Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, May 26, 2019

Climbing Up that Hill: The Tamil Genocide and the Long Path to Recognition and Justice

 
A response to TAMIL RESISTANCE & RESILIENCE IN THE FACE OF GENOCIDE, a global photo campaign first shown at Caelum Gallery in New York on May 11th , with an additional show in Toronto on May 26th , which commemorates the Mullivaikkal Massacre and serves as a further call to action.

By Mary Krienke-May 22

OnEaster Sunday, three Christian churches were bombed in Sri Lanka, followed by an outpouring of grief for the victims, many of them children. The violence of this act was not lost on anyone; the story was internationally broadcast and widely heard.

These stories capture an essential truth behind such acts of terror: people were killed doing the least we should be allowed to do — to express faith and joy, to congregate and commune with others. In the desire to express what makes us most human is where our vulnerability lies. This was self-evident. This was the pulse of recognition. Empathy as simple as breathing.

In response to the Easter Day bombings, some homed in on the religious element and proclaimed that sectarian violence had been unusual in the country for the last decade, neglecting the reality of the intense ethnic conflict Sri Lanka has endured for decades in addition to other incidents of post-war anti-Muslim violence. TAMIL RESISTANCE & RESILIENCE IN THE FACE OF GENOCIDE: A global photo campaign to commemorate the Mullivaikkal Massacre — already planned to commemorate the massacre of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians in 2009 — shows that the Easter bombings lie on top of a foundation of state-sanctioned violence and ethnic cleansing.

Photo by Samitha Rajadeva

PEARL’s exhibit, shown in New York on May 11th — with an additional show in Toronto on May 26th — takes visitors through the pre-cursors to the war, as tensions were mounting; through the height of the bloodshed; and into the aftermath, where deep wounds still exist. There are photos of in-the-moment brutality as well as the mangled evidence of violence that will not soon be forgotten. Some photos show bodies, some show the ruins of gutted buildings; in another, a bike leans against a wall — on first glance, an image that could be a street anywhere, until you see the bullet holes that crack through the concrete. The exhibit collects these images side by side, fully planting you into another place and reality. It is not the feeling of traveling back in time but the awareness that what you are witnessing is running parallel to your experience at this very moment. The world is full of these moments, if you let them in, and this exhibit offers its audience access to such a moment of connection. All it asks in return is to look and not turn away.

Several realities exist for why more was not done about Sri Lanka’s genocide, including government messaging, claiming all military action was directed at the LTTE only — a guerilla organization ultimately designated a terrorist group — again neglecting the reality in which the LTTE was formed, as an armed resistance in response to anti-Tamil laws and pogroms. And most importantly neglecting that Tamils, after being targeted for years, were relentlessly shelled by the government in designated safe zones until no further armed struggle could be mounted.

But we cannot withhold empathy or deny government-directed genocide because the LTTE committed atrocities; how easily are we fooled into believing this sanctions violence toward Tamil civilians? This is how ethnic cleansing marches on.

PEARL’s exhibit feels especially haunting because of how clear it is that the violence is not over, that this is still a country very much in flux, where wounds are not only open but raw. Two photos toward the end of the exhibit show monuments that the Sri Lankan government has erected in the North-East, where many Tamil civilians were bombed while in supposed safe zones and at hospitals they turned to for treatment (the exhibit’s accompanying audio/text reveals that the only hospitals not bombed were those that chose not to give out their coordinates). These monuments speak loudly and clearly to Sri Lanka’s Tamil population: they are a further act of aggression, a reminder of state-sanctioned violence and trauma, and a warning to remain silent.

State-sanctioned silence is not new or even rare. Guatemala, Peru, Spain, Rwanda. There are countless parallels between PEARL’s exhibit and feature film documentaries such as the 1983 WHEN MOUNTAINS TREMBLE, about the Guatemalan armed conflict that targeted the country’s Mayan population, and THE SILENCE OF OTHERS, which had its US theatrical release this month, about the amnesty law and “pact of forgetting” in post-Franco’s Spain. For those who can’t forget, who lost loved ones, or who were tortured themselves, laws demanding forgetting are one more form of torture: to suffer in silence, to mask their grief, to expect nothing as human as knowing what happened to their loved ones or burying their dead.

Sri Lanka’s victory monuments in the heart of the Tamil North-East, where mass graves are still being unearthed, echo Spain’s controversial Valley of the Fallen, which contains both mass graves from Franco’s regime and, up until June 2019, will contain a tomb for Franco himself; its large cross cuts into the skyline as a reminder of deep division and the towering figure Franco remains. But THE SILENCE OF OTHERS, like PEARL’s exhibit, shows a movement of victims seeking justice despite demands to forget, and serves as a testament to the importance of truth and justice. TAMIL RESISTANCE & RESILIENCE IN THE FACE OF GENOCIDE takes us through the grief of families unable to get answers about their disappeared loved ones — an estimated 100,000 individuals — and the movement to memorialize LTTE lives, whose gravestones were razed by the government, then recovered by Tamils resisting the aggressive silencing.

What this exhibit and PEARL’s larger mission communicates so clearly is that genocide is a process, as is grief — and justice. Genocide always seems like an impossibility, but it is a slope into madness that begins by looking away. The only counterbalance to genocide is to return to the site of the wound, to climb back up that hill, and to say: this happened and those responsible must be held accountable. This exhibit asks us to make that climb, to let the long process of recognition and restitution begin.

In support of Tamil Genocide Recognition, please sign this petition and lend your voice to this necessary movement for justice.

Mary Krienke grew up in the Midwest and currently resides in Brooklyn, New York. She received her MFA from Columbia University’s Fiction Program and has been previously published in Joyland, Palooka, Underground Voices, andMidwestern Gothic, among others. She is currently an associate agent at Sterling Lord Literistic, a New York City-based literary agency.

Tamil Resistance & Resilience in the Face of Genocide will be in Toronto on May 26 from 12:30 pm to 7 pm at Abbozzo Gallery (401 Richmond Street W. #128). Please RSVP here.

SINGAPOREAN-STYLE DRACONIAN LAW PROPOSED TO REIN IN MEDIA IN SRI LANKA.



Sri Lanka Brief24/05/2019

Speaking at a journalism training workshop in Matale on 23rd May Chairman of Sri Lanka Press Council (SLPC) Attorney-at-law Koggala Wellala Bandula  has said that to control social media in Sri Lanka a tough law on the lines of controversial The Protection From Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Bill adopted by Singapore is being proposed.  Koggala Wellala Bandula was appointed to the post by president Sirisena.

In his speech he has indirectly endorsed establishing such a mechanism.

PDF version of the Bill is here: protection-from-online-falsehoods-and-manipulation-bill10-2019
The recently adopted Singaporean law has come under serve criticism by international media rights organisations.

For example  Singaporean historian and coordinator of Oxford University’s Project Southeast Asia Thum Ping Tjin told IPI “the draconian, totally arbitrary” law will also conjure fear among journalists who work for non-government organizations.

He has  acknowledged the futility in trying to block social media due to the availability of other means to access various sites and said that he did so during recent restrictions imposed on social media, reports The Island.

The report further says  that “having discussed the urgent need to counter fake news and the use of social media for destructive purposes, Bandula revealed that among various counter measures proposed was the introduction of a tough law on the lines of controversial The Protection From Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Bill adopted by Singapore recently. Bandula pointed out that the Singaporean law envisaged ten year jail term and Singapore Dollars 735,080 in fines for not obeying an order. Bandula said that the proposal was yet to be taken up for discussion.

“The law would provide the government power to demand corrections, order the removal of content, or block websites deemed to be propagating falsehoods contrary to the public interest.

“Bandula said that the government couldn’t ignore the need for regulatory mechanisms.

“Alleging ‘hate speech’ posed a serious threat, Bandula emphasized the requirement for tangible measures to address the issue. Accusing politicians of using and abusing media, Bandula urged print and electronic journalists to be watchful.

“The SLPC Chairman said that for want of efficient mechanism, those in authority missed the overseas extremist build-up in the run-up to the April 21 bombings. The attorney-at-law explained how a group of persons protested in Geneva accusing the majority community of harassing Muslims. Civil society activist Sunanda Deshapriya, too, conducted a similar project, in Geneva simultaneously, Bandula said, highlighting the failure to look into such protests.”

Reflections from Mullivaikkal: Kilinochchi

See more reflections on our website www.RememberMay2009.com 

Bathiudeen called Army Commander on the advice of State Defence Minister




BY GAGANI WEERAKOON-MAY 26 2019

 The Attorney General has directed acting IGP C.D. Wickremaratne to immediately launch a comprehensive criminal investigation against Inspector General of Police (IGP) Pujith Jayasundara, former Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando and three other officials.

This decision was based on two interim reports and recommendations of the board of inquiry, appointed by President Maithripala Sirisena, on the series of incidents connected to the Easter Sunday attacks.

According to AG’s Department sources, in two separate letters, dated 7 May 2019 and 14 May 2019, the Attorney General has directed the acting IGP to order the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) to conduct comprehensive criminal investigations against IGP Jayasundara, Defence Secretary Fernando, the Commanding Officer of the Special Task Force, State Intelligence Chief and the Senior DIG of Western Province.

The Attorney General has also directed the acting IGP to refer this matter to the National Police Commission, in order that disciplinary action be taken against the Senior DIG of Western Province, State Intelligence Chief and Commanding Officer of the Special Task Force, for their lapses in duty.

Group meeting heats up

Minister of Industry and Commerce, Resettlement of Protracted Displaced Persons, Co-operative Development and Vocational Training and Skills Development Rishad Bathiudeen offered to resign from all positions along with his Party MPs and also noted that UNP MP Mujibur Rahman too would join him.
He said this during last week’s Government Parliamentary Group Meeting which took place in Committee Room 1 in the Parliament Complex, as his UNF colleagues started exerting pressure on him to resign.

He said, he will do so only if he was found guilty in any investigation and if President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe asked him to do so.

Several UNP MPs, including Harin Fernando, Niroshan Perera, Hector Appuhami and Kavinda Jayawardena asked Bathiudeen to resign from his post pending investigations into allegations.

On the other hand, there were several others who did not want Bathiudeen to budge on the demands of the Opposition or anyone else.

The United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) has handed over a No-Confidence Motion against the Minister alleging that he gave political patronage to those behind Easter Sunday’s bomb attacks.  The Motion has placed the ruling United National Party (UNP) in a quandary with some of its Catholic MPs vowing to support it.

State Minister Niroshan Perera asked Minister Bathiudeen to step down warning him that if he did not do so, he would support the Motion.  The Minister of Industry and Commerce is also accused of asking Army Commander Mahesh Senanayake to release a terrorist suspect, supplying scrap copper to the factory owned by suicide bomber Imsham Ahamed Ibrahim and influencing the Police to charge some of the workers of this factory under a different law other than the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) so that they could be granted bail.

In the meantime, Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Vanni Parliamentarian Charles Nirmalanadan said that he would be in favour of the No-Faith Motion whatever decision is taken by the Tamil National Alliance. He said that in spite of the fact that Ravi Karunanayake and Wijayakala Maheshwaran were removed from their portfolios when holding investigations, Bathiudeen is not removed from his post in the same way because of some leaders’ greed for his money.

Denial

Meanwhile, Minister Bathiudeen denied an array of allegations levelled against him, including employing an Islamic cleric as an adviser to the Ministry and exerting pressure on the Commander of the Army to release an arrested person.

“There are no Moulavis functioning in an advisory capacity to me as the Minister. Therefore, none of the Moulavis arrested to date were my advisors. My two official advisers have been Roy Jayasinghe and Dr. Azeez,” said the Minister in Parliament on 22 May.

Using his right to reply in the House, Minister Bathiudeen was making his statement to clear various allegations levelled against him by local politicians.
“It has been also reported earlier that a Coordinating Secretary of mine was arrested. That too was a lie and a totally false statement. There was also the accusation that my brother was arrested, which was false. I have now obtained a letter from the IGP, attesting my brother was never arrested.  I never pressured the Army Commander either. An Adviser to the Muslim Affairs Ministry named Jainudeen called me and complained to me that an unidentified group of people visited his home, and nabbed his son. For two days I was visiting Police Stations, even Dehiwala Police Station, without any success,” he said.
 
According to Bathiudeen, the Police had repeatedly denied arresting such a person, and he was advised to speak to the Military Forces.

“Then I contacted the State Minister of Defence Ruwan Wijewardene, who advised me to contact the Army Commander to see if the missing person was with the Army. I was doing this search on humanitarian grounds. I then contacted the Commander, and only asked him if this person was with the Army.
I did not pressure the Commander, and never asked the Commander to release any individual either. Therefore, the accusation that I tried to influence the Commander is utterly false. I wish to ask this House and the people of Sri Lanka, is it wrong to inquire about another politician’s missing family member, if the family contacts you and asks you to help them?”

Even though, he said so, Army Commander Lt. General Mahesh Senanayake when queried as to whether he was under pressure from Minister Rishad Bathiudeen to release a suspect arrested in connection to the Easter Sunday attack, as mentioned in the No-Confidence Motion against the Minister, he said that in his view it was more of a ‘request’ than a demand.

“He inquired about the suspect arrested in Dehiwala. There were three calls in this regard. The first time, he asked about a particular individual and I said that I will check. When he called for the second time, I confirmed that he was in our custody. The third call was about inquiring into the condition of the suspect.
After describing the suspect’s family background, he asked me whether there is a possibility for me to extend any help. I asked him to call me after one-and-a-half years,” he said while noting that he has powers to detain suspects arrested under extremist terrorism charges for such a period.

Foot in mouth

Plantation Minister Navin Dissanayake last week told journalists that it was unfair to find fault with someone like Minister Bathiudeen, who has not been found guilty and made it a point to note that Minister Bathiudeen in fact turned emotional when he spoke at the Cabinet meeting about the false allegations levelled against him.

Responding to questions raised by journalists, Dissanayake said it seemed that many including the Media were attempting to blacklist Minister Bathiudeen which only amounted to an act of racialism.

“All the UNP MPs will give their support to Bathiudeen when the NCM is taken up for debate,” Dissanayake said.

When pointed it was pointed out that State Minister Niroshan Perera had said he would vote in favour of the NCM, Dissanayake said the State Minister had mistakenly said so.

“Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe discussed the matter with the State Minister yesterday,” he added.

However, Minister Dissanayake was in for a shocker when State Minister Niroshan Perera, in Parliament, refuted claims made by Minister Dissanayake and said he had expressed his views on the No-Confidence Motion against Minister Rishad Bathiudeen with responsibility and there was no change in his stance on the NCM.

He said this in the House responding to Opposition MPs who said that Minister Dissanayake had claimed that State Minister Perera had vowed to support the NCM against Bathiudeen by mistake.

“Minister Dissanayake had said that I spoke of the NCM by mistake. It was not a mistake. I said it when I was completely sober and in a right state of mind,” he said.

He also said, serious allegations had been levelled against Minister Bathiudeen and that an impartial investigation should be conducted before taking appropriate action.

“I request that justice should be meted out to all. More than 250 people have died. Justice should be meted out to them. Steps should be taken to prevent extremist elements raising their heads again,” he said.

Opposition boycotts PSC

The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) had decided not to participate in the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC), appointed to probe the Easter Sunday terror attacks.

The United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) said it would not be part of the PSC appointed to investigate allegations levelled at Industry and Commerce Minister Rishad Bathiudeen as it feels the PSC will only divert attention from recent political developments and seek to whitewash the minister.

 UPFA General Secretary MP Mahinda Amaraweera said UPFA and SLFP members have taken a collective decision not to be part of PSC, but UPFA will join the No-Confidence Motion debate against Bathiudeen.

“We don’t think the PSC was appointed to find a solution over the allegations mentioned in the No-Confidence Motion against Bathiudeen,” he added.

He noted UPFA will not accept the decision to appoint the PSC and therefore, will not be part of its membership. Amaraweera sent a letter to Speaker Karu Jayasuriya on Wednesday stating seven points why the UPFA refused to be part of PSC.  In the letter, Amaraweera noted the PSC was appointed to look into Easter Sunday attacks, which does not have any connection to the No-Confidence Motion against Bathiudeen.

“The majority of UPFA MPs and the public believe the purpose of the PSC was to whitewash Bathiudeen and prevent the No-Confidence Motion taking for a vote in the House,” he said in the letter.

Amaraweera argued that if PSC clears Bathiudeen, parliamentarians who signed for the No-Confidence Motion will lose the opportunity to present their evidence during the No-Confidence Motion debate.

Amaraweera also said, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa had also agreed to not to be part of PSC. He said the UPFA decision to not to be part of PSC was not an attempt to protect Bathiudeen.

However, SLFP National Organiser MP Duminda Dissanayake said on 16 May, the party had not taken any decision whether to support the No-Confidence Motion.
Rajapaksa also said on Wednesday, that he will ‘examine his conscience’ on whether or not to be part of PSC, as the Government can defeat any effort by the JO. Rajapaksa pointed out, the majority of the PSC will consist of Government MPs, and therefore, he was not confident the Committee would be transparent or effective.

Meanwhile, UNP Parliamentarian Dr. Kavinda Jayawardena on Friday (24), resigned from the PSC and Minister of Health Dr. Rajitha Senaratne was appointed to fill the vacant slot.

Dr. Jayawardena informed the Speaker since he was attending to those affected by the terror attack in his electorate he might not be able to carry out duties in the PSC and that was why he resigned.

 “There are many people in my electorate, who have been killed and many more who are injured. I am trying to help them to overcome this tragedy. Therefore, I might not be able to fulfil PSC duties,” Jayawardena said and requested another MP to be appointed.

Meanwhile, JVP MP Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa will represent the JVP, the Speaker informed Parliament.

Mullikulam still without basic facilities two years on


24 May 2019
The people of Mullikulam who resettled in their land after months of protest continue to suffer without basic facilities, two years after resettling.
Mullikulam residents expressed anger at their complete neglect by the Sri Lankan government, stating they did not even have proper shelter and were at the mercy of wild elephant attacks.
They said  they have also not been provided electricity or drinking water and that especially women were affected by the lack of sanitation.
Meanwhile the residents noted that Sri Lankan navy personnel stationed in Mullikulam were living in luxury houses built on civilian’s properties.

Mangala, Monks, Mangala Sutta and Marx

logo Friday, 24 May 2019

In the Buddhist belief system, ‘Mangala’ means a ‘blessing’. In the abstract ‘Mangala’ denotes an ‘auspicious sign’.

In the ‘Mangala Sutta’, the Buddha has enumerated 38 of the highest blessings that we must or should be guided by.

Mangala says that Buddhism is not a religion. That it is a message to all mankind. He says that he follows the vision of the Buddha and does not regard it as an inflexible dogma held in hegemony by the Sinhala Buddhist tribe.

The monks insist otherwise. They contend that “Sinhala Buddhism is the exclusive preserve of Sinhala Buddhists. Anybody who thinks or suggests a contrary point of view, is neither a Buddhist nor a true Sinhalese.”

In the matter of Mangala vs Monks, I would frame my attempted adjudication in the context of one of the 12 stanzas in the homily known as the ‘Mangala Sutta’.

“He whose mind does not waver, by contact with worldly contingencies, sorrowless, stainless and secure; this is Blessing Supreme.”

Now, we must give the devil his due. Mangala did not waver. He stood by his conviction that there is a wide chasm between what the Buddha taught and what the Sinhala Buddhist Sangha preach. Now that is a ‘Mangala’ attitude.

At this point, I must record a caveat in defending Mangala. I fully stand by his libertarian humanism. With equal vehemence I condemn his neo liberal market anarchism.

With these paradigms set I venture to unravel the deadlock between Mangala and our monks with some help from Karl Marx.

The Daily Mirror carries a report of Mangala’s latest clarification made on Thursday 23 May in Parliament.

He has told the house that he will not call himself a Buddhist but a person who follows the Buddhist Philosophy.

“There is no religion called Buddhism as it is only a philosophy. Buddhism does not belong only to Sinhalese as Buddha’s teachings have covered the entire universe. Some Buddhist monks who think Buddhism is a religion create troubles in this country.”

He has reiterated that those who are living in this country are Sri Lankans and the majority are Sinhalese Buddhists.

“I was scolded in raw filth for making a similar statement earlier. However, I would repeat that sentiment again.”

It seems that Khema’s boy is not afraid to be the boy on the burning deck.

“The boy stood on the burning deck, whence all but he had fled.” I weep for Mano Ganesan!

Mangala must also get off his high horse. The soaring eagle has one view. The grasshopper has a different view. Both views are true from their respective points of view.

The Monks claim that Sinhala Buddhism is a religion. Mangala claims that what Prince Siddhartha discovered after his runcination is a philosophy.

Any dimwit should know that both parties are right. There is no real argument here. An argument has a premise and a conclusion. Mangala and monks stand on different premises and it is only natural that they reach different conclusions.

Mangala’s Prince Siddhartha renounced his worldly kingdom. The monks are the historical custodians of the kingdom that offers the foremost position to Buddhism while guaranteeing religious freedom to all faiths.

Surely Mangala should comprehend Sinhala Buddhist clerical logic. An eminent prince of the Catholic Church has accepted their logic with such saintly sanguinity that he is now a serious candidate to be inducted as an honorary grand vizier of the Sinhala Buddhist Klan.

The monks are right. Sinhala Buddhism is not a philosophy that is open for debate or dissension. Sinhala Buddhism is a religion. It is a doctrine of faith. It demands acceptance allegiance and unreserved loyalty. It is the most primal form of insidious authority.

Karl Marx respected religion. He more than any philosopher understood the purpose of religion. Religion is the fulcrum on which the exploitative process balances the accumulation of wealth and the sanctity of private property and capital.

 The accurate context in which the oft misquoted Marxian cliché is this.

“Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of a spiritless situation. It is the opium of the people.”

Can we reasonably dispute this little dose of Marxist wisdom?

Isn’t Sinhala Buddhism the spirit of a sprit less situation? Can we not wholeheartedly endorse the Marxist proposition that ‘Sinhala Buddhism’ as opposed to what the Buddha taught is the heart of a heartless world?

Can we ignore the cold logic of Karl Marx is asserting that religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature on whose behalf an Anunayake of the Asgiriya chapter demanded that Gotabaya should decide to be another Hitler?

Marx maintained that all criticisms begin with the criticism of what we call religion.

When he said that religion is the sigh of the oppressed class, he was reaffirming a truth that stares at us every time a politician visits a monastery in Kandy to offer ‘ataprikara’ and exchange profound inanities.

Those politicians demonstrate that religion is their crutch to lean on to escape our hostility. We don’t need Marx to remind us that we live in a hostile world.

Karl Marx said that philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point was to change it.

This dictum is carved on the gravestone of Karl Marx at the Highgate cemetery.

If only Khema’s boy reads Karl Marx instead of reading the old budget speeches of Ronnie De Mel! 

Army should desist from unwise appointments

Quick return to normalcy will restrain would-be dictators


article_image

Churchill kept his Generals on a firm leash: General Dempsey, Field Marshall Brooke, Churchill, Field Marshal Montgomery and South African Prime Minister Smuts. https://ww2db.com/image.php? image_id*18990


by Kumar David-May 25, 2019, 6:56 pm

Apart from the question of propriety and conduct unbecoming of a national institution like the military, the criminal charges of a serious nature filed in the courts by the police against the infamous Tripoli Military Intelligence Platoon, is a tinderbox political issue. The Rajapaksa Brothers and the SLPP are incensed by allegations that this unit and its commander Major Prabath Bulathwatte were instruments of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government for abduction and assassination of suspected LTTE cadres and anti-government journalists. Two cases filed against Gotabaya Rajapaksa in American courts allege such wrongdoing. When the Paksas and their cohorts holler that intelligence units vital for national security have been dismantled they mean that their apparatchiks have been demobilised under public pressure about human and democratic rights. In just seven words: The Bulathwatte case is a political issue.

Furthermore, the Tripoli Platoon is deeply enmeshed with Gotabaya and, therefore these political implications are also partisan in nature. Was Commander Mahesh Senanayake unaware of these corollaries? To be generous let us say that when he made his fateful decision he did not realise its full political dimensions. But the outburst of public condemnation afterwards has been so pronounced that by no means can he be still unaware. His minions surely have brought the following to his notice.

The Financial Times of 13 May reported under the title ‘Major Bulathwatte, who commanded the Tripoli Military Intelligence Platoon, allegedly responsible for assassinations, abductions and attacks on journalists recalled to active service’ as follows: "The main suspect in the abduction of journalist Keith Noyahr in May 2008, Major Prabath Bulathwatte, who also led the shadowy military intelligence unit suspected to be behind the 2009 murder of The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, has been restored to active service, Army Commander Mahesh Senanayake said. Making a shocking statement during a television interview aired on Saturday night, the army chief claimed that side-lining Bulathwatte had resulted in intelligence setbacks after the interviewer revealed details that the terrorist behind the Easter Sunday bombings, Mohammed Zaharan, had been on the intelligence officer’s radar".

Colombo Telegraph carried, Lasantha’s Daughter Slams Army Reinstatement of Death Squad Leader: "Prabath Bulathwatte’s reactivation in a prominent post will not only pose a serious threat to and have a chilling effect on those army officers and witnesses who had the righteousness to speak up against Bulathwatte’s alleged wrongdoing says Lasantha Wickematunge’s daughter, Ahimsa Wickrematunge".

The (international) Committee to Protect Journalists slammed Senanayake: "Promoting to active duty an intelligence officer implicated in the killing of a journalist and torture of two others severely undermines Sri Lanka’s claim that it is fighting impunity for crimes against journalists," said CPJ Coordinator Steven Butler in Taipei. "The move creates threats to journalists in Sri Lanka, who are not safe to do their jobs."

The Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association "Strongly condemned the decision to restore Bulathwatte, the main suspect in the abduction of journalist Keith Nair and leader of a shadowy military intelligence unit suspected to be behind the murder of Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wichremetunga".

Articles by Tassie Seneviratne (retired Senior Superintendent of Police Titled, "Security Forces should not harass Innocent Public" in the Sunday Island of 12 and 19 May give details of many instances of communal oriented abuse of power by the security forces.
Believe me what I have quoted is not the worst being being said, particularly in the vernacular media and in private conversations. And what was Mr Senanayake’s response to this tirade? "Nobody should tell me what I should do". He did not say he had cleared it with the President and Prime Minister; had he said so it would have put a different complexion on the matter. Then it would be a decision by politicians and there would be no undignified suggestion that the army was dabbling in politics.

Leaving aside the political dimension there is a matter of propriety. Police investigators by all accounts have a strong case, but presumably there is nothing in the law preventing the reversion to state service of a person charged with the crimes, even abduction and assassinations. In India, candidates on murder charge are permitted to run for election to the Lok Sabha but they are turfed out if convicted. This ruling was to prevent governments in office filing fanciful charges to block opposition candidates from contesting elections. Bulathwatte’s case is in no way similar; his restitution to service is undesirable.

What are we to make of the argument that Bulathwatte is privy to useful information and/or that he is a capable investigator. Sure, both may be true but do not justify renewal of active service. Really Mr Senanayake is the 350,000 strong Sri Lankan military not able to find 10 to 20 officers of spotless reputation and high ability to man a top-class investigative unit? Current and retired police and military officers are incensed by the implication that the services are incapable of staffing a proficient intelligence unit without recourse people who are on trial. And as for information Bulathwatte may be privy to; why it’s simply a matter of debriefing him thoroughly. Or is it being said that he has declined to reveal critical information unless offered a post?

My next point is important. Times of political unrest and instability and periods in which a state of emergency prevails are dangerous for democracy. There is no denying that there are circumstances in which such measures are necessary, at the same time these are the circumstances in which plotters thrive and conspiracies abound. Historically when democracy has been abrogated and a dictatorship imposed anywhere in the world it is during turmoil; plain vanilla out-of-the blue dictatorship is rare. Taking all things into consideration I am not worried about the military per se in this respect in Sri Lanka at the present time. My concern is whether this or that political "black-hand" (there is more than potential culprit) may attempt to make a move behind the scenes. Such a thing was not possible in 1983 since we had a strong personality as President with 2/3 majority in Parliament and a stable government. Today the government is fractured, personalities at the helm plastic and the opposition ambitious. The atmosphere created by this double whammy (a terrorist assault followed by several days of communal mob rioting) is bad. The worst thing terrorism and mob rule does is to open the door to power grabbers. At such times strictly proprietary conduct of the military is most desirable.

There are two more basic safeguards: Normalcy must the restored fast and the armed forces recalled to barracks, and second and more important, the primacy of civilian rule must remain absolute and unquestioned. The latter safeguard implies mobilisation of the people: Mobilisation in this context means openly and extensively discussing the dangers, vigorously opposing the idea in the media, and if the need arises, confronting it with a general strike.

I do see the things returning to normal and the supremacy of civilian power being soon restored. Unfortunately, thereafter the three main candidates for the Presidency, Gota, Ranil and Sirisena are a poor slate. There are human rights allegations against Gota and Tamils and Muslims perceive him as a threat. Will he try to hang on forever like brother Mahinda? Ranil is steward of a government that even UNPers call a failure and as for Sirisena the less said the better. None of this triumvirate will mobilise the people to meet a threat were it to materialise from one of the other two or from another source. The grapevine and social media are saturated with lies and speculation about potential presidential candidates – Dhammika Perera, Sarath Fonseka, Naganda Kodithuwaku, you name anyone and his/her name is floating in cyber space. The reality however is that there is a near universal demand for an alternative candidate. See for example the two web-links below or numerous others:

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/FMfcgxwCgpTNfCnZjLRNsgJbhfFRMFdL?projector*1

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v*ij3XPGgscNU&feature*youtu.be

In these circumstances, how should one cast the second preferential vote? No ways should any of the deplorable Gota/Ranil/Sira triumvirate get a first preferential vote? This topic I will return to nearer the date and after Gota’s citizenship puzzle is clarified. Forget the triumvirate, Lanka needs an alternative that reflects ‘the fed-up voter’, those who rallied to the January Eighth Movement of 2015, the Left, Liberals, Democrats, TNA, Mano Ganesan, women’s and non-governmental bodies, the and if it wants to join the JVP. It’s not at all too early to call a Unity Forum to take up the idea. Of course we won’t win or come second but Rome was not built in a day and I daresay the builders toiled for a while before the job got done. If the people in their majority choose Gota, Ranil, or some other person nominated by the SLPP or UNP they will suffer for five more years but the effort to get past such obstacles has to start now and the builders have to be tireless. Many people say this, but a concrete call for a Forum has yet to be issued.

A core element in the programme has to be rejection of ethno-politics - slavery to the identity obsession. Eradication will require intervention on many fronts; education, creating a new consciousness and changing the constitution. Embedding religion (the so-called rightful place of Buddhism) and special mention of Sinhala in all constitutions since 1972 has encouraged a narrow and profoundly divisive state of mind in the people. A plural, democratic, modern and progressive philosophy cannot be stimulated in the country unless the Chapter on Buddhism is repealed by assertion of secularism and all differential or unbalanced references to language are removed. None of this is going to happen overnight but it is time to boldly place these matters on the agenda.

Can Muslims integrate with others without their support?

  • Another ingredient the society lacks is honesty, when it comes to ethnic harmony
  • National parties are naturally more concerned about Sinhala votes than minority votes
  • It is exhibitionism, not necessarily extremism or terrorism, despite hindering social integration
 24 May 2019
The initial reaction by Sri Lankan Muslims to the Easter Sunday terrorist suicide attacks on churches and five-star hotels was not something unexpected. While sympathizing with the victims, they genuinely felt a sense of shame and guilt, because the suicide attacks that killed 266 people that day were carried out by terrorists belonging to their faith and having committed the heinous crime in the name of Islam.   

The ideological conflict between religious extremists and the others among the Muslims had been behind the scenes for the past few decades having suddenly burst out with the ordinary Muslims launching a scathing media campaign against the extremists. They dissociated themselves from the extremists some of whom finally turned into murderous terrorists and for the first time came forward to openly expose the damage caused by the extremists to the Muslim community in Sri Lanka during the past three or four decades.   
They intuitively came forward to assist the security forces to zero in on the terrorists among them. The people of the Eastern Muslim township of Sainthamaruthu prevented another catastrophe by alerting the authorities about a hideout of the dreaded National Thowheed Jama’at (NTJ), the local terrorist organization that was behind the Easter Sunday carnage. That timely intervention by the Sainthamaruthu people led to the NTJ’s three main figures, the father and two brothers of the outfit’s leader Zahran Hashim, killing themselves along with another twelve people including children by setting off three bomb explosions.   

It came to light after April 21 that Muslim leaders had since 2013 been alerting the authorities, about a dangerous trend within the community which later turned out to be full blown terrorism. They had been doing this without going public, apparently for fear of being branded as traitors or being dragged into unnecessary clashes. In the wake of the April 21 catastrophe, the ordinary Muslims openly expressed their willingness and preparedness to reform the community through introspection and self-criticism.   
Thus, the discourse on social integration naturally came to the fore, along with the crackdown on the newly-exposed terrorism. Many non-Muslims also naturally joined the bandwagon, though many of them held the matter from the wrong end. They raised their concerns over the face veil, which some Sri Lankan Muslim women had been wearing for the past decade, Madrasas or the traditional Islamic religious schools, division of government schools on religious lines, the Muslim personal law and ethnicity-based political parties as causes of terrorism, while the moderate Muslims viewed these issues as an hindrance to their integration into the ordinary Sri Lankan society.   
In fact, terrorism is an extension of extremism coupled with intolerance, two properties, which are seen among other communities as well, as we saw this month in the Puttalam, Kurunegala and Gampaha Districts. Above issues raised by the non-Muslims had been a far cry from terrorism. Therefore, Muslims were also caught off-guard when NTJ terrorists struck at churches and hotels on Easter Sunday.   

The women whom the police announced as wanted terrorists proved that the face veil has nothing to do with terrorism as they were seen without Burqa or Niqab in the pictures published by the police. A majority of face veil-clad women are from ordinary Muslim families and they don them as something fashionable. It comes under exhibitionism and not necessarily under extremism or terrorism, in spite of the fact that the face veil hinders social integration.   
Madrasas which have been existing for the past nine or ten decades have not necessarily contributed to extremism or terrorism as a majority of their products, the Maulavis have been the ones who had maintained peace among Muslim youth during the recent anti-Muslim hate campaigns. Yet, the limited education imparted in many Madrasas which is confined to religion, as being done in religious schools of some other faiths, is another hindrance to integration.   
The Muslim Personal Law as the other Personal Laws in the country covers very personal issues such as matrimonial and property issues and they have never hindered social integration or contributed to extremism and terrorism. Besides, they are under the common legal system of the country. Yet, there are backward elements in those laws which have to be rectified.   
Ethnicity-based schools and political parties are two other phenomena which have to be done away with to achieve integration, despite them having not necessarily or directly contributed to terrorism or extremism.   

But, can the Muslims integrate themselves fully into Sri Lankan society, without the support of the other communities? As the proverb goes “you can’t clap with one hand.” Unfortunately, that support is not sufficiently forthcoming. For instance, at a time when Muslims came out openly against the terrorists after the Easter attacks, the media dramatized the search operations, as the Army Commander Lieutenant General Mahesh Senanayake explained. The media also demonized the entire Muslim community, while quoting the leaders of the country and Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith saying that all Muslims are not terrorists.   
This led to the racist elements burning down hundreds of Muslim-owned houses and shops and damaging and vandalising several mosques in the Puttalam, Kurunegala and Gampaha Districts on May 12, and 13. The Army Commander said that organized mobs were behind the anti-Muslim riots amid allegations that certain politicians were behind them. Amnesty International, the London based human rights organization said impunity in the past triggered the attacks. Whatever the reasons maybe, a community struggling to come out of their insular cell is being pushed into the same cell again.   

How are we going to do away with ethnicity-based political parties, when Muslims and Tamils are left to themselves to solve their problems by the so-called national political parties? Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa had confessed several times he was not allowed to take action against the group that terrorized the Muslims during his tenure by one of his ministers who was said to have threatened to bring thousands of monks to the streets.   
This is an acknowledgement that Muslims were left to themselves to solve their problems. National parties are naturally and justifiably more concerned about Sinhala votes than minority votes. But, then the vacuum created among Muslims by the situation would inevitably be filled either by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) led by Rauff Hakeem or Rishad Bathiudeen’s All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC).   

The writer studied first in a Sinhala school conducted within the premises of a Buddhist temple and studied Buddhism too as a subject. However, the competition in education has now prevented Tamils and Muslims students except for a privileged few from being admitted to Sinhala-medium schools. Besides, Muslim female students find a conflict between the dress code for students in several schools and their culture. Again they are being put into the same insular cell. Without considering this aspect many people are seen these days waxing eloquent on the ill effects of ethnicity based schools.   
Integration cannot be a one-way process; it is necessarily a two-way process. Another ingredient the society lacks is honesty, when it comes to ethnic harmony. People of all communities wax eloquent on ethnic harmony in public but talk ill about other communities when they are with the members of their own community. The end result is inevitable.   

The Law Of The Jungle

Niresh Eliatamby
Welcome to the jungle, it gets worse here every day
You learn to live like an animal, in the jungle where we play” ~ Guns N Roses ‘Welcome to the Jungle’
logoThe year 2019 has seen the near complete breakdown of law, order and human rights in this country. And we’re only five months into the year!
The list of lawbreakers who have committed the most heinous crimes against our very own people is very long indeed, and seems to be growing longer quite rapidly. Political leaders, top police and military officials, senior civil servants, international Islamic terrorists, mobs controlled by who knows which political party, rogue monks, international drug smuggling cartels, underworld gangs… it just goes on and on.
There seems to be a free-for-all competition going on to win some sort of unknown prize to be given to the most amazing feat of law breaking in Sri Lanka.
A Long List of Lunacy
Political leaders and law enforcement officials deliberately allowed terrorists backed by the so-called Islamic State (IS) and its proxies in Sri Lanka to carry out suicide bomb attacks in three churches and three five-star hotels, killing 258 people, mostly Catholics. This despite warning after warning from India’s elite intelligence agencies, who had already taken into custody two Indian terrorists with strong links to the Sri Lankan bombers.
This resulted in the devastation of the country’s tourism industry, threatening the livelihoods of tens of thousands of people.
The President and Prime Minister, who we thought were in charge of the country, shrugged their shoulders and said “I wasn’t told”. Ditto the Leader of the Opposition.
Military and police officials exhorted parents to send their children to school. Then, law enforcement officials of the police and military looked the other way while mobs rampaged through many towns in the Northwestern Province and Western Province over several days. Dozens of mob members who had terrorized these towns were belatedly arrested, only to be given bail within a week!
One of the President’s advisors, who last year singlehandedly turned Sri Lanka into the laughing stock of the world with his tall tales of assassination plots against the President, was seen on national television just hanging out in the middle of one of the mobs. He was then seen having a spat with the General Secretary of the President’s political party, who himself had just persuaded police to release some other folks who had wrecked and burned down shops and houses in several towns, even being so helpful as to play chauffeur to the hooligans in his luxury Prado that the public had paid for. Apparently the Advisor and the General Secretary were arguing over whose territory it was, a bit like the Sicilian Mafia arguing with Al Capone.
Mobs in Negombo attacked refugees who fled persecution in Afghanistan and Pakistan, who were legally in Sri Lanka until the UNHCR finds them countries to live in permanently. Not content with that, the mobs then attacked the refugees when they were shifted to the Northern Province for safety.
In the middle of all this, we are told that the country’s legal system has also been changed during the last regime, to legalise Sharia law here. Plus there’s a luxurious looking ‘Sharia University’ that has been built to teach it. But the University Grants Commission says it knows nothing about it. The Bar Association doesn’t seem to have much of an opinion on this sharia law business either.
The President pardoned and released from prison the nation’s most famous thug, who was quite proud of his rampages against minorities over several years. Never mind that he had been convicted by the Court of Appeal of rampaging through a courtroom, and that the Supreme Court had agreed with the verdict. It remains to be seen what mayhem he will wreak upon the minorities of the country.
Meanwhile, a much ballyhooed ‘War on Drugs” that was declared by the President, appears to have fizzled out.
I feel almost sorry for the CEB mafia who were holding the country hostage to power cuts just a few weeks ago, that were deemed illegal, just so that some folks could profit through emergency power purchases. That seems like such a miniscule transgression now. I wonder whatever happened to that barge mounted power plant that was heading for the Galle harbour. It seems to have been completely forgotten.
Remember that chappie named Makandure Madush? Whatever happened to him? His name was all the rage for a couple of months, living it up in a penthouse in Dubai. But no one seems to care about him much now. The last we heard was that he had arrived at Katunayake and been whisked off by the CID for questioning. I have this disquieting feeling that he’s living it up in a penthouse somewhere in Colombo now. I hope I’m wrong.
Meanwhile, the various parties in Parliament currently seem to be fighting over who can best whitewash several Ministers, Governors and other high and mighty folk who are accused of having links to international Islamic terrorists.
With elections only scheduled for the end of 2019, we really can’t expect much relief soon from the madness that seems to be sweeping over our Paradise Isle. This is going to be one very long year indeed.

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Sri Lanka: It Is Time To Change Course

Why should our fellow countryman fear Muslims now? 

 
by Mass L. Usuf-2019-05-24
 
It was indeed disheartening to hear on the television, from the lips of the president, about the various forces in the works sweating to trigger a communal riot. They may be the racist extremists or political parties both in the government and the opposition. A riot which will put the majority Sinhalese community against the beleaguered Muslim minority who still are trying to come to terms with the horrific incident of 21/4. I wish to reiterate here in clear words that the Muslim community has nothing to do with these bombers. We even have prohibited the bodies of these terrorist from being buried in our cemeteries. This indicates the extent to which the Muslim community abhors these degenerates who had hijacked the name of Islam.
 
 
To allay the suspicion of some of the Sinhalese people who wrongfully imagine that the Muslims within themselves like it, I wish to state do not entertain such unhealthy thoughts. We do not condone it even within the depth of our hidden inner feelings. This is against the religion of Islam and no Muslim in his proper senses can even remotely endorse this atrocity. Some have asked me if I would be happy if the attack was against Sinhala Buddhists. I responded saying that the same principles will apply. Islam does not permit the taking of innocent lives or desecration of places of worship or the wanton destruction of people’s properties. The justice system of Islam is against persecution and oppression.
 
Let me borrow a paragraph from the book Islamic Jurisprudence by the late Justice C.G. Weeramantry, “Individual dignity ranks high in Islamic law and the concept of human rights fit naturally within this framework. The Quran warns repeatedly against persecution, denounces aggression, warns against violation of human dignity and reminds believers of the need to observe justice in all their dealings. The warning against persecution occurs 299 times in the Quran” (Page 114).
 
Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna
 
Unfortunately, there was also no scarcity for the theatrics of irrational theories babbled by some of the politicians both in the government and the opposition, after 21/4. As always, the public were also dished out the rudderless semantics and dialectics of some monks. They are a lot who are well known for their racial prejudices, empty threats and contentious speeches which, if heard without seeing the venerated robe, would hardly be acknowledged as that of a monk.
 
The content of the verbosities most of the time clearly revealed a strain of opportunism and sometimes blissful ignorance. In this context, admiration to the Leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, Anura Kumara Dissanayake for his pre and post situational analysis. Speaking in parliament, the other day, he placed the blame for the dastardly attack, on the government and the Muslim representatives. The JVP leader however, stopped short of wanting the Muslim representatives out of the august assembly. Benevolence one may call it towards a fellow member, the reason however, has a deeper ramification. His argument was that if there was no Muslim representation in parliament, then there is the potential for any undesirable entity to fill the gap of being the spokesman for the Muslims. He cited the experience of the Tamil people whose spokesman became the LTTE.
 
Do Not Fear The Muslims
 
My dear Sinhalese brothers and Sisters, we intend no harm to you. Let us unite to eliminate the curse of terrorism from society. If your little finger is cancerous, you will have to remove it. This cannot be done with emotions of hate, vengeance or retribution; That is not the path to tread. The way forward is by rationalising the issue and taking appropriate measures. The Muslims have throughout the centuries been a peaceful community. Everyone knows about this. They had never resorted to taking up of arms against the government nor against any other co-communities.
 
Why should our fellow countryman fear Muslims now? This fear was systematically indoctrinated by some of the media during these few weeks which only caused the distancing of the Muslims from the other communities. The fear that has been driven into the psyche of the people is such that parents are not sending their children to schools. Did not our children attend school during the 30-year war?
 
Diseased Minds
 
As alleged by some of the Islamophobics, if the Muslims had expansionist plans, they should have implemented it by now. The Muslims, after all, had been living in this island for more than a thousand years. Or, as these sickos allege that Islam teaches to kill the disbelievers, by now there should not be any disbelievers in this island. Take the so-called boycott of Muslim businesses. Do not they understand that these businesses too contribute to the economy of this country? Do they not know how many Sinhalese people earn their livelihood working in Muslim establishments? Can these diseased brains be called patriots or, those protecting the Sinhala race? Member of Parliament Mr. JayampathyWickremaratne at a media conference (13.05.2019) expressed his surprise at even professionals subscribing to these attitudes. It is time to correct course.
 
Let those sinister media outlets know that the direct and indirect loss it has caused to this nation by its irresponsible reporting is incalculable. The people of this country are suffering not so much because of the attack but because of the fear psychosis that was gradually fed into the hearts and minds of the innocent masses. In addition, those racist extremists prostituting in the social media cannot under any circumstances be identified with those who love this country or their race.
 
Na hi verenaverani
 
Take a lesson from the KalayakkhiniVatthu of the Dhammapada. This refers to the story of a man who had two wives and the past rivalries of these two women. The Buddha told them about their past feuds as rival wives and made them to see that hatred could only cause more hatred, and that it could only cease through friendship, understanding and goodwill.
 
Dhammapada Verse 5
Na hi verenaverani
sammantidhakudacanam
averena ca sammanti
esadhammosanantano.
 
“Hatred is, indeed, never appeased by hatred in this world. It is appeased only by loving-kindness. This is an ancient law.”
 
It is time for people to sit and reflect for a moment on this unwholesome volcanic eruption within themselves more fully, seen in the social media. The depth of enslavement is overwhelming for some people where seemingly hate and prejudice have diseased their right-thinking mind. We must remind ourselves that we are living in a society where there is something called civilised conduct, law and order, democratic principles and so on. We are different from the animal world because we are endowed with faculty.
 
In this context, of the Noble Eightfold Path, the one that stands out is Sammavaca (Right speech). This is further classified as musavadaveramani (abstaining from false speech), pisunayavacayaveramani (abstaining from slanderous speech), pharusayavacayaveramani (abstaining from harsh speech) and samphappalapaveramani (abstaining from idle chatter). Sadly, those shackled by evils thoughts hardly practise veramani (abstention).
 
In his exposition of the contemplation of the state of mind, the Buddha mentions, by reference to cetasikas, (mental factors) sixteen kinds of citta (consciousness or a state of mind). See, The Way to the End of Suffering by Bhikkhu Bodhi. Of the sixteen, the following states of the mind are clearly visible amongst those who harbour hate. The mind with lust, the mind with aversion, the mind with delusion, the cramped mind, the scattered mind, the unfreed mind.
 
Entertaining negative thoughts of hate, animosity, revenge, suspicion and cynicism does no good for that person as an individual and for the country as a whole.
 
Cruel Realisation
 
As a community, the Muslims have awakened to the cruel realisation that the recent terrorist attack underscores the need for vigilance amongst our community. As patriotic citizens of this country, the Muslims have voluntarily taken it upon ourselves to be on the alert to identify any untoward behaviour or occurrences among the Muslim people. Without doubt, there is no Sinhalese or Tamil person who would like this fledgling nation after a three-decade war, to return to the path of violence and mayhem. It has to be emphatically stated that the Muslim community as a whole never desire our country to be embroiled in another conflict.
 
At testing times like this, we have to remain united as one nation and one people. This was the message His Eminence Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith repeatedly gave to his people and to the Sri Lankan citizens. This same message was reiterated by Lieutenant General Mahesh Senanayake, the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army. It is high time that those harbouring views of narrow racialism, hatred, suspicion and majoritarian perception rid themselves of these meaningless trivialities.
 
It is only a united people that can stand as an insurmountable force not only against any potential terrorists but, also, to face whichever countries aiming to destabilise our motherland.
 
End.