Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, May 31, 2019

Fear haunts refugees in Sri Lanka in wake of attacks


UNHCR is working closely with authorities to find solutions for around 1,000 refugees forced to leave their homes after the April 21 bombings.

Refugees and asylum seekers live in temporary accommodation at the Amadiyya community centre in Pasyala, Sri Lanka. © UNHCR/Caroline Gluck

By Caroline Gluck in Negombo, Sri Lanka  |  30 May 2019

UNHCR logoThirteen-year-old Bariea, a Pakistani asylum seeker in Sri Lanka, is taking shelter at a mosque in the city of Negombo, where an uneasy mix of high anxiety and extreme boredom hover over the room.


“We just have a few small bags, mostly clothes,” said Bariea. “We thought we would only be here for a few days. But now it’s been weeks.”

“We want to leave. We don’t feel safe. Pakistan wasn’t safe either .... I know many people were killed and injured. But it was not our fault.”

Around 1,000 refugees and asylum seekers like Bariea, most from Pakistan, some from Afghanistan, have sought shelter in mosques and police stations in Negombo and Pasyala, near the capital Colombo, for the past month.
“We thought we would only be here for a few days. But now it’s been weeks.”
While many from the local community stepped in to try and help, they were driven out of their rented homes by others who accused them of being connected to bomb attacks on churches and hotels around the country on April 21 that killed 250 people and injured many more.

As they shelter in the city, which was the site of one of the church attacks, UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is working closely with Sri Lankan authorities to find more suitable, temporary places to move the families so they can live in dignity and safety during this difficult time. But in the climate of fear following the attacks, it has not been easy.

Some of the people displaced from their homes in Negombo have already moved to safer areas. More will be relocated in the coming days.

The Amadiyya community centre in Pasyala hosts refugees and asylum seekers forced to leave their homes since the April 21 attacks in Sri Lanka.
The Amadiyya community centre in Pasyala hosts refugees and asylum seekers forced to leave their homes since the April 21 attacks in Sri Lanka.  © UNHCR/Caroline Gluck
Afghan families in temporary accommodation at the police station in Negombo, Sri Lanka.
Afghan families in temporary accommodation at the police station in Negombo, Sri Lanka. © UNHCR/Caroline Gluck

Family’s like Bariea’s, who sought safety in Sri Lanka after fleeing violence, persecution, and extremism in their own countries, say they were made scapegoats. Bariea has not only had to leave her home with her family to shelter in the crowded mosque but, with her two brothers, forced to drop out of class.

“I really miss school; I worry about getting behind in class. Education is my future. I don’t think I can go to school now,” she says.

Her mother, Sehrish, 34, has many other worries. Her children have all been sick with coughs and fevers, and she is six months’ pregnant, like several women in the mosque and she is unable to sleep properly in the confined space.

She said she was grateful for the help they have received from UNHCR, its partners and local Sri Lankan groups, but also worried about what will happen next. “We are getting assistance but we cannot live here for much longer,” she says.
“People have been generous. Some groups have come and provided us with food and clothes.”
UNHCR’s head of office in Sri Lanka, Menique Amarasinghe, said: “Our top priority is to make sure these people are safe and well-protected, and to ensure they can access basic services.

“We’ve been extremely grateful to the Sri Lankan government who have acknowledged their responsibility to care for these people and havie been doing everything they can in really very difficult circumstances.”

UNHCR has reinforced its staffing in Sri Lanka to respond to the emergency. It is working with the authorities and partner agencies to provide food, medicine, hygiene material, water and sanitation, and other basic support to refugees and asylum-seekers.

A short drive away from the Amadiyya mosque, around 100 Pakistanis and Afghans are sheltering in the semi open-air car park at Negombo’s police station. The police have provided security and assistance, but facilities are inadequate, with just a handful of toilets shared by the police and new arrivals. It is so hot, that most people have broken out in skin rashes and their arms and legs covered in infected mosquito bites.

While some in the local community reacted in anger after the attacks, other Sri Lankans have rallied round the refugees and asylum seekers who they counted as neighbours.

Sri Lanka. Reprisals displace Muslim refugees and asylum seekers
Afghan mother Anisa and family shelter with over 100 other refugees and asylum seekers at the police station in Negombo, Sri Lanka.   © UNHCR/Caroline Gluck

“People have been generous. Some groups have come and provided us with food and clothes. Sri Lankan people have helped us,” said Anisa, an ethnic Hazara from Afghanistan, nursing her six month old daughter.

She has lived in Sri Lanka for four years and says people were friendly – but the attacks changed everything. “The owner of our house told us we could stay, but the neighbours said no. He said he wouldn’t be able to protect us, so we came here, a safe place.”

Her niece, a confident English-speaker, 12-year-old Sadaf, chimes in.

“After the blast, people blamed us and hated us. It made us really upset.”

Sadaf used to study at a school supported by UNHCR. But right now she cannot go back to class. “I learnt lots of things. I need school for a better future and now I can’t go … it makes me sad. I think I won’t have a good future. Children like me are worried.”

Sri Lanka-SCO partnership: The relevance a decade after the conflict

The lesson to be learnt a decade later is that while terrorism can be quelled, as proved by Sri Lanka in 2009, extremism is much harder to fight – Pic by Chamila Karunarathne 
logoThursday, 30 May 2019 


In 2009 Sri Lanka defeated terrorism on its soil, ending the terrorist conflict that claimed thousands of lives, destroyed the Sri Lankan economy and set the country back by several decades. In the same year the country entered into partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which was a milestone for the grouping as it welcomed its first Dialogue Partner.

For Sri Lanka, having ended a ruthless conflict, it was an opportunity to share the experience and enhance cooperation with a vital region of the world. A decade later an assessment of this relationship indicates the vast potential, untapped areas and hitherto unexplored prospects, for both the SCO and Sri Lanka, especially in the wake of the Easter Sunday attacks and the rise of extremism on the island. It questions the original rationale for gaining partnership and denotes the inherent need for strategising foreign policy, on the part of Sri Lanka, if the relationship is to be strengthened and a mutually-beneficial bond nurtured.

When the Council of Heads of State met in Yekaterinburg in June 2009, it was to implement a decision taken the year before, wherein the SCO was creating Dialogue Partner status for ‘a state or an organisation (that) shares the goals and principles of the SCO and wishes to establish relations of equal mutually beneficial partnership with the Organisation’ and to accord such status ‘to a state or an organisation who cooperates with the SCO in specific areas of activity envisaged by the Charter and other treaty documents in the framework of the Organisation.’

Pursuant to the signing of the Memorandum granting Sri Lanka Dialogue Partner status in May 2010, Russia observed that its implementation would lead to a strengthening of international connectivity and expand spheres of interaction between the SCO member states and Sri Lanka. This, Russia believed, would be mainly in the areas of ‘ensuring security and stability, combating terrorism and developing economic, trade and investment cooperation.’

A founder member of the Organisation, with whom bilateral ties have grown since such connectivity was embarked upon in 1957, Russia has remained an unwavering ally of Sri Lanka. The degree of cordiality, even during the Cold War and thereafter, is evidence of the strength of the foundation, and bodes well for the decades ahead.

China has consistently called for ‘upholding the ‘Shanghai Spirit’ of mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, consultation, respect for cultural diversity and pursuit of common development, in a bid to build a community of shared destiny in the region’. President Xi Jinping highlighted the relevance of the ‘Shanghai Spirit’ as “a guide to safeguard international fairness and justice, advocate multilateralism and the ideal of opening, respect each other’s interests, oppose interference in other countries’ internal affairs, solve disputes through peaceful means, and boost common development with the win-win ideal.”

Collaboration through other mechanisms including the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as well as direct economic partnerships have seen the building of a relationship based on history, but one that is directly relatable to the Rubber-Rice Pact of 1952 and the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1957.

Although Russia and China remain the key guiders of the SCO, the role played by the four Central Asian countries, notably Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan cannot be discounted. Identified as critical for the achievement of the Asian Century, these four countries have experienced improving economies and thereby growing prosperity. The inclusion of India and Pakistan as the newest Members in 2017 reinvigorated the SCO, as its geography, population, economic potential and overall power grew in leaps and bounds, making it the largest regional organisation.

Although disturbing activities, in early 2019, raised the propensity for doubt to rise over the decision of including these two countries, it is in the long term, that the fruit of such action would be truly understood. The need for all members to engage in joint all-SCO military exercises, partake in military cooperation, as well as share intelligence, would, in hindsight be a realisation of the sentiments expressed by President Xi at the Summit in Ufa in 2015. He called for members “to increase the action ability, create a strong security wall in the region”. The espousal of collective action included Xi’s emphasis on members being “more proactive in political contacts and coordination, work out response measures and together defend the security as well as stability in all member states of our organisation.”

Though apparent that collective action would bode well for SCO members, it is the impact that such action would have elsewhere, that is significant. India and Pakistan, as members of the SCO, would be called upon to engage at varied levels and on numerous occasions. Given that all member states must uphold the core principle of non-aggression and non-interference in internal affairs, in addition to conformity to the origin objective of creating a confidence-building forum to demilitarise borders, India and Pakistan would recognise the potential for themselves, of working together, for the realisation of the Asian Century in the long term, and the need to counter terror in all its forms in the immediate to medium term. The results would be seen in their bilateral interactions and equally importantly in the South Asian region, in a decade and a half.

Whilst countering terrorism, extremism and separatism within its region became the raison d’ĂȘtre of the SCO, it didn’t limit itself to these three ‘evils’ but explored economic connectivity and the promise of closer cooperation to enhance trade and prosperity among its member states.

In 2015, Sri Lanka sought to upgrade the relationship to Observer Status, during the presidency of the Russian Federation, at the High Level Conference on ‘Security and Stability in the Region of SCO’ in Moscow. Noting the new security challenges, including ‘illegal migration, human trafficking, drug trafficking, trans-national organised crime and cyber-terrorism,’ all of which constitute serious threats to regional and global security, Sri Lanka highlighted the efforts being taken to combat this menace, as the representative informed the gathering of how the island was being used by drug syndicates as a destination as well as a transit point.  A call that was made then, that remains relevant to date is the need for cooperation with SCO member states to overcome and thwart such attempts.

In January 2017, it was reported that the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) and the defence establishment ‘will in the near future finish the preparation of the legal base for cooperation’. Auguring well for the future, it needs to be operationalised through a process of institutionalisation through which accredited legal departments, specific arms of the military and law enforcement agencies would commence activities of cooperation, on basis of priority and with much urgency.

A decade after Sri Lanka became a Dialogue Partner it is prudent to reflect upon that which has been, and comprehend the diverse, in-depth role that the country can play in and through the SCO. It must be a decision within the foreign policy establishment to enhance relations with the SCO, specifically in areas of countering terrorism, extremism, drug smuggling and transnational organised crime. The role that the Foreign Ministry could play in bridging the divide between and among law enforcement agencies and the military of Sri Lanka, with those of the SCO member states would augur well to consolidate a strong and timely deterrent to those engaging in such illegal activities, and more importantly improve standards at the national level. The mutual benefit that could be accrued to Sri Lanka remains vast.

The Easter Sunday attacks saw the island gripped once again with violence and mayhem, as extremists resorted to the usage of the most blatant form of terrorism – suicide bombers. They claimed 253 lives, attempted to destroy revered shrines and dealt a blow to the tourism industry. Three weeks later other extremist elements resorted to rioting in parts of the island, in a bid to gain political mileage. These are unfortunate occurrences on such a significant anniversary, as the programmes of reconciliation had begun to bear fruit, the communities on the island were looking ahead and the characteristics of democracy were clearly evident.

Yet the lesson to be learnt a decade later is that while terrorism can be quelled, as proved by Sri Lanka in 2009, extremism is much harder to fight, owing to the ingrained nature of this phenomenon which results in the radicalisation of individuals over and beyond the dogma of religious belief. Amidst the pain, anguish and fear that grips society at large, Sri Lanka stands at a cross road where a concerted effort would need to be made to abandon the far right. These attacks will enter the annals of history not just on the island but across the international domain as a day on which extremist elements used terror to wreak havoc, bring death to hundreds, injure hundreds more and instil a fear psychosis in society that will be felt for a considerable period of time.

The impact is manifold. While the grief stricken mourn those whose lives were ruthlessly sacrificed, the injured face the daunting task of recovery and moving on with life amidst recollections of that bloody day, and society at large copes with the stress and strain, it is the divisions caused that would be the hardest to heal.

The military’s success in curbing further attacks, identifying networks and rapid counter action proves, once again, its ability and capacity. It is at this juncture that Sri Lanka should be focused on building an image based on counter terrorism expertise that may be shared within the region and beyond. With the natural terrain within the country, the troops having first-hand experience in battling terrorism, the military hierarchy possessing the expertise of thwarting terror in all its forms and manifestations, contribute to a collective process wherein Sri Lanka has much to offer. The ideal platform for such an exercise is the SCO.

Although still a Dialogue Partner, Sri Lanka does possess the ability to play a greater role of engagement than it does at present. A precedent was set in 2017 when Turkey another Dialogue Partner, was unanimously elected to preside over the SCO Energy Club, after a proposal was made to permit all members having varied degrees of partnership to chair the Club for a year.  While Sri Lanka is also a member of the Energy Club and would, in due course, be able to preside over its deliberations, it is noteworthy that initiative could be taken in proposing similar arrangements in the fields of increased military and counter-terrorism cooperation, and intelligence sharing.

If the main rationale for including Dialogue Partners is to be realised wherein an ‘equal mutually beneficial partnership’ is built and cooperation engaged upon by such countries and the ‘SCO in specific areas of activity’, it is important that Dialogue Partners, particularly Sri Lanka, avail the opportunity of not only contributing towards the sustenance of the SCO but also comprehend the unique platform the SCO provides.

Validating the partnership must not be a process left to the SCO to embark upon solely, but one that is enthusiastically sought by Sri Lanka. In strategising Foreign Policy for the next decade, it is the understanding of the importance of the Sri Lanka – SCO partnership that requires immediate attention. While the goal should be the attainment of full membership and the prospect of closer cooperation in the future, it is to the present that Sri Lanka must look in emphasising the contribution that she can make to the SCO.

The SCO has emerged as a powerful entity within less than two decades since its formation in 2001. Starting off as the Shanghai Five in 1996, including Kazakhstan in 2001, and then India and Pakistan in 2017, it has evolved into a force that is yet to exercise its muscle but one which possesses immense potential on the world stage, and an entity to which Sri Lanka can contribute and from which the country could gain in the years ahead, This would be possible only if foreign policy was strategised to include the SCO as an integral organisation and not one in which Sri Lanka maintains token partnership.

On Becoming Muslim Buddha’s (Enlightened, Knowers)

Soraya M. Deen
logoOne of the greatest challenges facing Sri Lankans today is how to manage and curb the increased hostilities between Muslims and the majority Buddhists. While tensions between the two communities has been a perennial issue facing the country, it is now rising in epic proportions. Since the Easter attacks of April 23rd, 2019, this tension has widened and deepened, and now at a grave threshold of being manipulated as a political tool. 
It is going to be a difficult but a necessary and crucial task to take deliberate steps to build trust, strengthen understanding and sustain solidarity. The collaborative work done so far by the majority in the two communities must be escalated and be highlighted. Moderate, progressive, secular Sri Lankan Muslims have a crucial role to play in facing this problem head on while promoting a real and honest dialogue—free of political correctness and comforting lies—about the true nature of Radical Islamism.
Marwaan Macan Markar in the Asian Review of April 24th states that, “Sri Lanka’s radicalized Muslims have long ties to the Islamic State and early signs were that Sri Lankan Muslims were being recruited into IS since 2014. According to reports at least 32 Sri Lankan Muslims have joined IS.
It’s real, let’s wake up….
In the past two years I spent months working and travelling across the Island. I met women from across the country. Of grave concern to me was the lack of heart centered communication, connection, and collaboration among majority Buddhists and the minority Muslims. It was at an all-time low. The Muslim communities were recovering from a series of racist and religious attacks that targeted them whilst some of the majority Buddhists were seeking to establish power. 
What was evident was that some Sinhala Buddhist nationalists were exploiting global trends in blaming and shaming Muslims for all terror. Today sadly they will find legitimacy in their claims. A small fraction of relatively uneducated, zealous religionists Muslims, were retreating into shells of social isolation. They were choosing religious identity over national identity, and found partial solace in the task of purifying Islam. This small group of Islamists reflected the splintering of the Muslim community. It was becoming clear that we were slowly becoming our own enemies.
My family was one of the first causalities. We had conversations we never had growing up. We engaged in severe debate and dispute over the practice of Islam, and the need to revive Islam and its glorious past. A majority of my cousins were now wearing the burqa and hijab and wanted me to do so as well. On many occasions they would carry a shawl in their hand bags in case I changed my mind. Often they questioned my allegiance to the faith and traditions.
Sri Lankan Muslims and moderate Muslims all over the world are experiencing a crisis in faith. There are no counter-Islamism movements focusing on the threat of the puritan version of Islam. I questioned the rapid disintegration of the Muslim communities, particularly the Muslim women from the mainstream in Sri Lanka, and the enforcement of the veil, niqab and the burqa. The Hijab I felt was becoming a symbol of Islam. I paid a heavy price for speaking out. Photo shopped photographs of me and my 15 year old daughter in sleeveless attire were circulated through WhatsApp. My brother forwarded posts that referred to me as an infidel and Zionist American. They claimed a severe punishment awaits me. I thought that the tentacles of Islamism and Islamists seemed to have a well secured home in Sri Lanka.  
IS links to the mass scale tragedy that took the lives of over 260 people on Easter Sunday is now confirmed. The fact that all the suicide bombers were Muslims, opens a whole new can of worms, new levels of accountability, new levels of retrospection for the now fractured Muslim communities in Sri Lanka as well as Muslims globally.
Let’s make no mistake that the new threat of terrorism in Lanka stems from Islamism and Islamists who want to promote a political ideology. They truly believe that Islam should govern the whole world. They believe and borrow verses from the scripture and the Hadiths of the prophet, and reinterpret them to gain legitimacy for their political goals and those of salvation. Even though there is no consensus between the Islamic texts, the scholars and the practices, a dangerous trend has emerged to solve all social, political and economic issues with Sunnah, Sharia and the scripture.
Which end of the triangle are you?
A triangle is a polygon with three edges and three vertices. It is one of the basic shapes in geometry. Triangles play a very important role in the areas of mathematics.
An Egyptian Muslim scholar talking about extremism likened the Muslim communities predicament to a Triangle
“One edge of the triangle he says is the Muslims glorious past.
Muslims claim this path to be one of perfection and absolute bliss.
Yes, the path was good but it had its fair share of positives and negatives.
The second edge of the triangle he says is the belief held by most Muslims, that the glorious past must be restored. The golden age, when people walked like the prophet in long beards with winged angels. Most, a vast majority of Muslims belong here. Even my dear cousins, totally nonviolent, but who have started to wear the burka fall into this category. 
The third edge of the that black triangle he explains is the belief held by some Muslims, that this past must be restored even if it requires the use of violence, coercion, cruelty, brutality, bombs or  swords. 
We Muslims can get rid of this triangle only when we accept that there is no need to restore that past. It is gone. We must live our lives in our times and in our world, according to our renewed understanding of religion.
He concludes by saying, – ISIS and Al Qaeda will never go.”
Robin Simcox, a Margaret Thatcher Fellow specializing in terrorism and national security analysis, in his article on IS- “The Threat of Islamist Terrorism in Europe” observes as follows – “The potency of these groups is enhanced by their ongoing ability to inspire small cells of radicalized supporters living in the West to carry out attacks on their behalf. The vast majority of plots in the West emanate from such supporters, who have claimed affiliation with a terrorist group without ever having traveled to popular safe havens.”
Emergency first aid ….
Even though no studies have been done vis-a-vis about how Sri Lankans view the Sri Lankan Muslims before and after the tragic event of Easter Sunday, a compelling research shows how American view American Muslims after 9/11. A study done by the Pew Research Center on Muslims and Islam found that 49 percent of Americans find U.S. Muslims anti-American. About a quarter say there is a fair amount of support (24 percent) for extremism among U.S. Muslims; and 11 percent say there is a great deal of support.

Read More


  • INGO calculates colossal damage 

  • Govt. struggling  to figure out the losses

Violence inflamed by racism and extremism make the individual and the society as a whole incur heavy costs. Despite Sri Lanka, having learned through unpleasant experiences relating to inter-community violence since at least the late 19th century, the country is still witnessing increasing ethno-religious tensions.  Ethnic riots in Sri Lanka have resulted in tangible costs to the country with regard to medical and mental health care expenses, lost productivity, property damage of victims and in intangible costs because of reduced quality of life, pain, and suffering of the affected communities. Marking another black day in the history of Sri Lanka, the organised mob attacks were reported in Kurunegala and Gampaha districts on May 13 in a brutal retaliation over the alleged involvement of the ISIS terrorists and a group of local extremist Muslims in the Easter Sunday attacks. 

Flashback to the 2018 Kandy riots

30 May 2019
For the Sri Lankan Muslim community – less than 10% of the population – this isn’t the first time they have had to deal with such a hostile backlash.  In March last year, the ugly head of racism rose its head in the sacred city of Kandy following a death of a 41-year-old father of two, who succumbed to head injuries sustained during an assault. 
Since the two parties involved in the incident were from two different communities – Buddhists and Muslims- subsequently, the incident turned into a widespread communal clash. Reprisal attacks, which triggered off on March 5, set Digana and Teldeniya ablaze and continued in several other areas in Kandy. Dozens of shops were burnt down and a number of houses and religious places was vandalized causing colossal damage.
Following the attack, four Ministries - the Ministry of Buddha Sasana, Ministry of Posts and Muslim Religious Affairs, Ministry of Rehabilitation and Resettlement and the ministry of Disaster Management -- were involved in the payment of compensation towards damages caused during the unrest in Kandy. This was in keeping with a decision made by the Government on the instructions of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. The Premier had directed that all properties damaged should be fully rehabilitated within four months.
Even after one year and two months the compensation process hasn’t been completed. Refer to info-graphic01 which underscores how the Government’s compensation process for damages of the 2018 Kandy riots have been carried out so far.

Graphic 01

 

Minuwangoda

The Divisional Secretary of Minuwangoda Lakmini Kulathilake told the Daily Mirror that the first phase of data gathering in Minuwangoda area was complete. Application forms for the victims have been distributed by the DS office to access the losses incurred to their own shops and houses. As the next step, officers of the DS office would make field visits to the areas and finalise the assessments to be forwarded for the compensation process.  
Info-graphic  02 shows data collected by the Divisional Secretariat of the Minuwangoda over the damages reported in the Minuwangoda area.


Kurunegala District

The Kurunegala District Secretariat’s Office which is responsible to gather information on the damages reported in divisional secretariat divisions including Panduwasnuwara West, Nikkaraweratiya, Wariyapola, Bingiriya and Kuliyapitiya, which came under attack on May 13, has still not finished its data gathering process. Therefore, the DS/ Government Agent Gamini Ilangarathna was not willing to release the information gathered by them so far citing that the data is yet to be finalsed. 

Ethnic riots in Sri Lanka have resulted in tangible costs to the country 


The Daily Mirror,  is in the possession of the data regarding the damages reported in the entire Kurunegala district and collected by the Sri Lankan office of a UK based Islamic charity NGO -- Muslim Aid. Kurunegala DS Office, Government Valuation Department is also still in the process of estimating the damages to approve compensation process. Refer to info-graphic  03.

Graphic 03
Sri Lanka Police was not able to present detailed and updated data regarding the damages taken place on May 13 of the anti-Muslim attacks reported in Kurunegala and Gampaha districts. When asked, Police Spokesman SP Ruwan Gunasekara said he was not in possession of a detailed report of even the number of arrests made so far by the police over the recent anti-Muslim riots. 

When the Daily Mirror asked Police Spokesmen and Attorney-at-law Gunasekara regarding the legal actions that could be taken by the victims against the culprits of the organised mob attacks, he said the victims can opt for civil action in court, in which case the court decides on both the criminal aspects of the case and the civil aspects. If convicted, the defendants will be made to award compensation to the victims. Compensation of the victims will, however, only be granted if the procedural and substantive conditions for such compensation are fulfilled. 
Sociologist Prof. Siri Hettige opined that the continuation of such violence can be disastrous for a country that is beset with too many not so easily resolvable issues such as unprecedented political instability and uncertainty, massive indebtedness and challenges emanating from climate change. Further, he emphasised that policy reforms should be brought about in areas that have a direct bearing on the identity formation and inter-community relations including education, media, language and religion.

The man who might have stopped Sri Lanka's Easter bombings


Mohammad Razak Taslim's family
Fatima, Mohammad Razak Taslim's wife, shows a photo of her husband on her mobile phone

31 May 2019

When bombs planted in churches and hotels killed more than 200 people in Sri Lanka on Easter Sunday, few had realised that the nation had a problem with Islamist militancy. One man who did, reports the BBC's Secunder Kermani, was Mohammad Razak Taslim.

Lying on a hospital bed, Mohammad Razak Taslim's face contorts with pain. The left side of his body is completely paralysed, but he reaches out with his right hand, trying to clutch at his wife and brother-in-law who stand anxiously over him.

His wife, Fatima, presses a handkerchief to his head. One side of his skull has caved in. It's where he was shot in the head in March. Ever since, he's been unable to speak, unable to walk.

Police believe Taslim was one of the first victims of the Sri Lankan extremist network, linked to the Islamic State group, that would go on to kill more than 250 people in a series of suicide bombings on churches and hotels on Easter Sunday in April.

According to officials he was shot on the orders of the ringleader of the attacks, Zahran Hashim.

Mohammad Razak Taslim in hospital, with his wife
Presentational white spaceMonths before the bombings, Taslim, an earnest 37-year-old local politician from a Muslim-majority town in central Sri Lanka, had been at the forefront of efforts to investigate the extremists.
Taslim's story encapsulates both how the country's Muslim community actively tried to stop the emergence of radical elements in their midst, and how the authorities failed to recognise repeated warning signs ahead of the Easter attacks.

The town of Mawanella is just a few hours' drive east of the capital, Colombo. It's surrounded by a lush green landscape, and the area is dominated by Buddhist and Muslim communities.

Map of Sri Lanka
Presentational white space
In December last year, a number of Buddhist statues around the town were vandalised - an attempt, officials now believe, to inflame tensions and provoke communal rioting.

Taslim was a member of Mawanella's town council, and also worked as the co-ordinating secretary for a national cabinet minister.

I met his wife, three young children and extended family at their modest home in a village outside Mawanella. Coconuts crashed noisily onto the roof from the trees above as Fatima told me about her husband.

Quotebox: He always used to say people of different religions should live in unity"
Taslim often volunteered to help others in the community, she said. He had played a prominent role in organising support for residents affected by floods and landslides in previous years. So, when the Buddhist statues were desecrated, it was natural that he stepped up to help investigate.

"He always used to say people of different races and religions should live together in unity.

"He said, 'What they did is wrong, our religion does not condone such acts…. We need to catch those responsible.'"

Police made a number of arrests, but the chief suspects, brothers Sadiq and Shaheed Abdul-Haq, disappeared.

Find out more

The family networks behind the bombings
Children of the Easter Sunday carnage
What we know about the Easter bombings

The pair would be placed on a "Most Wanted" list after the Easter Sunday bombings and arrested.

Their alleged role in the attacks isn't clear and they are yet to go on trial, but investigators believe Sadiq Abdul-Haq may have travelled to Syria in 2014 and met figures linked to the Islamic State group.

I met one young man in a village close to Mawanella who had been part of the brothers' inner circle. He wanted to remain anonymous, but claimed they would preach that Sri Lanka "is the land of Allah, and no-one else can be worshipped... Non-Muslims have to convert or pay jizya (an Islamic tax)."

The brothers came from a deeply religious family, and their friend said they regularly talked about the obligations of jihad, both in a spiritual and a military

A soldier guards a mosque in Colombo in 2018, at the time of the Kandy riots
A soldier guards a mosque in Colombo in 2018, at the time of anti-Muslim riots in Kandy

A relative of the brothers, who was a leading figure in an Muslim student organisation they were all part of, told me he had regularly argued with them, telling them that "violent and aggressive behaviour is not accepted in Islam". In 2015 the organisation expelled both brothers.

Their relative said the men had been deeply affected by communal riots around the nearby city of Kandy in 2018, when Buddhist mobs targeted Muslim-owned businesses and residents.

Sadiq Abdul Haq allegedly said: "They are taking away our lives, our properties... We have to do something," the relative claimed.

After the Abdul-Haq brothers went on the run, Taslim was involved in efforts to track them down, and kept in touch with police investigating the case. At one point he walked with them deep into the jungle where it was thought the brothers were hiding.

In January detectives told him they had received new and startling information during the interrogation of some of those suspected of vandalising the Buddhist statues - a stash of explosives had been hidden in a remote piece of farmland about 100 miles away.

Taslim went with detectives to the site, a coconut grove in the north-west of the country. There police discovered nearly 100kg of explosives, detonators, tents and a camera.

The cache of explosives
Taslim's wife says when he returned home, he was worried. "There must be more explosives out there," he told her. "We must get together as a community, find those responsible and deal with them."

The volume of explosives found should have alerted the authorities to the danger of a jihadist attack. But while four people were arrested, in a country where the security forces had long focused on the dangers posed by ethnic Tamil separatists, it seems the possibility of Islamist violence wasn't regarded as a high priority.

It has now been revealed that the explosives found on the farmland are linked to some of those directly involved in the suicide bombings, including the ringleader, Zahran Hashim.

Hashim was a preacher from the east of Sri Lanka. He too had been flagged as an extremist long before the attacks.

Over the years, he had repeatedly fallen out with mainstream Muslim groups, both in his home town, and in other places he visited, including a village close to Mawanella.

He became well-known for uploading fiery videos on social media. In one, the background is an image from the 9/11 attacks.
Zahran Hashim
One of Zahran Hashim's videos

Hilmy Ahamed, the vice-president of Sri Lanka's Muslim Council, says he and other members of the council were shocked by the level of hate in the online sermons and raised concerns with the intelligence services.
But the authorities couldn't manage to track Hashim down and prosecute him. Ahamed admitted he "never dreamt" that Hashim would go on to "become a threat to the entire nation".
But we now know Hashim was plotting to carry out a deadly attack in Sri Lanka, and after the discovery of the explosives, it seems he was worried Taslim was getting in the way of his plans.
A senior Sri Lankan police source told me that one of Hashim's close associates confessed that Hashim ordered Taslim be killed for acting as an "informant".

Quotebox: I tried to wake him up, and I could smell gunpowder
In March, just over a month before the Easter attacks, a gunman quietly entered Taslim's house in the early hours of the morning. He was lying in bed, next to his wife, and his youngest son. The gunman shot him once in the head.

"At first I thought the phone charger had exploded, but I looked and it was fine," Taslim's wife told me. "Then I tried to wake him up, and I could smell gunpowder… I reached out to him and I realised he wasn't conscious. I thought he was dead."

Taslim was rushed to hospital. He survived the attack, but it's not clear if he will ever fully recover.
Sri Lanka's army commander, Lt Gen Mahesh Senanayake, is now playing a leading role in the investigation into the Easter Bombings. He told me it had been confirmed that the "same network" was also responsible for the desecration of the Buddhist statues, the explosives hidden in the coconut grove, and the shooting of Taslim.

He admitted that the previous incidents should have made the authorities more alert to the dangers of a jihadist attack. Instead, warnings by the Indian security services in the days and hours leading up the bombings weren't followed up, due to what the army commander referred to as problems with "intelligence sharing" between different departments.

Fatima, Mohammad Razak Taslim's wife
Fatima is proud of her husband's sacrifice

Taslim's family say, despite his injuries, he is able to understand what they say to him, and occasionally, to scribble responses. When he learned of the Easter attacks, his wife says he wrote her a message and began to cry, "I told you something like this could happen."

In the aftermath of the bombings there have been episodes of anti-Muslim rioting in Sri Lanka, with shops attacked and at least one person killed. Claims that the community is harbouring terrorists have angered many Muslims, especially in light of the repeated attempts to help police or raise concerns with the authorities.

Taslim's wife is proud of his sacrifice. "He would say to us, 'I've given you everything you need, so we should work on reaching paradise in the afterlife… We have to help those around us, that's what our religion teaches.'"

Avoiding essential reforms

 The country was in a crisis even before the Easter Sunday attacks. Now, in the aftermath of this attack, the situation has become worse – Pic by Shehan Gunasekara
logoFriday, 31 May 2019

Although the fire has been extinguished on the surface, the fire beneath the ashes is not doused yet. Though there are signs of extinguishing the surface fire, there appears to be no serious effort to douse the fire beneath the ashes.

What does the President expect to gain by releasing Gnanasara Thero at this juncture, using the prerogative of presidential pardon, who can be considered a major exponent in sowing the seeds of anti-Muslim sentiments? Though the real motive of this action in not clear, obviously it is a political decision.

It can be seen clearly that numerous rumours with the intention of creating fear and hatred against Muslims are being liberally disseminated in society. The recent story of a Muslim doctor alleged to have sterilised thousands of Sinhala Buddhist mothers during caesarean sections while delivering their first child has come to the forefront, giving a new dimension to the old story that the Muslims had been engaged in an organised, unscrupulous plan to make the Sinhalese nation sterile. Rumours play a significant role in keeping the embers underneath smouldering. It is also clear that most of the media are not only acting irresponsibly, but also playing a very destructive role in these instances.

There are some arrests made under Emergency law without reasonable grounds. Recently, a poor mother was reported to have been arrested for wearing a dress with a picture that apparently resembled the Dharma chakra – the wheel of dharma. It appears that the authorities had mistaken a picture of the helm of a ship as the Dharma chakra.

There was another incident reported from Ratnapura in which three students had been arrested and remanded for photographing Vesak decorations. Of them, two are Muslims and the other a Sinhalese. They are friends living in the same area. It was a Buddhist monk who had caught them and handed over to the Police while they were photographing Vesak decorations using their hand phones. Despite the fact that the Police was convinced of their innocence, they have been kept in remand as the Buddhist monk had threatened to set himself on fire in front of the Police station if the three boys were released.

The father of the Sinhalese youth who had been arrested by the Police on the instigation of this Buddhist monk is a surveyor. There had been a dispute between the surveyor and the Buddhist monk over a survey issue. Apparently there is a connection between this dispute and the handing of youths to the Police by the monk.

Mostly it is the Muslim students, both male and female, studying in Sinhalese schools who have become victims of mental stress. It is said that, almost all over, they have become innocent victims of ridicule and derision not only of fellow Sinhalese students, but also of some teachers as well. A similar situation can be seen operative in factories, workplaces and offices as well.
Groping in the dark 
The apparent disregard of political authorities for the massive damage caused to the wellbeing of society and the economy of the country by adverse incidents that have occurred from time to time can be considered the most dangerous thing that has happened.

Would it be adequate only to control violent conflicts when they occur in the form of an explosive outburst of a burning issue that has remained latent in the society for a long time? Would it be beneficial for the common good of the country to remain aloof in the face of frictions and tensions created as a result thereof?

This situation has invariably created mutual distrust between Muslims and non-Muslim people. Muslims living in the areas where the majority is Sinhalese and Sinhalese living in the areas where the majority is Muslims appear to be living in constant fear and suspicion. On 13 May, the residents of three Muslim villages in Anamaduwa area were reported to have spent the night in the jungle and not in their houses. Similarly, residents of a Sinhalese village surrounded by several Muslim villages in Kurunegala District had spent the night of 13 May sleepless. This situation is similar to the condition that prevailed in the border villages during the time when there was an internal civil war in the country.

The country was in a crisis even before the Easter Sunday attacks. Now, in the aftermath of this attack, the situation has become worse. The crisis has become more acute and complex. Though it is essential to prevent the outbursts of violence, that alone will not help resolve the crisis the country is facing. It is equally important and essential that the mental and psychological wounds caused by mutual distrust and violence are healed. The rulers of Sri Lanka are not used to adopting integrated approaches in exploring the causes of an issue when a complex problem crops up and resolving it in a sustainable manner before it becomes out of control except for groping it on the surface.
The Tamil terrorism 
The Tamil problem could have been avoided if preventive measures had been taken on time. Similarly, there was a capacity to prevent it from getting out of control. But the rulers of our country lacked the vision for that. The unrest of the Tamil community could have been avoided easily if the Tamil language was granted official recognition and Tamils were allowed to work in their native language instead of following the Sinhala Only policy. Had the injustice caused to Tamil people by the official language issue been rectified at least in the aftermath of the 1958 riots, perhaps the subsequent occurrence of Tamil terrorism could have been avoided.

It is not only that this error was not rectified subsequent to the ethnic riots of 1958, but also the coalition of SLFP, LSSP and CP did not allow the UNP Government, which was in power then, when it tried to correct it in the latter part of the 60th decade. Thereafter, there was an opportunity to correct it on the occasion of making the 1972 Republican Constitution. But, the leftist Coalition Government not only abstained from doing it, but also incorporated the Sinhala Only language policy, which deprived the Tamils of their self-respect, into the Constitution itself, thereby making it a policy that could not be changed or amended easily.

The leftist Coalition Government did not stop at that in suppressing the rights of the Tamil people. It introduced a policy of standardisation for university enrolments, causing a significant drop in the ratio of Tamil students entering the university. The ultimate outcome of all these actions was to plunge the Tamil community into an extremist path, driven by the belief that there is no other alternative but to fight for a separate state.

President J.R. Jayewardene corrected this mistake belatedly. But it was too late. By then, the Tamil people had reached a point of no return of their animosity. They had already lost their patience to make a careful and rational assessment of the facts of the issue. President Jayewardene lacked the political wisdom to change their mindset, which eventually resulted in plunging the country into a protracted internal civil war as its inevitable consequence.

After a very long period the Government of Sri Lanka was able to defeat the LTTE which had gone a long way in achieving its object of a separate state. But, the victorious Rajapaksa regime completely ignored the need for understanding and curing the wounds of war, afflicted externally and internally, and finding solutions to them other than enjoying the victory through vivid celebrations optimally. Even the Yahapalana Government which came to power later failed to rectify this error.

There is hardly any difference in the way the present Government is handling the issue of the Muslims. Is it adequate only to suppress the terrorist activities in a complex crisis like this? The rival attitude of non-Muslim society against Muslims and the policy of boycotting Muslim shops by non-Muslims will undoubtedly push the Muslim society into a psychological and economic distress. The Government has failed to realise the consequences this situation may bring about in the future.
Nation building – Gandhi’s approach 
Internal harmony is an essential prerequisite for the development of any country. During British colonial rule, Sri Lanka changed over from feudalism to a capitalist system, giving way for the emergence of the modern nation state replacing the old monarchical system in which the rulers inherited their power from their parents or relatives. It was only after that the country gained a system of governance with definite territorial boundaries.

Building of the nation state is an essential condition for healthy existence of the modern state. The nation state does not arise spontaneously in the countries which remained under colonial rule for long periods. It is a state that has to be invented and established.

Most of the countries which came come under colonial rule had to fight against colonial supremacy to gain independence. To defeat colonial supremacy, they were compelled to mobilise the full strength of all indigenous communities by eradicating internal divisions in the society and creating an integrated society bounded by a common national sentiment. Building of a common national integration was achieved by many countries in different forms. Of the Asian countries which were under colonial rule, it was India that can be described as a country which adopted an excellent and democratic approach to gain independence.

The caste system, ethnicity and religious differences had been the main factors that caused social divisions in India. The Indian Congress headed by Gandhi didn’t expect these divisions to disappear spontaneously. Instead it adopted an ideological movement to remove the social recognition accorded to them.

The Indian independence movement considered the caste system as an adverse element that should be eradicated as it is not in keeping with the needs of the modern era. It was the people belonging to ‘untouchable’ communities in the lowest rung of the Hindu caste hierarchy that were being oppressed mostly by the caste discrimination.

The eminent leaders of the Indian Congress entertained hospitality of Harijan homes. Harijan (children of God) was a term popularised by Gandhi for referring to communities traditionally considered as so-called ‘untouchables’. Gandhi often made it a point to set up his mobile ashram in a premise where there were shanty dwellings of Harijan people. This practice compelled the social elite who wanted to meet Gandhi to visit Harijan premises, in violation of caste restrictions.

The Congress leaders explained to the people about the inconsistency of the caste system with the present-day world and the evil impact it has on the self-respect of the people. They enlightened the people on the importance of extending the same human respect and equal rights to all people of oppressed castes. They conducted massive sathyagraha campaigns all over the country against the laws and traditions which prevented against low caste people entering religious premises and sacred sites.

Gandhi and the leaders of the Congress knew very well of the difficulty of abolishing the impact of the age-old caste system at once. But they launched their movement against it to abolish the official recognition it enjoyed in the first round of their campaign itself.

Ethnicity and religious differences were the next factor which caused a big division in India. The division between the Hindus and Muslims stood prominently among them. The leaders of the Congress were aware that the ethnic groups and religions were essential social elements that could not be eradicated. They were equally aware that India had a strong foundation and a background that was conducive to strengthening the caste, ethnic and religious differences.

In this backdrop, they engaged themselves in an arduous ideological campaign to put up a strong foundation necessary for the removal of obsolete practices which were not in conformity with present-day needs and also to build a strong foundation to promote mutual co-existence among the diverse factions. The Congress campaigned against the caste system and ‘Sathi Pooja’ in Hinduism, which is an obsolete funeral custom where a widow immolates herself on her husband’s pyre, the child marriages practiced by both Hindus and Muslims and the policies of depriving equal respect for men and women.

Despite the Indian Congress being unable to prevent the division of India, it was however possible for the Congress to retain a large portion of the Muslim population in India which was very much higher than the population that preferred to migrate to the newly-created Pakistan due to the pluralistic policy adopted by Gandhi.

At the end, Gandhi was assassinated by an extremist Hindu youth as a result of this ideological struggle that he initiated and fostered against racism. By the time Gandhi was assassinated, the fire of racism had not been doused fully. However, Gandhi’s assassination doused the fire of racism and made the flame of his thinking, his ideology, the only fire that had been burning in India.

By the time Gandhi died, the strong foundation required for building the nation had been laid down and the Constitution which had been adopted subsequently, while ensuring human respect and equal rights for everyone irrespective of narrow social divisions, provided a strong legal basis for the Indian nation so created.
Path of Sri Lanka
It was not as an outcome of a strong national struggle that Sri Lanka gained independence. It can be described as an independence gained as a reward. As far as Sri Lanka was concerned, the need did not arise to build the nation to gain independence. The Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim leaders of Sri Lanka didn’t possess any knowledge of the concept of nation building. None of them had a pluralistic vision. They all had their biases based on race, caste and religion.

After gaining independence they did not take initiatives to abolish the feudal land tenure system. There were a large number of people who had served in the Vihara and Devala Gam (lands belonged to temples and Kovils) as official servants under the feudal system. They were not released from feudal ties and bonds. The official recognition of the caste system which deprived human respect of the people of oppressed castes was not abolished. Strong reforms were not introduced to change outdated social and religious practices and promote coexistence between ethnic groups and religions.

In short, no attempt had been made to change the old and obsolete order of society which had been corrupted by caste, racial and religious divisions and transform it into a modern society conducive to building the Sri Lankan nation.

The ethnic factor had an impact on the Sinhala Tamil riots of 58.The caste factor had a significant impact on the two JVP insurrections which broke out in 1971 and 1986-’89. The ethnic factor also had an impact on the JVP insurrection to a lesser degree. Besides that, anti-Tamil sentiment was employed as a weapon to excite and inspire the JVP youth.

It was because of the major impact of the caste factor on JVP rebellions that the Government focused its attention on exploring the caste background of the youth who were under arrest at the ’71 insurrection. Not only race, even caste had an impact on the LTTE rebellion, which became a protracted armed struggle.

The Commission appointed by President Ranasinghe Premadasa to examine the causes of youth unrest that led to the JVP insurrection was of the view that the element of caste had served as a significant factor in boosting the rebelliousness of the JVP and the LTTE activists. However, Islamist terrorism has taken completely a different form compared to the JVP and the LTTE. The religion seems to have assumed an important factor of Islamist terrorism, which is responsible for Easter Sunday attacks.
What is the solution? 
Bloodsheds and terrorist activities witnessed after independence have seemingly been impacted by the elements of race, caste and religion. Had the country been capable of building the nation at independence or thereafter, the violent conflicts that arose from time to time could have been avoided. It is not only the social system of Sri Lanka that led to compound the conflicts that arose on account of race, caste and religion, the political system too created problems. Just as Sri Lanka does not have a formal social system, it does not have a formal political system as well. Both are in a big quandary. The State and the overall system of its institutions are completely putrid and are in a state of degeneration.

After concluding the internal war, the structural reforms that were required for recreating the social and political system should have been introduced. That was the best occasion available for the initiation of a program of this nature. But the winner of the war failed to realise the catastrophic disaster the socio political system had undergone, except for celebrating the joy of victory at its maximum. Even the Yahapalana Government which came to power has failed to touch the real problems except for dealing with false reforms which aggravated the problems the country is facing.

The Easter Sunday attacks can be considered as a warning given and a punishment imposed by history for their negligence. Now, the present socio political system is not in the same bad condition as it was. It is in a far worse situation. It is unfortunate that even after the recent tragedy our leaders have failed to open their eyes. They are groping in the dark ignoring the essential structural reforms. Are all of them waiting till the dilapidated structure of the building which is beyond repair falls on their heads to open their eyes?

Get A Grip, On Your Tubes And Brains, Ladies!

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The most important step in finding the truth about Dr Shafi Siyabdeen is to calm down.
Second would be to stop giving visibility to the scavengers feeding of human flesh, blood and after-birth to feed their impotent political lives. One must not even mention the names of those racists who have struck the final nail on the medical profession’s dignity in Sri Lanka, once and for all.
Dr Shafi Siyabdeen
My personal opinion on Dr Shafi is that he is not suited to be a doctor in Sri Lanka. Also, my personal feeling is that Dr Shafi Siyabdeen’s career and, maybe even his safety in Sri Lanka, is over. 
Even if he is miraculously declared clear of all wrong doing overnight (hello! Bathiudeen, Hisbullah, Sally and Mujibar!! ), he has lost all safety and credibility to carry out even a semi-normal life in post 21/4 Sri Lanka. After all, he is not yet a criminal politician. He does not get to enjoy the life of Bathiudeen, Hisbullah, Sally and Mujibar who will continue their loud mouths, rants, justifications, power mongering and King Making till there is breath in their lungs. And when there is no more breath in their lungs, their sons, the chips from the same old blocks will take their place and do the same.
Dr Shafi Is A Finished Man
Dr Shafi is not so lucky. 
Unfortunately for him, he is not Bathiudeen, Hisbullah, Sally or Mujibar. 
He is a finished man. 
Whose fault is it? 
The “Shafi Debacle”, I believe, can be primarily attributed to his own folly. He is an opportunistic political type who has been giving inflated boastful statements to newspapers stating he has done 8000 Caesarian sections on mothers. Using your status as a doctor for political advertisement is a fundamental violation of the Hippocratic Oath and the regulations that govern him. 
Secondly, there is the curious case of his unexplained wealth. 
Here is my stipulation: Dr Shafi had political ambition. He was supported by powerful Muslim politicians who in turn are known to have links with different factions within the Muslim society with varying degrees of fundamentalism. As proven by the infamous photograph of Hisbullah with the set of suicide bombers on 21/4, within the Muslim political community it would have been common to encounter and mix with the Wahhabists. 
He probably boasted to the Wahhabists, pretty much the same way he did to the Sinhala press that he was carrying out ethnic cleansing. Without the full corporation of the entire surgical team, it would be difficult to carry out 4000 illegal sterilizations. But it costs nothing to boast to the fundamentalists that you are doing it and ‘be their man’ and collect millions, if not billions. He, I believe collected not just money from the Wahhabists, but also the political support of that group in his bid to enter the parliament.
I think he didn’t do those alleged sterilizations NOT because he is a good man. I think he could not have pulled it off because the complexity of carrying out such an operation without being discovered and more importantly without any evidence is almost an impossibility. 
My estimate is that Dr Shafi did what many go-betweens to politicians do. Collect the bribe and promise a job or a political favor and not really do it. But you keep collecting the bribes. Dr Shafi, I believe was a player in a complex money laundering operation for which he used his role as a doctor to exchange a promise of ethnic cleansing to reach political power.
This is only my theory.
But it pushes us to wonder what sinister demons can occupy the minds of even those belonging to the noble profession when possessed with political ambition.
How Best To Investigate?
  1. Collect a fair sample
If there was any fair mindedness to this exercise of truth seeking, first of all the government should ban half witted , blood thirsty political nincompoops from causing mass hysteria among women whose children were delivered by Dr Shafi.
Gathering a sample of mothers for a serious investigation of this nature should NOT happen through mass media. Don’t the morons of the Ministry of Health and other morons calling for the blood of Shafi calling themselves professors etc. know this? 
All hospitals retain the medical records of patients for up to 10 years. 
The operating theatres maintain a mandatory ledger of which surgery was done by which doctor on exactly which day. The Bead Head Ticket (BHT) indicates some form of an address or telephone number to contact the patient. A fair sample of mothers who underwent a Caesarian section by Dr Shafi should be gathered by contacting them. Sensationalized TV news items is NOT the way to collect this sample. 
A fair sample does NOT mean a sample of those mothers claiming that they were made infertile by Dr Shafi.
A fair sample is when you get a random sample of mothers operated on by Dr Shafi who are SUBSEQUENTLY investigated to see whether or not non-consensual sterilization was done on them. 
  1. Ascertain the allegations
If a fair sample is obtained, then you can estimate what percentage of mothers who have subsequent infertility after being subjected to a Caesarian section by Dr Shafi. 
Among those found to have infertility or subfertility after the Shafi factor, other conditions that cause such subfertility should be excluded. 
Just because a mother has infertility or subfertility after Dr Shafi operated on them, it does not prove Dr Shafi caused it. The human body and human fertility is a complex thing. Common causes of blocked Fallopian tube patency in those affected mothers should be ruled out. 
Just because you feel like crucifying Dr Shafi for Fallopian tube occlusion (blockage) you don’t get to do that. Fallopian tubes can become blocked for a range of reasons, which include:

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