Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, May 22, 2019

Understanding NATO, Ending War


There is one question that remains unaddressed by the suggestions above: How do we mobilize sufficient people (both anti-war activists and others) and organizations (including anti-war groups and others) to participate in the effort to end elite-sponsored war, including its organizational structures such as NATO?

by Robert J. Burrowes-2019-05-21

On 4 April 2019, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, better known as NATO, marked the 70th anniversary of its existence with a conference attended by the foreign ministers of member nations in Washington DC. This will be complemented by a meeting of the heads of state of member nations in London next December.

Coinciding with the anniversary event on 4 April, peace activists and concerned scholars in several countries conducted a variety of events to draw attention to, and further document, the many war crimes and other atrocities committed by NATO (sometimes by deploying its associate and crony terrorist armies – ISIS, Al Qaeda, Al Nusra – recruited and trained by the CIA and funded by Saudi Arabia, other Gulf countries and the US directly or through one or other of its many agencies: see ‘NATO – No Need – NATO-EXIT: The Florence Declaration’), the threat that NATO poses to global peace and security as an appendage of the US military, and to consider ways that NATO might be terminated.

These protests and related activities included several outlined in ‘No To NATO: Time To End Aggressive Militarism’ which also explains how NATO ‘provides a veneer of legality’ when ‘the US is unable to get the United Nations Security Council to approve military action’ and ‘Congress will not grant authority for US military action’ and despite the clearcut fact that NATO has no ‘international legal authority to go to war’, the grounds for which are clearly defined in the Charter of the United Nations and are limited to just two: authorization by the UN Security Council and a response in self-defense to a military attack.

The most significant gathering of concerned scholars was undoubtedly the ‘Exit NATO!’ conference in Florence, Italy, which culminated in the Florence Declaration calling for an end to NATO.
See ‘The Florence Declaration: An International Front Calling for NATO-Exit’.

If NATO’s record of military destruction is so comprehensive – in the last 20 years virtually destroying Yugoslavia (balkanized into various successor states), Iraq and Libya, while inflicting enormous damage on many others, particularly Afghanistan and Syria – how did it come into existence and why does it exist now?

The Origin and Functions of NATO

Different authors offer a variety of reasons for the establishment of NATO. For example, Yves Engler argues that two of the factors driving the creation of NATO were ‘to blunt the European Left’ and ‘a desire to bolster colonial authority and bring the world under a US geopolitical umbrella’. See ‘On NATO’s 70th anniversary important to remember its anti-democratic roots’ and ‘Defense of European empires was original NATO goal’.

But few would disagree with Professor Jan Oberg’s brief statement on the origin of NATO: ‘Its raison d’etre... had always and unambiguously been the very existence of the Soviet Union... and its socialist/communist ideology.’ See ‘NATO at 70: An unlawful organisation with serious psychological problems’.

In other words, NATO was established as one response to the deep fear the United States government harbored in relation to the Soviet Union which, despite western propaganda to the contrary and at staggering cost to its population and industrial infrastructure, had led the defeat of Nazi Germany in World War II.

As Professor Michel Chossudovsky elaborates this point: The NATO ‘alliance’ of 29 member states (with Israel also a de facto member), most with US military bases, US military (and sometimes nuclear) weapons and significant or substantial deployments of US troops on their territory, was designed to sustain ‘the de facto “military occupation” of Western Europe’ and to confront the Soviet Union as the US administration orchestrated the Cold War to justify its imperial agenda – global domination guaranteed by massive US military expansion – in service of elite interests (including the profit maximization of the military industrial complex, its fossil fuel and banking corporations, and its media and information technology giants).

While NATO has the appearance of a multinational military alliance, the US controls NATO command structures with the Pentagon dominating NATO decision-making. NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) and Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (SACLANT) are Americans appointed by Washington with the NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg performing merely bureaucratic functions.

In light of the above, Chossudovsky observes: ‘Under the terms of the military alliance, NATO member states are harnessed into endorsing Washington’s imperial design of World conquest under the doctrine of collective security.’ Even worse, he argues, given the lies and fabrications that permeate US-NATO military doctrine, key decision-makers believe their own propaganda. ‘Immediately after the Cold War, a new nuclear doctrine was formulated, focused on the preemptive use of nuclear weapons, meaning a nuclear first strike as a means of self-defense.’ More recently:

‘Not only do they believe that tactical nuclear weapons are peace-making bombs, they are now putting forth the concept of a “Winnable Third World War”. Taking out China and Russia is on the drawing board of the Pentagon.’ See ‘NATO-Exit: Dismantle NATO, Close Down 800 US Military Bases, Prosecute the War Criminals’ and ‘NATO Spending Pushes Europe from Welfare to Warfare’.

So, given the ongoing military threats – with an expanding range of horrific weapons (including, to nominate just two, ‘more usable’ low yield nuclear weapons and technologies on ‘weather warfare’ offered by the military/nuclear corporate war planners) that threaten previously unimagined outcomes – and interventions by a US-led NATO, with Venezuela and now Iran the latest countries to be directly threatened  – see ‘“Dangerous game”: US, Europe and the “betrayal” of Iran’ – as well as a gathering consensus among peace activists and scholars of the importance of stopping NATO (particularly given the many opportunities, beginning with aborting its origin, that have been missed already as explained by Professor Peter Kuznick: see ‘“Obscene” Bipartisan Applause for NATO in Congress’) how do we actually stop NATO?

While several authors, including those with articles cited above, offer ideas on what should be done about ending NATO, Chossudovsky offers the most comprehensive list of ideas in this regard well aware that stopping NATO is intimately connected to the struggle to end war and globalization. Chossudovsky’s ideas range from organizational suggestions such as integrating anti-war protest with the campaign against the gamut of neoliberal economic ‘reforms’ and the development of a broad based grassroots network independent of NGOs funded by Wall Street, objectives such as dismantling the propaganda apparatus which sustains the legitimacy of war and neoliberalism, challenging the corporate media (including by using alternative media outlets on the Internet), providing encouragement (including information about the illegality of their orders) for military personnel to refuse to fight (perhaps like the GI coffeehouse movement during the US war on Vietnam: see ‘The story of the GI coffeehouses’), working to close down weapons assembly plants and many other suggestions. See Towards a World War III Scenario: The Dangers of Nuclear War and ‘NATO-Exit: Dismantle NATO, Close Down 800 US Military Bases, Prosecute the War Criminals’.

Given my own deep interest in this subject of US/NATO wars and in developing and implementing a strategy that ends their war-making, let me elaborate Chossudovsky’s explanation of NATO’s function in the world today by introducing a book by Professor Peter Phillips.

In his book Giants: The Global Power Elite, Phillips observes that the power elite continually worries about rebellion by the ‘unruly exploited masses’ against their structure of concentrated wealth. This is why the US military empire has long played the role of defender of global capitalism. As a result, the United States has more than 800 military bases (with some scholars suggesting 1,000) in 70 countries and territories. In comparison, the United Kingdom, France, and Russia have about 30 foreign bases. In addition, US military forces are now deployed in 70 percent of the world’s nations with US Special Operations Command (SOCOM) having troops in 147 countries, an increase of 80 percent since 2010. These forces conduct counterterrorism strikes regularly, including drone assassinations and kill/capture raids.

‘The US military empire stands on hundreds of years of colonial exploitation and continues to support repressive, exploitative governments that cooperate with global capital’s imperial agenda. Governments that accept external capital investment, whereby a small segment of a country’s elite benefits, do so knowing that capital inevitably requires a return on investment that entails using up resources and people for economic gain. The whole system continues wealth concentration for elites and expanded wretched inequality for the masses….

‘Understanding permanent war as an economic relief valve for surplus capital is a vital part of comprehending capitalism in the world today. War provides investment opportunity for the Giants and TCC elites and a guaranteed return on capital. War also serves a repressive function of keeping the suffering masses of humanity afraid and compliant.’

As Phillips elaborates: This is why defense of global capital is the prime reason that NATO countries now account for 85 percent of the world’s military spending; the United States spends more on the military than the rest of the world combined.

In essence, ‘the Global Power Elite uses NATO and the US military empire for its worldwide security. This is part of an expanding strategy of US military domination around the world, whereby the US/ NATO military empire, advised by the power elite’s Atlantic Council, operates in service to the Transnational Corporate Class for the protection of international capital everywhere in the world’.
In short, ending NATO requires recognition of its fundamental role in preserving the US empire (at the expense of national sovereignty) and maintaining geopolitical control to defend the global elite’s capital interests – reflected in the capitalist agenda to endlessly expand economic growth – and particularly the profits the elite makes by inciting, supplying and justifying the massively profitable wars that the US/NATO conduct on its behalf.

So if you thought that wars were fought for reasons other than profit (like defense, a ‘just cause’ or ‘humanitarian’ motives) you have missed the essential function of US/NATO wars. And while these wars might be promoted by the corporate media as conflicts over geostrategic considerations (like ‘keeping open the Straits of Hormuz’), access to resources (‘war for oil’) or even markets (so that we can have US junk-food chains in every country on Earth), these explanations are all merely more palatable versions of the word ‘profit’ and are designed to obscure the truth.

And this raises another question worth pondering. Given that wars are the highly organized industrial-scale killing of fellow human beings (for profit) as well as the primary means of expanding the number of fellow human beings who are drawn into the global capitalist economy to be exploited (for profit) and the primary method used for destroying Earth’s climate and environment (for profit), you might wander if those who conduct wars are sane. Well, as even posing the question suggests, the global elite – which drives wars, the highly exploitative capitalist economy and destruction of the biosphere – is quite insane. And there is a brief explanation of this insanity and how it is caused in the article ‘The Global Elite is Insane Revisited’.

Stopping NATO

So if war is precipitated and now maintained perpetually by an insane elite that controls and utilizes the US and NATO military forces to secure profits by killing and exploiting fellow human beings while destroying the climate and environment, how can we stop it? Clearly, not without a sophisticated strategy that addresses each dimension of the conflict.
Hence, my own suggestion is that we do three things simultaneously:
  1. Invite participation in a comprehensive strategy to end war, of which NATO is a symptom
  1. Invite participation in one or another program to substantially reduce consumption to systematically reduce the vital driver of ‘wars for resources’ (which will also reduce the gross exploitation of fellow human beings and humanity’s adverse impact on the biosphere), and
  1. Invite participation in programs to increase human emotional functionality so that an increasing proportion of the human population is empowered to actively engage in struggles for peace, justice and sustainability and to perceive the propaganda of elites and their agents, including NATO functionaries and corporate media outlets, without being deceived by it.
There is a comprehensive strategy to end war explained on this website – Nonviolent Campaign Strategy – which includes identification of the two strategic aims and a basic list of 37 strategic goals to end war. See ‘Strategic Aims’.

There is a strategy for people to systematically reduce their consumption and increase their self-reliance mapped out in ‘The Flame Tree Project to Save Life on Earth’. But if you want a simpler 12-point list which still has strategic impact, see ‘The Earth Pledge’ included in ‘Why Activists Fail’. If you want to better understand why people over-consume, you can find out here: ‘Love Denied: The Psychology of Materialism, Violence and War’.

There is a process for improving your own emotional functionality (which will develop your conscience, courage and capacity to think strategically) described in the article ‘Putting Feelings First’. If you would like to assist children to grow up without emotional dysfunctionalities, consider making ‘My Promise to Children’. If you want to read the foundation behind these two suggestions, see Why Violence? and Fearless Psychology and Fearful Psychology: Principles and Practice.
Complementary to these suggestions, you might like to sign the online pledge of The Peoples Charter to Create a Nonviolent World which links people working to end violence in all contexts.

There is one question that remains unaddressed by the suggestions above: How do we mobilize sufficient people (both anti-war activists and others) and organizations (including anti-war groups and others) to participate in the effort to end elite-sponsored war, including its organizational structures such as NATO?

Given the notorious difficulty of mobilizing activists to act strategically in any context (a much more complex version of the basic problem of mobilizing people), my primary suggestion is that individuals within the anti-war movement invite other individuals and activist groups to choose and campaign on one or more of the strategic goals necessary to end war listed in ‘Strategic Aims’. While some activist groups are already working to achieve one or more of these strategic goals, we clearly need to engage more groups to work on the many other goals so that each of these goals is being addressed. War will not be ended otherwise.

One thing that a section of the climate movement does well is to research and report on those banks, superannuation funds and insurance companies that provide financial services, loans, investment capital and insurance cover to fossil fuel corporations and to then invite concerned people to sign standard letters sent to these organizations requesting them to cease their support of fossil fuels. The anti-war movement could usefully emulate this tactic (on a far wider scale than has existed previously) in relation to weapons corporations and to invite individuals and organizations everywhere to boycott banks, superannuation funds and insurance companies with any involvement in the weapons industry.

But this is just one simple tactic (involving no risk and little effort) on a small but important range of ‘targets’ in the anti-war struggle. Unfortunately, there are plenty more targets that need our attention and that will require more commitment than signing a letter given that, for example, essential funding for the weapons industry is supplied by government procurement programs using your taxes.

Similarly, we need individuals and groups working to mobilize people to substantially reduce their consumption, and individuals and groups working to mobilize people to prioritize their emotional well-being (the foundation of their courage to act conscientiously and strategically in resisting war, exploitation and destruction of the biosphere generally). If we do not undertake these complementary but essential programs, our efforts to end war will be endlessly undermined by our own fear and over-consumption.

Because, in the final analysis, it is our fearfully surrendered tax dollars and our dollars spent consuming the resources seized in wars that will ensure that elite-driven wars for profit by the US and NATO will be financially sustained, whatever words we utter and actions we take.

So our strategy must address this fear and over-consumption too if it is to have the sophistication and comprehensiveness necessary to shut down NATO and end war.

Biodata: Robert J. Burrowes has a lifetime commitment to understanding and ending human violence. He has done extensive research since 1966 in an effort to understand why human beings are violent and has been a nonviolent activist since 1981. He is the author of Why Violence? His email address is flametree@riseup.net and his website is here.

'Mind control': The secret UK government blueprints shaping post-terror planning

After the 2017 London Bridge attack, local officials were told: 'We're sending you a hundred imams.' How hashtags, vigils and flowers are used to steer the public towards grief instead of anger

By Ian Cobain-22 May 2019 
The British government has prepared for terrorist incidents by pre-planning social media campaigns that are designed to appear to be a spontaneous public response to attacks, Middle East Eye has learned.

Judge rules against Trump in fight over president’s financial records



President Trump on May 20 criticized U.S. District Judge Amit P. Mehta, who refused to block a congressional inquiry into the president’s financial records. 



President Trump on Monday lost an early round of his court fight with Democrats after a federal judge ruled the president’s accounting firm must turn over his financial records to Congress as lawmakers seek to assert their oversight authority.

Trump called the 41-page ruling from U.S. District Judge Amit P. Mehta of the District of Columbia “crazy” and said he would appeal, adding: “We think it’s totally the wrong decision by, obviously, an Obama-appointed judge.”

Lawyers for the president are fighting document and witness subpoenas on multiple fronts, and Mehta’s ruling came hours after former White House counsel Donald McGahn was directed not to appear before a congressional committee seeking testimony about his conversations with Trump.
Congressional Democrats have vowed to fight for evidence of potential misconduct by Trump and those close to him, and the president’s legal team is broadly resisting those efforts. How those fights play out in court in the months ahead could impact the 2020 presidential race.

In his decision, Mehta flatly rejected arguments from the president’s lawyers that the House Oversight Committee’s demands for the records from Trump’s accounting firm, Mazars USA, were overly broad and served no legitimate legislative function.


President Trump is locked in a battle over congressional subpoenas, including from the House Oversight Committee, chaired by Rep. Elijah E. Cummings (D-Md.), right. (Jabin Botsford; Salwan Georges/The Washington Post)

“It is simply not fathomable,” the judge wrote, “that a Constitution that grants Congress the power to remove a President for reasons including criminal behavior would deny Congress the power to investigate him for unlawful conduct — past or present — even without formally opening an impeachment inquiry.”

Trump has argued those congressional inquiries are politically motivated attacks on the authority of the presidency, while Democrats insist the subpoenas are essential to ensuring no president is above the law.

When the lawsuit was filed, Trump’s private attorney Jay Sekulow said the president’s team “will not allow Congressional Presidential harassment to go unanswered.”

The company said in a statement that it will “respect the legal process and fully comply with its legal obligations.”

While Democrats scored the first court victory in the fight over the president’s financial records, it is unclear how many of these disputes will reach higher courts, or how those courts might rule.
Rep. Elijah E. Cummings (D-Md.), chairman of the House Oversight Committee, said the ruling “lets America know that we have ground to stand on and that we have a legitimate argument and the courts support them. . . . I’m glad it was a strong decision; that bodes well, hopefully, in the future for an appeals process.”

Mehta’s ruling drew comparisons between Trump and President James Buchanan, whom historians have blamed for failing to prevent the Civil War and who is generally considered one of the country’s worst leaders. Buchanan, too, complained bitterly about “harassing” congressional inquiries.

Mehta noted that Congress also launched an investigation into the conduct of Bill Clinton before he entered the White House.

“Congress plainly views itself as having sweeping authority to investigate illegal conduct of a President, before and after taking office,” he wrote. “This court is not prepared to roll back the tide of history.”

The judge gave the White House a week to formally appeal the decision, adding that “the President is subject to the same legal standard as any other litigant that does not prevail.”

An appeal could test decades of legal precedent that has upheld Congress’s right to investigate — a legal battle that is just one part of a broader effort by House Democrats to examine Trump’s finances, his campaign and allegations that he sought to obstruct justice in special counsel Robert S. Mueller III’s Russia investigation.

In the Mazars case, Mehta cut down Trump’s lawyers’ complaint that Congress was usurping the Justice Department’s powers to investigate “dubious and partisan” allegations of private conduct by inquiring into whether Trump misled his lenders by inflating his net worth.

Rather, Mehta said, a congressional investigation into illegal conduct before and during a president’s time in office fits “comfortably” with Congress’s broad investigative powers, which include an “informing function,” or the power to expose corruption.

Trump, his three eldest children and his company also are attempting to block a subpoena, issued by the House Financial Services Committee, seeking Trump’s bank records from Deutsche Bank AG and Capital One. A federal judge in Manhattan is set to hear that case Wednesday.

The pace of the president’s legal fights with Congress is intensifying.

House Intelligence Committee Chairman Rep. Adam B. Schiff (D-Calif.) said Monday that his panel will vote Wednesday to enforce its subpoena seeking the release of still-redacted portions of Mueller’s report, along with certain underlying materials.

Schiff accused the Justice Department of granting Republican lawmakers’ document requests and denying demands from Democrats.

“The refusal by the department, if it persists, will be a graphic illustration of bad faith and a unwillingness to cooperate with lawful process,” Schiff said.

On Monday, the Justice Department issued a formal legal opinion saying that McGahn, the former top White House lawyer, could not be required to appear before lawmakers in response to a congressional subpoena. 

Democrats subpoenaed McGahn to testify Tuesday morning, hoping he would become a star witness in their investigation into whether Trump obstructed justice. As detailed in Mueller’s report, McGahn provided critical testimony about several instances of potential obstruction by Trump.

“The Department of Justice has provided a legal opinion stating that, based on long-standing, bipartisan, and constitutional precedent, the former counsel to the president cannot be forced to give such testimony, and Mr. McGahn has been directed to act accordingly,” White House press secretary Sarah Sanders said in a statement. “This action has been taken in order to ensure that future presidents can effectively execute the responsibilities of the office of the presidency.”

The 15-page legal opinion written by Assistant Attorney General Steven A. Engel argues McGahn cannot be compelled to testify before the committee, based on past Justice Department legal memos regarding the president’s close advisers.

The memo says McGahn’s immunity from congressional testimony is separate and broader than a claim of executive privilege.

The immunity “extends beyond answers to particular questions, precluding Congress from compelling even the appearance of a senior presidential adviser — as a function of the independence and autonomy of the president himself,” Engel wrote.

Trump told reporters the action was taken “for the office of the presidency, for future presidents. I think it’s a very important precedent. And the attorneys say that they’re not doing that for me; they’re doing it for the office of the president.”

Those comments underscore the high stakes of Trump’s current standoff with Congress — if either side loses a legal ruling by an appeals court or the Supreme Court, the reverberations could be felt far beyond the Trump administration, changing the balance of power between the executive and the legislative branches of government for years to come.

In the fight over McGahn’s testimony, the Justice Department insists that immunity from testimony does not evaporate once a presidential adviser leaves the government because the topics of interest to Congress are discussions that occurred when the person worked for the president.

As a private citizen, McGahn is not necessarily bound by the White House directive, or the Justice Department memo, to refuse to comply with the subpoena. McGahn’s lawyer notified the committee that he would not appear.

The move to bar McGahn from answering lawmakers’ questions angered House Democrats eager to hit back at what they view as White House stonewalling. The defiance raises the possibility that the House will hold McGahn in contempt of Congress, as House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.) has threatened — a threat he reiterated Monday night.

“It is absurd for President Trump to claim privilege as to this witness’s testimony when that testimony was already described publicly in the Mueller report,” Nadler said in a statement. “Even more ridiculous is the extension of the privilege to cover events before and after Mr. McGahn’s service in the White House.”

An increasing number of Democrats also want to begin impeachment proceedings against Trump even though House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) last week privately played down the possibility and encouraged her members to focus on their policy agenda.

Some Democrats argue that opening an impeachment inquiry will strengthen their hand in trying to force the White House to comply with document requests and witness testimony, including McGahn’s.

House Democrats were hoping to make McGahn their key witness as they seek to unpack the findings of the Mueller report — particularly regarding questions of whether Trump obstructed justice.

Karoun Demirjian and David A. Fahrenthold contributed to this report.

The Counterrevolution Begins in Sudan

Omar al-Bashir is gone, but his system is fighting back. The result is total stalemate—for now.

Sudanese protesters wave flags and flash victory signs as they protest outside the army complex in the capital Khartoum on April 17. OZAN KOSE/AFP/Getty ImagesSudanese protesters wave flags and flash victory signs as they protest outside the army complex in the capital Khartoum on April 17. OZAN KOSE/AFP/Getty Images

No photo description available.
BY 
 |  KHARTOUM, Sudan—It was 1 o’clock Tuesday morning, and thousands of protesters were still waving flags outside Sudan’s army headquarters and listening to speeches when word came. Inside the building, the ruling junta had just rebuffed an offer by their civilian representatives, called the Declaration of Freedom and Change,  to share power.

“The military council wanted to keep control,” Haider Elsafi Shapo, a civilian negotiator, told Foreign Policy. Even the civilians’ offer to create a council with an even number of civilians and military figures was rejected.

Afterward, the lights on a stage were unceremoniously cut, the bridge went silent, and many protesters simply trudged away. But the despair did not last. Within minutes, a crowd of young men came back and began stomping loudly on the metal bridge. Sudanese flags returned to full staff. Chants of “freedom” grew to a roar.

Yet the military doesn’t appear to be listening. The counterrevolution is digging in. What began in December 2018 as spontaneous protests across Sudan because of the turgid economy and ended with the removal of military dictator Omar al-Bashir last month has run into a major obstacle: Bashir is gone, but his system is fighting back. Although the junta promised to hand over authority to civilians when they removed Bashir, the country’s fractious military appears to be reneging on that pledge.
“The junta learned under Bashir how to spend a long time arguing over minute details and keep people spinning their wheels, letting the opposition weaken itself,” said Cameron Hudson, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council.

That strategy, however, could cut both ways. There is also evidence of a split inside the junta, and Western officials fear the rift could spill over into more mass violence. On Thursday, Sudan’s public prosecutor said it attempted to arrest the powerful former intelligence chief Salah Gosh but was thwarted by his guards, according to Reuters. It is a sign that the country’s intelligence service, accused of torture and atrocities during Bashir’s time, marches to its own beat. Gosh previously denied claims that he was under house arrest to Foreign Policy and did not respond to requests for comment on Tuesday. Gosh had a close relationship with the CIA and was part of a coup plot in 2012 against Bashir that was discussed with U.S. officials.

There is also evidence of a broader rift inside the country’s military. Last week, Foreign Policy saw men wearing the uniform of the Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary unit controlled by the junta, whipping civilians and attacking the sit-in. It was evidence that someone from the military wanted to undermine the negotiations. One by one, gunshot victims were hauled deeper into the sit-in site, and protesters formed a protective ring around them as doctors worked to treat them.

“We are not afraid,” Deen al-Fatah, a protester, said amid the gunfire. “We want our freedom by peaceful ways, but we get no help.”

Doctors treating the wounded told Foreign Policy they caught an intelligence officer wearing the Rapid Support Forces uniform. The soldiers fired on civilians with live ammunition, killing six and wounding 77. Some Western nations said the violence was an attempt to provoke the protesters. Sudan’s government also warned foreign ambassadors not to visit the sit-in days before the violence, which some believe is an indication the fighting was pre-planned.

There are also significant splits inside the Declaration of Freedom and Change, the alliance of civilian groups. During a meeting after Tuesday morning’s negotiation, some members expressed frustration that the negotiators offered to split power with the military. Some were grateful the junta rejected the offer and speculated it would not have been accepted by demonstrators.

Meanwhile plenty of disagreement about Sudan’s future persists outside the country. Three Arab countries are seen as backing the junta, but for different reasons.

Western officials say that the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia support the military to protect their financial and military interests. Sudan supplies soldiers that fight for the Arab alliance in Yemen. Both countries have backed the military by providing $500 million to Sudan’s Central Bank, but there is speculation the money could be used for buying support inside the military. “The outside money is more interesting,” said Naunihal Singh, the author of Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups. “Perhaps the money is all going to buy off members of the [military] coalition, which would indicate they are internally weak.”

Egypt is seen as backing the junta to hedge both the spread of democracy and the rise of political Islam. Military ties between the two countries are tight. Many senior officials in Sudan’s military were educated in Egypt. “The Egyptians are driving a very hard line with the military council, pushing them to keep control of government,” Hudson said.

At the center of Sudan’s military is Mohamed Hamdan “Hemeti” Dagolo, the head of the feared Rapid Support Forces that terrorized Darfur. He is nominally second-in-command of Sudan’s government right now, but he tells foreign diplomats it was his idea to oust Bashir. Hemeti has taken center stage in negotiating with civilians. Different intelligence estimates exist regarding the size of his forces. Some countries say Hemeti has 20,000 troops in total with a few thousand in the capital, Khartoum. Some say Hemeti has 20,000 stationed in Khartoum alone, with tens of thousands more that in Darfur and fighting in Yemen on behalf of Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

Whatever the real number, Hemeti’s soldiers are well armed throughout Khartoum, with bunches of rocket-propelled grenades stored on the back of trucks. He also may be getting help from Moscow: Some of Hemeti’s troops spoke to Foreign Policy in crude Russian. Sudan’s military has received supplies from Moscow-backed companies, and residents of one village in Darfur, Um Dafuq, said Russian flags fly on the back of convoys in town.

However, Sudan’s military is not the only counterrevolutionary force seeking to influence the country’s post-Bashir period. Two recent marches allegedly orchestrated by a pro-Islamic State sympathizer, Mohamed al-Gizouli, and an ultraconservative cleric, Abdulhay Yousif, are a warning sign of an extreme religious undercurrent in Sudan that, while a minority, have radical intentions. In one march, hundreds of men in white galabias, and some women in colorful shawls strolled through the streets of Khartoum chanting, “Sharia, sharia, or death.” Gizouli did not respond to an interview request, and Yousif was unable to be reached.

Awadallah Hassan, the general secretary of the more moderate Muslim Brothers in Sudan, told Foreign Policy that Sudan’s Constitution should include a sharia legal system, which the military has also demanded. He said the brotherhood would not run as an independent political party in future elections but would support existing Islamic parties in Sudan. The brotherhood receives no support from outside Sudan, he said, and he declined to say how many members are in the organization.
So with Sudan’s counterrevolution growing more powerful, the alliance of civilian officials who organized protests have responded in the only way they know how. Next is “escalation of the nonviolent movement toward complete democratic change,” Sara Abdelgalil, a spokeswoman for the Sudanese Professionals Association, told Foreign Policy.

For weeks, the Sudanese Professionals Association, which originally planned the protests, was quietly recruiting workers’ groups, like transportation and electricity associations, to join a nationwide strike if talks with the military broke down. That plan was activated after Tuesday morning’s collapse. The goal of the strike is to “paralyze and bring the country to a standstill against any austerity measures including the Transitional Military Council’s reluctance to accept a civilian government,” Abdelgalil said.

But others say the effectiveness of the nationwide strike may be limited, for now. It is Ramadan, and the country is protesting—nobody is working during the day anyway, said Siddiq Youssef, one of the civilian negotiators and the head of Sudan’s Communist Party.

Western nations are split regarding what to do in Sudan. Some diplomats told Foreign Policy they will refuse to recognize the military if they keep power, while other nations are less steadfast. Little was decided at a coordination meeting held in Washington last week between Western nations and their regional partners (among the participants were representatives of the U.N., Germany, France, Britain, Norway, the African Union and Ethiopia), according to one source privy to the discussions.

U.S. policy in Sudan is frequently described by officials as fumbling or nonexistent. Some in the White House believe the Sudanese Professionals Association may be associated with the Muslim Brotherhood, for which there is no evidence. U.S. relations with the civilian alliance are strained.
Four members of the coalition of civilian groups described difficulties with the top U.S. official in the country, Steven Koutsis, saying he was dismissive and demanding during meetings. One called him “arrogant.” Koutsis declined an interview request. The State Department and the White House did not respond to questions.

But one opposition official said they would no longer attend meetings with the U.S. Embassy: “They are a waste of time.”

May offers MPs vote on second EU referendum

-21 May 2019Political Editor
Theresa May’s so-called “new deal” is meant to appeal to MPs on both sides of the House and both sides of the Brexit divide.
Among the promises if they pass her withdrawal agreement, the chance for MPs to vote on whether to hold another referendum.
There were also offers on workers’ rights, environmental protection, the Northern Irish border and a customs compromise.
But it instantly met a chorus of disapproval from Labour and hardline Brexiteers on the Tory benches.

Huawei unwanted: Asian shops shun phone trade-ins on Google suspension worries


A Huawei company logo is seen at Huawei's Shanghai Research Center in Shanghai, China May 22, 2019. REUTERS/Aly Song

Fathin UngkuNeil Jerome Morales-MAY 22, 2019

SINGAPORE/MANILA (Reuters) - Mobile phone retailers in some Asian countries are refusing to accept Huawei devices for trade-ins, as more consumers look to offload their device on worries Google suspending business with the Chinese firm will disrupt services.

Google has said it will comply with an order by U.S. President Donald Trump to stop supplying Huawei, meaning current owners of Huawei phones face being cut off from updates of the Android operating system from late August. New phones will lose access to popular apps such as YouTube and Chrome.

Against this backdrop, some customers in Singapore and the Philippines have rushed to sell their Huawei phones, according to retailers and online marketplace data.
But there are few takers.

“If we buy something that is useless, how are we going to sell it?,” said Dylan On, a salesman at Wanying Pte Ltd, a Singapore retail and repair shop.

“It’s not that Huawei is a bad product. It’s a very good product. It’s just that nobody wants to buy it now because of U.S. policy,” he said, adding he was looking to sell existing Huawei stock online to overseas buyers in hopes they are less aware of current events.

Huawei did not respond to a request for comment.

The company has said it is developing its own phone software and it can still use an “open source” version of Android that lacks access to Google apps. Huawei also went ahead with a new phone launch in Britain on Tuesday, even as the number of users trading in their devices rose in Asia.

Previously, about five people a day were looking to trade in their Huawei phones, but that has jumped to 20 in the last two days, said Zack, a salesman at Mobile Square in Singapore who declined to give his last name.

“Normally, you would see people wanting to trade their old phones as they want to replace them with new ones,” he added. “Now you’re seeing people wanting to trade in the latest one.”

Carousell, Singapore’s most popular online marketplace, said the number of Huawei phone sales more than doubled the day the U.S. order was announced.

Huawei smartphones had a 14 percent share of the Singapore market last year, according to research firm Canalys.

PHILIPPINES

Mobile phone retailers in the Philippines are also staying away from Huawei products.

“We are no longer accepting Huawei phones. It will not be bought by our clients anymore,” Hamida Norhamida, a saleswoman of new and used phones in Manila’s Greenhills shopping center told Reuters, adding that she felt relieved to have sold off her stock of Huawei P30 Pro ahead of Google’s Monday announcement.

Another phone salesperson at Greenhills said she would only buy Huawei phones at a 50% discount.
“Selling it will be a gamble,” said the saleswoman, who would give her name only as Thelma.

But some see this as an opportunity to get a quality phone on the cheap. “My immediate reaction was worry that my current Huawei could be worthless,” Xin Yi, 24 year-old student from Singapore, told Reuters. “But Google said current Huawei users will not be affected ... after that, I was relieved.”

She added that she was now in the market for a new Huawei model at a marked-down price.

Earlier on Wednesday, Japanese telcos KDDI Corp and SoftBank Corp’s low-cost mobile brand Ymobile said they would delay the launch of Huawei P30 Lite smartphone which was due to go on sale on Friday.

(Fixes typo in last paragraph)

Reporting by Fathin Ungku and Aradhana Aravindan in Singapore and Neil Jerome Morales in Manila; Editing by Jonathan Weber and Himani Sarkar

Turning methane into carbon dioxide could help us fight climate change


21 May 2019
DISCUSSIONS on how to address climate change have focused, very appropriately, on reducing greenhouse gas emissions, particularly those of carbon dioxide, the major contributor to climate change and a long-lived greenhouse gas. Reducing emissions should remain the paramount climate goal.
However, greenhouse gas emissions have been increasing now for two centuries. Damage to the atmosphere is already profound enough that reducing emissions alone won’t be enough to avoid effects like extreme weather and changing weather patterns.
In a paper published today in Nature Sustainability, we propose a new technique to clean the atmosphere of the second most powerful greenhouse gas people produce: methane. The technique could restore the concentration of methane to levels found before the Industrial Revolution, and in doing so, reduce global warming by one-sixth.
Our new technique sounds paradoxical at first: turning methane into carbon dioxide. It’s a concept at this stage, and won’t be cheap, but it would add to the tool kit needed to tackle climate change.

The methane menace

After carbon dioxide, methane is the second most important greenhouse gas leading to human-induced climate change. Methane packs a climate punch: it is 84 times more powerful than carbon dioxide in warming the planet over the first 20 years of its molecular life.
Methane emissions from human activities are now larger than all natural sources combined. Agriculture and energy production generate most of them, including emissions from cattle, rice paddies and oil and gas wells.
The result is methane concentrations in the atmosphere have increased by 150% from pre-industrial times, and continue to grow. Finding ways to reduce or remove methane will therefore have an outsize and fast-acting effect in the fight against climate change.
file-20190517-69199-o9wzu1.png?ixlib=rb-1.1
Source: Global Carbon Atlas

What we propose

The single biggest challenge for removing methane from the atmosphere is its low concentration, only about 2 parts per million. In contrast, carbon dioxide is now at 415 parts per million, roughly 200 times higher. Both gases are much more diluted in air than when found in the exhaust of a car or in a cow’s burp, and both would be better served by keeping them out of the atmosphere to start with.
Nonetheless, emissions continue. What if we could capture the methane after its release and convert it into something less damaging to climate?
That is why our paper proposes removing all methane in the atmosphere produced by human activities – by oxidising it to carbon dioxide. Such an approach has not been proposed before: previously, all removal techniques have only been applied to carbon dioxide.
This is the equivalent of turning 3.2 billion tonnes of methane into 8.2 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide (equivalent to several months of global emissions). The surprising aspect to this trade is that it would reduce global warming by 15%, because methane is so much more warming than carbon dioxide.
file-20190517-69189-1gtapaf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1
Proposed industrial array to oxidise methane to carbon dioxide. Source: Jackson et al. 2019 Nature Sustainability
This reaction yields energy rather than requires it. It does require a catalyst, though, such as a metal, that converts methane from the air and turns it into carbon dioxide.
One fit-for-purpose family of catalysts are zeolites. They are crystalline materials that consist of aluminum, silicon and oxygen, with a very porous molecular structure that can act as a sponge to soak up methane.
They are well known to industrial researchers trying to oxidise methane to methanol, a valuable chemical feedstock.
We envision arrays of electric fans powered by renewable energy to force large volumes of air into chambers, where the catalyst is exposed to air. The catalyst is then heated in oxygen to form and release CO₂. Such arrays of fans could be placed anywhere where renewable energy – and enough space – is available.
We calculate that with removal costs per tonne of CO₂ rising quickly from US$50 to US$500 or more this century, consistent with mitigation scenarios that keep global warming below 2℃, this technique could be economically feasible and even profitable.
We won’t know for sure, though, until future research highlights the precise chemistry and industrial infrastructure needed.
Beyond the clean-up we propose here, methane removal and atmospheric restoration could be an extra tool in humanity’s belt as we aim for stringent climate targets, while providing new economic opportunities.
Future research and development will determine the technical and economic feasibility of methane removal. Even if successful, methane- and other carbon-removal technologies are no substitute for strong and rapid emissions reductions if we are to avoid the worst impacts of global warming.count
Pep Canadell, Chief research scientist, CSIRO Oceans and Atmosphere; and Executive Director, Global Carbon Project, CSIROand Rob Jackson, Chair, Department of Earth System Science, and Chair of the Global Carbon Project, globalcarbonproject.org, Stanford University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Canadian Arctic fossils are oldest known fungus on Earth

Fungus is half a billion years older than previous record holder found in Wisconsin

The microscopic multicellular Ourasphaira giraldae, thought to be the earliest fungus yet discovered. Photograph: C.C Loron, University of Liège

 @iansample-
Tiny fossils found in mudrock in the barren wilderness of the Canadian Arctic are the remains of the oldest known fungus on Earth, scientists say.

The minuscule organisms were discovered in shallow water shale, a kind of fine-grained sedimentary rock, in a region south of Victoria island on the edge of the Arctic Ocean.

Tests on the shale, which accumulated over millions of years in a river or lake, revealed that it formed between 900m and 1bn years ago in what is now the Northwest Territories.

The age of the rock makes the fungus half a billion years older than the previous record holder, a 450m-year-old fungus that was unearthed in Wisconsin.

Writing in the journal Nature, scientists describe how a battery of chemical and structural analyses identified the ancient organism as Ourasphaira giraldae. Spores of the fungus are less than a tenth of a millimetre long and connect to one another by slender, branching filaments.

With the fossils under the microscope, scientists could clearly make out key features of the fungus including its spherical spores, the branching filaments that connect the spores, and their twin-layered cell walls.

The organisms are so well preserved that they still carry traces of chitin, an organic compound used to make fungal cell walls. The fungus was effectively trapped in solidified mud which prevented oxygen from seeping in and decomposing the fungi. “The preservation is so good that we still have the organic compounds,” said Corentin Loron, first author on the study at the University of Liège in Belgium.


 The Grassy Bay Formation in the Brock Inlier in Canada’s Northwest Territories. Photograph: Robert H Rainbird, Geological Survey of Canada

Fungi play a crucial role in ecosystems, decomposing organic matter and returning nutrients to the ground to help plants grow. The existence of fungi a billion years ago suggests that the organisms laid the groundwork for the first plants to colonise the land about 470m years ago.

The extreme age of the newly-found fungus may have implications for the history of other life on Earth. Before they went their separate ways, fungi and animals sat on the same branch of the evolutionary tree. If fungi had already evolved a billion years ago, primitive animals might have too.

“If this is really fungi, then there should be animals around too,” said Loron. “We’re not talking about anything big like dinosaurs. It would be something very simple. Perhaps a sponge.”

While individual fungal spores are tiny, the organisms can grow to enormous sizes by branching off and connecting together. One species of honey fungus in the Blue Mountains in Oregon is thought to be the world’s largest living organism at 2.4 miles wide.