Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, May 29, 2019

What Is Special About Rishard Bathiudeen?

Rajeewa Jayaweera
logoIt would appear, Rishard Bathiudeen MP, Minister for Industry & Commerce, Resettlement of Protracted Displaced Persons, Co-operative Development, Vocational Training & Skills Development and leader of the All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC), a constituent party of the UNF government is more powerful than even some of the senior members of the governing party. 
The remaining 224 miserable specimens in the House by Diyawanna are currently embroiled in a tug of war. They are trying to decide if the No Confidence Motion (NCM) against the government or Bathiudeen (RB) is of greater importance. 
The government losing the NCM will have little or no impact. Whereas the government will have to resign, the President will have to re-appoint the same lot due to the poisonous 19th Amendment which prohibits the dissolution of Parliament for four and a half years. 
The ruling party is keen to conclude a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) investigation into allegations against the minister before entertaining an NCM. A whitewashed report by a PSC dominated by government MPs will weaken the impact of the NCM, based on RB’s alleged links to the suicide bombers of the Easter Sunday carnage. He vehemently denies the charge.
Parliamentarian Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe has stated in Parliament that the blood of the victims of the recent Islamic terror attacks was on the hands of all the Ministers and UNP MP Mujibur Rahman who refused to take note of his early warnings regarding the Islamic State (IS) members in Sri Lanka. His warning in November 2016 while being Justice Minister, of 32 Sri Lankan Muslims leaving the island to join ISIS was rejected and ridiculed by members of the ruling party and Muslim MPs.
Muslim community leaders insist they provided early warnings of the jihadist terrorist group National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ), supposedly ignored by senior government officials. Muslim MPs did not support Minister Rajapakshe’s assertions in 2016. Community leaders do not seem to have shared their valuable information with their elected representatives. If not, the MPs have remained silent for reasons best known to them.
Notwithstanding the minister’s denials, some serious charges have been leveled against him by the Joint Opposition, now available in the public domain. Two such charges are; 
The minister’s brother Rifkan Bathiudeen has driven past two army checkpoints in a vehicle bearing registration WP KK 3572 with the state emblem and VIP sticker. He was subsequently discovered in a house owned by RB, detained and released without being produced in court due to political pressure. 
RB has confirmed he contacted Army Commander Mahesh Senanayake to inquire of the son of Muslim Affairs Ministry Advisor Jainudeen, arrested by the army and handed over to the Terrorist Investigation Division. According to media reports, Muslim Affairs Minister Haleem’s staff had confirmed there had been no Jainudeen in the minister’s staff. An advisor by the name of Moinudeen had resigned in April or May. Was the minister assisting Jainudeen or Moinudeen? Was it a slip between the cup and the lip? RB claims he contacted the army commander on the advice of State Minister of Defense Ruwan Wijewardene who seems to be playing politics. He has neither confirmed nor denied the claim to date. 
The Minister has stated in Parliament, “I did not pressure the Commander, and never asked the Commander to release any individual either.” Nevertheless, any intelligent person would wonder, why would Senanayake make a statement, “call back in one and half years, as that is the period, I can hold a suspect for.”
Bathiudeen is no stranger to controversy. In 2012, he was accused of threatening the Mannar District Court Judge and Magistrate Anthony Pillai Judeson over the latter’s order to arrest a group of his supporters. As the controversy evolved, a part of the court was set on fire. According to reports, the Judge supposedly received threatening telephone calls from the minister to change his verdict failing which ‘the Mannar court would be torched.’ The calls, allegedly originating from the minister’s mobile phone, was denied and subsequently attributed to his brother. This minister’s siblings seem to have a way with ministerial phones and vehicles. After much brouhaha, the matter died a natural death. RB continued as a Minister. Nothing is heard of Judge Judeson since. 
All this happened under the watch of the Rajapaksa administration who failed to rein in the minister, for political reasons. Similar to the situation currently unfolding, it was yet another instance of bowing to the ACMC vote base.         
The current ruling party is not in favor of investigating the leader of their constituent partner, ACMC. They claim JO is attempting to avenge his failure to support the October 26 putsch.
RG’s power is such, despite all these happenings, no statement has been recorded from him by the authorities in relation to Easter Sunday bombings and post April 21 developments. 
Meanwhile, Bathiudeen has ‘bowled a doosra’ by stating he would resign if requested by the President or Prime Minister. 
RB is aware, neither of these worthies, about to contest both Presidential and Parliamentary elections within the next 18 months will make any such request. Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa too has not signed the NCM. 

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IGP files FR challenging his compulsory leave


Lakmal Sooriyagoda-Thursday, May 30, 2019

Inspector General of Police Pujith Jayasundara yesterday filed a Fundamental Right petition in the Supreme Court seeking an interim order suspending President’s decision to send him on compulsory leave following the Easter Sunday bomb attacks.

He further sought an interim order to suspend the appointment and confirmation by the President Senior DIG C.D. Wickremaratne as Acting Inspector General of Police.

In his petition, IGP Jayasundara cited Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police C. D. Wickremaratne Constitutional Council Chairman Karu Jayasuriya, Constitutional Council members Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa, Justice Minister Thalatha Atukorala, R. Sampanthan, Javed Yusuf, N. Selvakkumaran, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Bimal Ratnayake, Dr. Jayantha Dhanapala, State Intelligence Services Director DIG Nilantha Jayawardena, Chief of National Intelligence Sisira Mendis, former Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando and Attorney General as respondents.

Filing this petition through counsel Dinesh Vidanapathirana, the IGP stated that he was excluded by President from attending National Security Council (NSC) meetings from early October 2018 until after the Easter Sunday attacks of April 21,2019.

The IGP said he despite being the Inspector General of Police, was excluded from attending NSC meetings, since October 2018.

He further said the President required Nilantha Jayawardena, Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police as Director, State Intelligence Services (SIS) to report directly to him.

He further said he was only made privy to whatever information was sent to him from time to time, and was denied the ability to have full recourse to or participate in vital consideration of matters of national security.

He said it is in this context, that he did all he could on the basis of limited information given to him, subject to constraints imposed on him.

The petitioner states that on or about April 9, 2019 at 10.00 am, he attended a meeting at the Defence Ministry chaired by former Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, at which meeting Director SIS referred to information of a threat of an attack by extremist Islamist elements. However, Director SIS DIG Nilantha Jayawardena did not emphasise the urgency and seriousness of the matter.

The petitioner states that on or about the same date, April 9 2019, the petitioner received a letter from Chief of National Intelligence Sisira Mendis, which enclosed certain contents of a letter by the Director, State Intelligence Service as an annexure thereto containing information regarding a planned attack by Zahran Hashim and associates.

The said letter informed the petitioner that “secret inquiries” are being conducted into the information received. Another letter sent by SIS had concluded “it is important to alert the law enforcement agencies to be vigilant concerning the information.”

The petitioner said neither first letter nor the second letter contained any indication of the urgency of the situation, nor did they contain a classification to indicate the urgency or priority level, whereas the usual practice is to mark relevant letters “Top Priority” or “Top Urgent”.

The petitioner said, in the circumstances, he decided to forward the letter by the CNI to four senior police officers as it was apparent that without doing so, no meaningful measures could be taken to enable due vigilance.

The Petitioner states that in addition to informing the aforesaid four officers, he also informed all nine Senior DIG’s in charge of the Nine Provinces of the said information regarding possible attacks over the telephone on April 9 evening and April 10 morning, while discussing the Daily Situation Report.

The IGP said he received three letters on April 18,2019, April 19, 2019 and April 20, 2019 all relating to the National Thowheed Jamaath, Zahran Hashim and matters incidental to the same. The said three letters did not request any advice or action from the Petitioner and were shared with the Petitioner only for his information.The said letters expressly stated that the State Intelligence Service was carrying on further investigations.

The petitioner states that at all times Director SIS DIG Nilantha Jayawardena reported directly to the President of the Republic on all intelligence related matters and DIG Nilantha Jayawardena did not report to the petitioner on any intelligence matters whatsoever, other than to keep the petitioner informed of certain matters as he and the President thought fit.

The petitioner states that with respect to the information provided to him regarding the terrorist attack in April, he was unaware of whether the matter had been discussed at the National Security Council and what actions had been taken pursuant to such discussion, if any.

The petitioner states that the lack of information provided to him resulted in the petitioner being unable to take further steps in terms of the law.

The Petitioner states that at or around 8.50 am on Easter Sunday (April 21, 2019), he received the first information of the bombings.

The Petitioner states that on hearing of same, by around 9:00am, he arrived at the St. Anthony’s Kochchikade Church, which had been subjected to bombing.

Cathedral, Jaffna

 
Photo courtesy Wikipedia

 
I am praying in a pew at Saint Mary’s Cathedral.
The building has suffered burning, cyclones,
the Eelam war’s bombs. Four hundred years
 
ago Portuguese built the first church here,
which was dismantled later by the Dutch.
Then in modern times the air force strafed
 
its roof. Many parishioners live abroad.
The few left in Jaffna want only to broker
marriages and pay obeisance to the saints.
 
But they have not lost their pride. They pray
quietly, asking God to let their people free.
Prayers console now just enough.
 
This story part of a series to mark ten years since of the war in Sri Lanka. More content, when it is published, can be found here.

On The Question Of Muslims II: State, Security And The Subject

We are confronted with a sea change on the question who we are as nation of Sri Lankan people

by Sivamohan Sumathy-28 May 2019
All changed, changed utterly 
A terrible beauty is born
                                                 from Easter 1916 by WB Yeats

Everybody today has her or his post Easter Sunday tale, theory and rumination. Many of us are agonizing over what is to be done in the wake of one of the gravest political failures of the state post-2009. At the ideological front, we are confronted with the renewed vigour in which the nation becomes formed, firstly around the security state and secondly, placing ourselves on the cusp of a paradigmatic shift (not change),onthe subject of the nation.

We are confronted with a sea change on the question who we are as nation of Sri Lankan people. Every question on the well-being of the nation, the Sri Lankan nation seems to pivot on who the Muslim is. There is growing anti-Muslim rhetoric, spreading at an alarming rate and with impunity, and Muslims have become doubly burdened with responding to a frightening backlash and their own and various analyses of what happened, what went wrong, and why in my name?

We have a new language, a new discursive apparatus to speak of the state and its subjects; an outburst of intellectual labour expended on recuperating for our understanding of who the Muslim is, the good Muslim, the bad Muslim, the cosmopolitan Muslim, the terrible isolationist Muslim, the praying Muslim, the short skirt wearing Muslim and so many other versions of the Muslim. Ameena Hussein speaks of the typical Muslim, the urban woman, the cosmopolitan in “Fighting for the Soul of Islam in Sri Lanka” https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/02/opinion/sri-lanka-bombing.html. Others speak of ISIS, Islamic extremism, the niqab and burqa, words that were unfamiliar even to a majority of Muslims before the Easter bombings, as part of our everyday lingo.  TV channels are “hysterical” over the purported Sharia university. Everybody is an expert on Wahabism today, while the vast “majority” just loves Sufism.  Words like Arabisation easily slide off our tongues, as if we have spent a lifetime burning hard earned midnight oil on studying it. Our very existence in this country seems to hinge precariously on the face cover, the veiled figure of the Muslim woman, and the secrets she may carry; the terrorist in her womb? Tasneem Hamead’s poignant words  of a facebook post of May 22 will explain further:

The niqab ban was not just a veil ban (I refuse to use the word burka because Sri Lankan Muslims don’t use it; if used and rarely so, it refers to a prayer garb), it was also an abaya, headscarf, shawl, Muslim name, Muslim woman, man and child ban. A Muslim travel ban. A Muslim ban. So for everyone who propagated it and continue to do so, thank you. We have no hate in our hearts, only insurmountable fear about leaving our homes

The state of terror and the security state

Antonio Gramsci, the Italian political theorist, practitioner and educationist, identified the work of culture in civil society as the agent of hegemony. For Louis Althusser, the state is an active and aggressive ideological formation, which reserves its arms of repression, like the army and the police for certain functions. Today in our country, the repressive arm of the state,though not exactly setting itself within the cultural field,enables and emboldens hegemonic forms. Culture, education, the everyday and securitymesh as a network of state cum civil society-ideological sphere, and the country is on Terror Alert!

Terrorists bombed three Churches and three hotels on April 21. The state quickly turned itself into a state of high security. Last year we were deliberating the Counter Terrorism Act, (CTA), the act that is slated to replace PTA. We had a remarkable critical mass that raised its voice against its establishment. When the bombings happened this year, the state apparatus went into safe (security) mode: While door to door raids are conducted and swords, knives, books and leaflets are being apprehended, checkpoints adorn the high ways, like 10 years ago.  Security also becomes the hall mark of the good citizen, the law-abiding citizen and the good Muslim.  Some security measures are, alas, inevitable, but we are facing the prospect of the growth of a securitized surveillance state at an alarming rate.

An obviouscase in point is schools. Schools have been turned into check points, with anxious parents acting as cheer leaders. The repressive arm of the state is long. But deep penetration is not about strikes and pitched battle, but about surveillance and censor, thatturn children not into good citizens, but terrorized subjects.

Counting Madarasas and the question of class

Soon after the Easter bombings, senior and well respected journalist NaminiWijedagaswrites of the menace of Arabisation in “Unravelling growing Arabisation”. She provides details on the number of madarasas in the country and points out the seemingly growing distance between mainstream non-Muslims and Muslims. This leaves me in distress and discomfort. We may count the number of madarasas, but who does the counting. Further, who wants it counted?  I have uncomfortable questions: who is accountable for all the counting that goes on?

Just a little over a year before April 21, 2019, in early March, 2018, the country was witness to the worst incidence of ethnic riots in Digana, in the Kandy district, post-2009. In response I wrote On the Question of Muslims in The Island which appeared on April 11 and 12, 2018. Today, I write “On the question of Muslims II,” for isn’t there a continuity here that we need to construct? Iknow little about madarasas but Wijedasa’s article triggers in my memory a madarasa story that I have stowed away.
Asifa (not her real name) is in her late ‘40s. She has been a manager of a garment factory for 20 years, and at present oversees the work of 25 workers, all women, 12 of them Muslim and 13 Sinhala.

On the day the rioters came to their village, the Sinhala workers had wanted to go home early, by 10 o’clock. The previous two days they had worked, while there was rioting and fear in neighbouring towns. She knew of the troubles, but she did not know that the peace of their little hamlet, set amidst Sinhala dominated villages, would also be shattered. They had neverbefore experienced any particular form of hostility, nothing that made them fear for their lives. The Muslim community had been there for over 50-60 years like the Sinhala community. It was a plantation of cloves and cardamoms and other spices that had transformed itself into a village or a set of villages. The Muslim community of roughly 700-800 persons relied on manual labour, some middle-class jobs, spice cultivation, which is sold in the market individually, and some middle east migration. And there was this one garment factory. We did not come across any other factories.

Immediately after the Easter Sunday bombings and the regenerated FB and media frenzy, there was heavy insistence on the part of a large number of commentators, in mainstream and social media, and in other forums, that the Muslim community distance itself from fanatic extremist religious observations and teachings.  What do I hear from Asifa? Asifa mentions religion or religion related figures twice in her 20-minute narrative. First, she mentions the Buddhist monk who had stood against the mob encroaching the village on one side;  in the second instance,  the mosque in which they stayed for about 10 days after the riots, afraid to go to their houses, some of which had been badly torched or smashed up. Asifa herself had lost furniture and stuff, which had been thrown out in the yard and burnt or broken.

As we continue to chat, Asifa’s niece, Haniya (not her real name), joins in. She has a son in primary school, doing well in his studies. Post-Digana riots, he cannot be sentback to the school he had been going to. They are scared. They do not walk along the path they used to take earlier. They get together with other women and take a three-wheeler. If he were to go to a regular school located some distance from where they were now, transport costs and other costs would place an additional burden on her financial resources. Haniya was wondering what to do. Her husband works in West Asia and she seems to be the sole decision maker where her son is concerned.  Should she enrol the son in a Madarasa, located far away, and I presume, culturally very different from the one Asifa endures today?  He would be safe, thinks Haniya, and financially, less of a burden on her. She may or may not have pursued that line of action, but the question remains unanswered.

I had put away her words as not amounting to much, and too trivial at the time of our conversation. But, in the mind-numbing pain following the Easter bombings, I switched on the recording and listened to her voice once again. It was reassuring to listen to a woman’s voice, a voice that has not had any representation in all the recent pontifications, a voice that carries the truth for me.

Madarasas, Arabisation and the LongueDurée of Vesak Kooduwa

Vesak lights are generally a pretty sight, a pleasant sight. When I first came to live in Colombo, long years ago, I roamed the streets to watch the many stage dramas that were performed, during and after Vesak. I hung lanterns on the balcony. Today, in the growing discursive paranoia surrounding Arabisation--Vesak Pandals, lanterns and Buddhist flags are no longer charming and exotic. Like Arabisation and Wahabism, Vesak Kooduwahave also accrued a meaning that defeats mere counting.

 I may notask the question, how many Vesak kooduwasare there on the Colombo-Kandy road (although I am tempted), yet we can account for them. It’s Althusser’s big S, the state or it’s not? En. Aathmaain his Easter Poem II (Facebook post, May 25writes movingly of the swirling Vesak Koodusof his young days, which hethought were the cause of wind; he moves from the fantasy  of childhood to the terror of being an adult, especially in Kathankudy today, and the lanterns newly hanging from the trees:
………………
Forty years later,

In my town that became a house of death
on Easter Sunday,

I see, with new eyes, agog with amazement,
hanging

along the date-tree-lined thoroughfare, Vesak koodu,
not one, but many.

Unlike me, he has counted. I don’t know what has happened to Asifa and her niece Haniya, and how they have survived Easter Sunday 2019. When Yeats was confronted with the carnage of Easter 1916, he was hopeful of a new beginning, a new state, a new republicand a second coming. I have no such hope. But I know that I long to hang Vesak lanterns again on the balcony, and I long to go watch Vesak plays in the streets, and I long to switch on the TV for the Easter Sunday mass, and long to breakfast during Nōnbu; but all that has to wait, for the pleasures of yesteryear are awakened in thesharp pain of recall today.Easter 2019 is no longer about the niqab, Arabisation, madarasas, or even the state. It is about my own refusal. And,

i can write only
of my own otherness and
the survival of a song, drafting
words of fleeting fancy on the
canvas of my thought.
i refuse to sing any requiem
for me and my own.
extractfrom easter 2009, by sumathy (2009)

Sivamohan Sumathy is attached to the Department of English, University of Peradeniya. This essay originally printed in The Island, a Colombo based daily newspaper.

Clash of cultures and heartwarming stories

There are also reports of Muslims with beards and women wearing the Hijab being jeered at in public

30 May 2019
Muslims in Sri Lanka are a battered race given that people who don’t practice Islam look at them with suspicion and hatred now. The whole world collapsed on this minority community on April 21 following a series of bombings on churches and hotels; carried out allegedly by the ISIS. 
Tensions have been brewing since this ‘dark day’ in history and the taking place of incidents involving Muslims is giving rise to a tide that’s building up against Sri Lankan Muslims. 
If the allegations in the past about Muslim eateries serving food to non-Muslims containing drugs, which make one infertile were unsubstantiated, the news that a Muslim doctor from Kurunegala carried out a large number of abortions with the patients suffering severe side effects has refuelled the suspicions within the majority Sinhalese.   
Kurunegala is a city that’s about to explode in racial violence. The growing complaints from mothers, who were operated on by this doctor, identified as Dr. Shafi Mohammed Shihabdeen, have added to the tensions existing between the Muslims and the Sinhalese. This issue has also opened a door to mischief-makers and opportunists to cause mayhem in the country. This situation is ideal for those lawmakers who wish to gain political mileage. 
The biggest contribution to this clash of cultures between the Sinhalese and the Muslims comes because the majority race in the country is ignorant about the teachings in the Quran. The Sinhalese know of only one type of Muslim and that’s the one who wears the takiyah-a short rounded skullcap. 
But according to Islamic scholars there are three categories where Muslims are grouped into. The first is ‘Mumin’ and those included in this category will take up penance and undergo hardships to practice the teachings of the Quran to the letter. The second category is ‘Muslim’ where practitioners of the Quran will only do what they comfortably can. The third category are people who pose as practitioners of the Quran, but have come to destroy this faith. According to renown scholars in Islam like All Island Islam Adviser Al Haj Kaleel Mawlavi those who belong to the latter group must be delt with severely, so that the virus of hatred that they spread is wiped out completely. 
According to Kaleel Mawlavi the Muslim community had alerted the government authorities about the activities of extremist Muslims like Mohammed Saharan, but all those efforts were to no avail. This Mawlavi has told a weekend Sinhalese newspaper that he rated Saharan as a terrorist. 
"it is the responsibility of those who practice Islam to make sure that the world at large has a good impression of the faith they practice. This is not possible when security forces are in and out of mosques"
The Muslims are a closed, but well-knit community. This feature has also contributed to the mess they are in now. This could be the reason why the developing trend towards extremism took time to surface. It is known that authorised Muslim scholars have encountered radical thinking youth, especially in areas like Kathankudi and Mawanella. Some of these radical thinkers, who were trying to promote a distorted version of the Quran, were even sidelined from their families. Some were told to leave home. There have also been clashes between Islamic scholars and these radical thinkers; sometimes proceedings leading to fisticuffs. It is said that there had been protests initiated by orthodox Muslims against these religious extremists. These protests had drawn large crowds numbering 1500 people, but such developments hadn’t received the attention of the media nor that of the government’s security establishment, according to Kaleel Mawlavi. 
Now the entire Muslim community is suffering the consequences of actions carried out by radicals like Saharan. Western Province Governor Azath Salley has been bitterly complaining about the security forces continuously searching mosques; sometimes search operations being carried out more than once a day. These search operations have at time unearthed dangerous weapons like swords. 

War-like environment

Muslim scholars have time and again pointed out that it is the responsibility of those who practice Islam to make sure that the world at large has a good impression of the faith they practice. This is not possible when security forces are in and out of mosques and Muslims have to pray in a war-like environment. 
Saharan’s work and those activities of religious extremists put the true practitioners of Islam under a cloud of gloom. Very recently we heard of a story of a female Muslim doctor employed at the Homagama Hospital tending her resignation because she was told to remove the Burkha (A face veiling) she was wearing when on duty. There are also reports of Muslims with beards and women wearing the Hijab being jeered at in public. For the record Minister Rishad Bathiudeen is a marked man now. Posters have come up in some areas featuring anti-Rishad rhetoric. One poster which came up in Wattala warns lawmakers not to step in this town if they don’t vote in favour of the No Confidence Motion that’s to be moved against Bathiudeen. 
Sri Lanka is known for backlashes taking place after violent incidents hence the issue of targeting innocent Muslims should be nipped in the bud before Sinhalese hardliners agitate and go on the rampage, again. 
This government lacks the expertise to defuse a tense situation. At a time when fingers are pointed at Muslim lawmaker Bathiudeen and Governors Salley and Hisbullah for annoying the Sinhalese majority, the latter was given another portfolio making him the Co-Chairman of the Districts Coordinating Committees in Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara. This appointment made by President Maithripala Sirisena only adds to the tensions between the Sinhalese and the Muslims because the majority Sinhala community is up in arms due to the non-compromising attitude maintained by Hisbullah regarding the Sharia University in Batticaloa. 
Despite all this turmoil and hatred that’s spread across this island nation, there are stories of brotherhood where one community saving another do surface. Just a few days ago we heard of some Sinhala families in Naththandiya, Thunmodara and Mallakele areas giving shelter to Muslim families when mobs from outside stormed the village and damaged property and places of worship. After the attacks the comments made by Haleema, a female Muslim, praising the efforts of Sujeevani, a Sinhalese woman, were recorded in the print media in one of those rare positive stories to be carried regarding the Sinhala-Muslim issue. These heartwarming stories not only help heal the mental wounds, they remind us of an old saying, ‘every cloud has a silver lining’. 
A Sri Lankan Muslim woman (C) takes part in a remembrance ceremony in front of St. Anthony’s Church in Colombo on May 21, 2019

Combating invisible financing for terrorism




logoWednesday, 29 May 2019

CCTV footage played the key role in identifying the suicide bombers of the Easter Sunday attack.However, the ways and means of breeding such terrorism on Sri Lanka’s soil is still under investigation.In the aftermath of the Easter attack, there is heighted attention on countering financing of terrorism.Informal/illegal remittance schemes can be seen as one of the main mechanismsused for fund transfers by terrorists.


International soft law making bodies such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF)and domestic law enforcement authorities make efforts to put frameworks in place to curb informal and illegal remittance schemes. However, reports of investigations into terrorist activities reveal that such systems are in operation parallel to formal financial systems. This article intends to highlight some salient aspects of illegal remittance schemes which pose severe threats to national security, integrity of financial systems and promotion of economic growth.

Informal Value Transfer Systems 

According to the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), any system, mechanism or network of people that receives money for the purpose of making funds or an equivalent value payable to a third party in another geographical location, whether or not in the same form, is considered as an Informal Value Transfer System (IVTS).A system called Hawala in Middle East and Asia, Fei-Chin in China, HuiKuan in Hong Kong, Pei Kwan in Thailand, Hundi in Pakistan and India and Undiyal among Sri Lankan Tamils, black market peso exchange in Colombia and Padala in Philippines are examples of IVTS.

This article will focus on the ‘Hawala’scheme which is considered a widely used form of IVTS.It has originated in the Middle East and South Asia.Although at its origins,the Hawala system facilitated trade and helped to mitigate therisk and inconvenience of physical transportation of money, it is reported that after 9/11 attack Hawalabecame associated with terrorism financing. However, in areas where there is lack of access to conventional banking Hawala functions as an alternative remittance system.

What is Hawala?

In the Arabic language Hawala means ‘transfer’.Trust between the involved parties is the main attraction of the Hawala system.Moreover, the low or no cost for the remitters, speed of the transfer, anonymity, convenience for the recipients and the lack of rigid formalities, suitability for cultural aspects are considered as other attractive elements of the Hawala system. It is also observed that the Hawala is used to evade currency controls, international sanctions, and taxes as well as to transfer criminal proceeds.

Modus Operandi: Moving money without money moving at all

The multifaceted description of Hawala indicates that it is a mechanism of transferring money without physically moving it.The diagram elaborates a simple Hawala transaction.

[A] Customer (usually a migrant worker but it could be any other person) approaches a [B] Hawala broker (Hawaladar) and gives him a sum of money to be sent to a recipient in another country.[B] contacts their Hawala partner [C] in the recipient country via phone or fax or email.[A] gives the information on the beneficiary, amount, name, address, telephone number of the recipient to [B].However, [B] doesn’t remit money to [C].[B] agrees to settle it later and [C] pays to the recipient (D). Therecipient will have a password or code number to get money from [C].No written contract for the transaction is available and the deal is secured by the trust between parties.

Two Hawaladars i.e. [B] and [C] settle their dues at a later stage through under invoicing, transferring money through banks or cash carriers. Researches reveal that Hawala brokers mostly involved in import/export activities. They charge a modest commission and use a more favourable exchange rate than the mainstream banks.The Hawala broker in the recipient country does the delivery of money free of charge.Since the Hawala does not create a paper trail it gains traction for illicit transactions such as terrorist financing, tax evasion, exchange control violations and import/export frauds.Therefore, the debt settlement can be done by manipulating invoices i.e. under-invoicing or over-invoicing shipments of goods.Smuggling gold and precious items is another way of settling dues between Hawala brokers.

In an article titled ‘A Banking System Built for Terrorism’ published in Time Magazine (2001) the following description had been given for illegal remittance systems. In the labyrinthine depths of Old Delhi, (...) nobody seems to be doing any work, until the phone rings.Then numbers are furiously scribbled, followed by some busy dialling and whispered instruction.Although it’s far from obvious in the innocuous setting, these men are moving money – to exporters drug traffickers, tax evaders, corrupt politicians. And terrorists.The regulatory empowerment in Sri Lanka should also be widened to detect such money movers in the country who are engaged in criminal activities.

Susceptibility ofHawala for money laundering and terrorism financing

It is observed that criminals take advantage of the anonymity of the Hawala system to move the proceeds of illegal activities.Since the documentation involved in the Hawala deals is minimal, it makes the system vulnerable to be abused for money laundering and terrorism financing.
According to Timothy O’ Brien, Al Qaeda has used the Hawala system to fund the American Embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998.Columbian drug traffickers have also used Hawala as their main remittance system.The Irish Times reported (2016) that Hawala was used to fund the Paris attack in 2015.As per the International Business Times (2015) the Boko Haram Organization in Nigeriais known to receive money through Hawala.In 2005, FATF also acknowledged the potential misuse of Hawala by criminals. The FATF states that Hawala, controlled by criminals, functions as networks for other offences including tax fraud, currency offences and corruption. According to the Interpol reports, the Hawala system facilitates money laundering by placing illegal proceeds in formal financial institutions pretending they are earnings of a legitimate business.Front Companies operated by Hawala dealers assist these placements.They complete the layering of criminal proceeds distributing transfers over a period of time.

At the ‘integration’ stage of the money laundering process, illicit money is invested in legitimate businesses, purchase of property or import/export invoices.Netherlands authorities have found out that laundromats, grocery stores and phone shops have been used as illegal money remittance businesses.During 2010-2012 eight million Euros have been seized by the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Amsterdam. In 2011 Manhattan Federal court arrested a person operated an unlicensed money transfer business between the USA and Pakistan.

One of its transactions was used to fund the attempted car bombing in New York City’s Times Square in 2010.The owner of an ice cream shop named Carnival Ice Cream was arrested in Brooklyn, in 2003.He maintained an account in J.P Morgan Chase Bank to collect the funds to be transferred to Al Qaeda. The UAE, in collaboration with the United States Department of Treasury, blocked AlBakarat’s (a Somali based Hawala operation) assets in Dubai.

Discouraging the existence of informal remittance systems

Opportunities available for IVTS operators, such as Hawala, should be restricted through effective compliance with laws applicable to money transfers.In terms of the regulations issued under the Foreign Exchange Act No. 12 of 2017, a person arriving in Sri Lanka may carry any amount of foreign currency in the form of foreign currency notes, bank drafts, cheques, travel cards etc.If that amount exceeds $ 15,000 or its equivalent in any other foreign currency or such a person intends to take back foreign currency notes exceeding $ 10,000, a declaration shall be made to Sri Lanka Customs.

According to available reports, cash carriers facilitate Hawala operations.Hawala brokers can settle each other through cash carriers as well.Therefore, the vigilance of Sri Lanka Customs over currency imports needs to be strengthened.Analysing such cash declaration reports would also facilitate conducting investigations into terrorism financing and money laundering.

Regulations issued under the Financial Transaction Reporting Act (FTRA) No. 6 of 2006 are applicable when funds arechannelled through banks.There is a possibility of detecting bulk remittances by Hawala brokers if such funds come through banks.Both the remitting and recipient banks are required to exercise enhanced due diligence over the source of funds, purpose of the remittance and ultimate beneficiary of a fund transfer.According to Section 7 of FTRA, irrespective of the amount involved, all suspicious transactions (STRs) are required to be reported to the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL).

Any cash transaction or electronic fund transfer that exceeds Rs. 1 million or its equivalent in foreign currency is reported under Cash Transaction Reports (CTRs) to the FIU as per the Section 6 of the FTRA.Compliance of financial institutions with the said reporting requirements and thorough analysis of the patters of transactions, local credits to accounts, inward and outward remittances based on above said CTR and STR is of paramount importance in identifying local cash pools of Hawalabrokers,money launderers and terrorist financiers.

Frankfurter AllgemeineZeitung(2000) reports that it would be difficult to recognise concealed use of conventional banking by Hawala operators as their accounts are registered in the name of individuals, small businesses or the like whose background the bank is unlikely to examine thoroughly.Among the red flags of transaction patterns that are often associated with Hawala systemscredits to the accounts ofbusinesses that do not have an apparent link with other businesses activities, significant deposit activity in cash/cheques, different book keeping methods for customers and transactions that have no commercial or economic sense for a personal account can be highlighted.

Officers of banks and financial institutions have,therefore, a critical role to play in reporting such suspicious transactions. This responsibility to exercise enhanced due diligence over the customers extends to the designated non-finance businesses stipulated under FTRA as well. These include real estate agents, dealers in precious and semi-precious metals, lawyers, notaries, accountants, etc.

Strengthening the legal framework to combatHawala

In terms of the Foreign Exchange Act, foreign currency can be purchased for permitted transactions only from authorised and restricted dealers in Sri Lanka.Licensed banks and authorised money changers function as such dealers in foreign exchange.Authorised money changers have been appointed to enhance the flow of foreign currency into banking channels.If they do not deposit the foreign currency purchased by them as per the conditions stipulated in the Permit issued by the Director/Foreign Exchange of the CBSL there may be possibilities of selling such funds to black market operators, including Hawalabrokers.

The FATF has also revealed that in many countries regulated money transfer agents are reportedly used to conduct illegal Hawala transactions separately and covertly in addition to their regulated activities. Such market structure makes it more difficult for the regulators to implement the law against offenders.

Although the transfer of funds overseas by persons in or resident in Sri Lanka using Hawala system is prohibited under Section 4(3) of the Foreign Exchange Act, there is no prohibition for persons in or resident in Sri Lanka to receive funds through Hawala system, from a foreign entity/person.In terms of the provisions of Section 3 of the Foreign Exchange Management Act of India, receiving funds by a resident via reverse Hawala operations is an offence.Assistance of all stakeholders to expedite the amendments suggested by the Department of Foreign Exchange of CBSL would be important in combating Hawala in all its different forms effectively.

FATF is of the view that completely unregulated remittance operators are particularly vulnerable to money laundering and terrorist financing risks as they permit funds to be sent with no customer due diligence requirements. Funds remitted through Hawala cannot be monitored as there is no paper trail.Such systems can be discouraged by promoting formal remittance channels particularly through reducing transaction costs.

Promoting formal remittance schemes

Enhancing the competitiveness in the remittance industry, in accordance with special recommendation VI of the FATF, would also be helpful in curtailing the use of Hawala operations for money laundering and financing of terrorism.It will also be advantageous to attract worker remittances to legal channels.Such competition should, however, be supported by proper governance and risk management practices. In developed countries Hawala and other informal remittance schemesare allowed to be licensed or registered.

Thisenablesmaking unlicensed/unregistered entities illegal and taking actions against them. According to FATF Recommendation VI, each country should ensure that persons or legal entities that carry out the money transfer service illegally are subject to administrative, civil or criminal sanctions However, such a comprehensive framework to distinguish ‘black and white Hawala’ requires providing adequate resources and securing the assistance of law enforcement agencies for the regulators.

The UAE issued ‘Abu Dabi Declaration’ imposing a licensing requirement while recognising the need for Hawala operation for legitimate purposes of unbanked communities.

The IMF says that informal fund transfer systems declined in the countries where financial systems are liberalised. The provisions of the Payments and Settlements Act No. 28 of 2005 of Sri Lanka provide for licensing money transfer service businesses. However, identifying the dynamics of Hawala and other similar remittance services in the broader context ofthe financial system is important prior to designing anall-inclusive regulatory regime for the remittance market.

Adverse economic impact 

Scholars point out that continued existence of Hawala threatens the country’s economy as it is beyond all the standard instruments of macro-economic policy.Informal remittances are not recorded in official statistics or the foreign assets of a recipient country. They are not reflected as liabilities of the remitting countries.Since the informal remittances increase the circulation of cash in the recipient country and affect the composition of broad money there may be an adverse impact on monetary policy.

There may also be a negative fiscal implication as the funds routed through informal channels are not subject to taxes.According to the IMF, accurate compilation of informal fund transfer systems, such as Hawala, in balance of payments accounts is difficult.Studies carried out by the United Nations and Interpol state that the volume of financial transactions in the Hawala network, at times, substantially exceeds that in the formal banking sector.

It is estimated that more than $ 7 billion enters into Pakistan every year through Hawala.Interpol estimates the size of Hawala at possibly 40% of the India’s GDP.It is also estimated that every year approximately $ 200 billion moves around the world through Hawala system without being detected by regulators.

When informal fund transfer systems operate efficiently without any disturbance, tendency to channel legitimate transfers also through those systems maybe created.In 2018, workers remittances to Sri Lanka has declined by 2.1% to $ 7,015million as depicted in the table.

It would be interesting to know whether the decline of the use of banking channels by migrant workers have also contributed tothe reduction of remittances.According to Ratha (2006), the funds remitted to Sri Lanka annually through informal channels, could be as much as half of formal remittances received by the country.Attracting worker remittance through formal channels would be important in discouraging informal remittance schemes in Sri Lanka, particularly in the context of the current elevated threat levels which demand increased vigilance against terrorist financing.

It can be suggested that the Sri Lanka Foreign Employment Bureau can implement a strategic plan in collaboration with banks and the foreign missions abroad to attract remittances by undocumented workers, workers with expired Visa and first time migrant worker to formal channels.It can also be suggested to make the requirement to open a Personal Foreign Currency Account by expatriate workers as a condition at the time of giving approvals for foreign employments.Engaging with the formal sector,however,will be discouraged if the recipients are supposed to travel long distances to collect their money and required to fulfil rigid formalities.In order to expand the access to formal remittance channels by migrant workers and their recipients, the competition in the market needs to be enhanced.New entrants coupled with technological advancements such as digital payments/mobile payments should also be promoted.Financial sector stakeholders will have a role to play in balancing technological development and financial inclusion while preserving the integrity of the system.

Conclusion

Smooth coordination and timely sharing of relevant and reliable information among law enforcement, regulatory authorities and financial institutions as well as the other public agencies are of paramount importance in effective combating of the Hawala system.It reduces the delays in investigation processes and facilitates bringing perpetratorsto book while preserving the public confidence in the legal system.Hawala has proved to be an effective mechanism to hide the illicit origin of money and its destination; and break the audit trail of money.

Therefore, awareness of all the above mentioned stakeholders and the general public regarding the informal remittance systems should be enhanced.Political commitment is also essential to tackle all sources, techniques and channels of terrorist financing. As long as there are ‘safe spaces’ for money launders, terrorist financiers and other criminals they continue to pose threats to the national security, integrity of financial system and accuracy of economic fundamentals.

“We need new partnerships in fighting terrorism and building peace” – Anna Lindh
(The writer is Deputy Director at CBSL. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any institution.)

Sri Lanka Did Not Choose ISIS: ISIS Chose Sri Lanka

Dr. S. I. Keethaponcalan
logoNot many analysts and researchers paid attention to the nexus between Sri Lanka and ISIS until the Easter Sunday Massacre of 2019, where more than 250 people were killed and a large number of people were maimed. Characteristically, a lot has been said, written and published on this subject since the massacre. One of the pieces that has attracted much attention is an interview given by Jonah Blank. It was published with the title “ISIS did not Choose Sri Lanka, but Sri Lankan Group Chose ISIS: RAND.” Nilantha Ilangamuwa conducted the interview. The piece appeared on several newspapers and weblogs and was translated into local languages.  
The central theory presented in this interview is miss leading, if not erroneous, and it could also have significant policy and operational implications. Hence, this article aims to highlight the flaws from my perspective.   
Blank Theory
Jonah Blank works as a researcher and political analyst for the Rand Corporation, which is a nonprofit international think tank funded by the United States government and private donations. According to Nilantha Ilangamuwa, Blank has two significant views about the “Easter Sunday bombings.” They are: (1) “the attack was a result of the political negligence than its accounting as intelligence failure by many parties,” and (2) “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) did not choose Sri Lanka, but the Sri Lankan extremists chose ISIS.”
One could agree or disagree with the first assumption. Was the attack a result of political infighting between the President and the Prime Minister? I believe that the failure to prevent the attack had something to do with the power struggle at the very top level and inefficiency. The attack was a result of radicalization of Zahran Group or the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ). It is possible that there is more than one group in Sri Lanka. However, that is not the problem here. The problem is with the second argument, which seems to have attracted considerable attention in Sri Lanka. 
The argument that ISIS did not choose Sri Lanka, but the Sri Lankan group chose ISIS entails several flaws for multiple reasons. Important of them are:  
1. It underestimates the significance of South Asia, especially India to ISIS,
2. It overestimates the capacity of the NTJ (and other groups), and 
3. It could lead the Sri Lankan law enforcement bodies to complacency and even inaction if believed.  
India and South Asia
The idea that ISIS did not choose Sri Lanka and it was the Sri Lankan groups that chose ISIS implies that ISIS has no interest in Sri Lanka. Blank suggests that ISIS just offered “skill-set and training” presumably because the Sri Lankan group wanted them from the global jihadists. This notion completely ignores the significance of South Asia and India to ISIS.
ISIS has expansive ambitions and strives to establish a “global caliphate.” As part of its global agenda, the organization has accelerated its activities in such countries as Egypt, Indonesia, Somalia, and the Philippines. South Asia is a part of the agenda, most likely due to the presence of a sizable Muslim population. In an essay entitled, “The Fall of ISIS and Its Implications for South Asia,” Kabir Taneja claimed that “South Asia’s complex socio-political and socio-cultural narratives remain an open door to ISIS’s marketable fantasy, more than an ideology.” 
Deep penetration of ISIS could be identified in, for example, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Reportedly, ISIS has been active in territories between Pakistan and Afghanistan. The significance of Pakistan cannot be ignored as some talk of Isisization of Pakistan.
India has become an ISIS focal point in the last five years. A map published by ISIS in 2014 included the Western regions of India as a part of its global caliphate. In a symbolic move, ISIS also declared India as one of its provinces (Wilayah of Hind) in 2019. In the recent past, it has also asked its agents in the region to carry out attacks on India. The organization pays particular attention to recruitment in India primarily through social media.  
The question is, why would ISIS not have an interest in Sri Lanka when South Asia and India have become a significant part of its plans. Compared to many other states of South Asia, Sri Lanka is an open society. It has a sizable and significant Muslim population and a small group of radicalized Muslim youth. 
Sri Lanka’s location in the Indian Ocean is a blessing as well as a curse. The location has attracted too many foreign actors, some with ulterior motives. If one wants to infiltrate India, Sri Lanka is an ideal place. This goes to ISIS as well. A recent NDTV report suggested that “15 ISIS terrorists had set off from Sri Lanka to the Lakshadweep islands” of Kerala. This could be an important story in this unfolding saga. I would not be surprised if foreign nationals, including Indians, were trained in the alleged training camp discovered in Kurunegala.   
Since the threat from ISIS is too severe, India is keeping a close watch on the ISIS activities in the region. This perhaps led to the intelligence that Sri Lanka was going to be attacked. Indians passed this information on to their Sri Lankan counterparts, who unfortunately ignored the warning. Therefore, one cannot say that ISIS did not choose Sri Lanka. In fact, Blank does not make this assertion with confidence. He only stated, “it appears” that ISIS did not choose Sri Lanka. 
Danger
Blank’s assertion that ISIS merely extended “skill-set and training” when the Sri Lankan group “chose” or approached ISIS for support, overestimates Zahran Group’s capacity. Initially, it was a small group with radical ideologies and was involved in minor offenses. Some of them were known for vandalism. One cannot expect ISIS, a global institution with universal aspirations, to simply extend support and remain uninterested. The reported sums of money unearthed from suspects were jaw-dropping for a small group like the NTJ. The enormous resources the group possessed do not suggest mere support and training from ISIS. 
The critical problem with Blank’s theory is that it could induce complacency and inaction within the law enforcement agencies. In other words, if believed, Blank’s underlying assumption that ISIS has no interest in Sri Lanka could have grave policy, and practical implications. So many suspects have already been arrested throughout the country, and some of the government leaders have been suggesting that the danger has been brought under control. If it is mere local violence, the problem has been nipped in the bud rather quickly.
What if it is more than local violence and an ISIS backed danger is still present? That would mean another catastrophe in Sri Lanka or the region. I presume that Sri Lankan authorities do not know much about ISIS strategies and tactics and they most likely are learning only now. However, senseless unimaginably brutal violence is ISIS’s M.O. Sri Lanka cannot afford another mass killing. 

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CWG Games failed bid incurs Rs. 698.9 mn loss for state


Disna Mudalige-Thursday, May 30, 2019

The Auditor General had examined the expenses of the CWG Hambantota 2018 (Pvt.) Ltd from November 23, 2010 to May 31, 2013, its initial share capital, financial donations to it, its financial statements and legal matters in relation to its liquidation.

“The total amount of funds received from public institutions, donations from private sector and interest income from banks was Rs. 698.9 million. It was discovered that Rs 570.8 million had been received from the private institutions and 85 individuals, but formal receipts had not been issued to them. Out of that sum, Rs 120.4 million had been directly obtained in cash.

 A significant number of institutions which had donated money to the company had been commercial banks and financial institutions regulated under the Central Bank and their major stakeholders.Raising funds from the institutions, which are regulated under them, using their official designations was an act contrary to the professional code of conduct by the former Central Bank Governor and the former Sports Minister,” the report examined.

The report noted that the shutting down of the company’s operations on December 23, 2014 was not in accordance with the Company Act, and that the Director Board was responsible for that fault. It added that SriLankan Airlines had incurred a loss of Rs 32 million from discounts and price concessions on tickets for air travel undertaken for the Commonwealth Games bid.

The 34-member Organizing Committee set up for the bid to host the Commonwealth Games (CWG2018) in Hambantota was co-chaired by then Sports Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage and then Central Bank Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal.

The CWG Hambantota 2018 was a company with 51 per cent shares to the Government and 49 per cent shares to state owned institutions. Rs 10 million had been granted from the Sports Development Fund to the company for initial expenses. The Sports Ministry had utilised Rs 100 million of the Treasury funds (by way of a supplementary estimate) to buy shares of the above company in January 2011. The Sri Lanka Export Development Board and Sri Lanka Telecom had bought the company’s shares worth of Rs 8 million and Rs 10 million respectively in the same year.

The Auditor General in its report observed that the company had been set up without a proper feasibility study and Cabinet approval. It also observed that the four Government institutions were not properly issued shares for the money invested in the company.The report pointed out that the Sri Lanka Export Development Board investing Rs 8 million in CWG Hambantota 2018 (Pvt.) Ltd was contrary to the objectives set out in its Act.

In addition, a UK based international consultancy firm known as ‘PMP Legacy’ had been paid Rs 331 million in 2011 and January 2012 to prepare and present the bids to the Commonwealth Games Federation on behalf of Sri Lanka. According to the audit report, the payments had exceeded the initial amount agreed with the consultancy firm.

The audit report stressed that the selection of this consultancy firm had been done prior to even receiving cabinet approval for the establishment of the company, and that the process had violated the Government Procurement Guidelines.

The report said CWG Hambantota (Pvt) Ltd had written receipts without mentioning the name of the payee for Rs. 55 million received on 17 occasions.