bench” and its judgements, has turned out be a debatable matter; the “Sil Redi” case is an example; “kangaroo courts”, now a fact. Such practice reflects contempt of court, was never seen or read before, does indicate lack of plan B. These procedures, nevertheless showing sentiments for degrading status of the Executive and Legislature is more open than before. If the Judiciary and legal fraternity were to remain as SL’s last resort to infinity in good governance, it cannot be seen what is taking place now as remedy, to what SL had prior to 2015.
So…, what is plan “B”? Devolution. This an an alternative which is being fought out in print, digital, to the confusement of average reader. It does not come from the media but the media itself outsourcing to others.
Devolution will only be a success if the Provinces are given the legal statutes and backing for that media; provincial media in print form, until such time digital technology, Wifi & Broadband, becomes more accessible and a reality. Devolution and the role to be played by the provincial University in guidance and knowledge via the local media will have to remain a factor which cannot be ignored. It can even promote the validity of learning relevant, and confined to provincial needs.
Devolution will come to remain an impossibility in furtherance in upliftment of the individual in participatory democracy at the district/province level, if the media at the provincial level not being a fact; not there at all. If not, we will come to remain with Plan A only / at the cross roads and national media. That is disastrous.
Although, 13A have done its basics, since 1987, in fact, local government rule existed even during SL’s own Sinhala Royalty times. However, there has not been a mechanism to sustain a coherence in efforts for interacting and disseminating ideas of people; even collectively, in addressing issues as years went by and in particular, in modern times.
