Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, April 29, 2019

Black Easter’s aftermath: dark ‘narratives’


ALL THE WORLD’S A STAGE: Many players strut and fret their petty hour on the country’s national stage. While a people torn between peace and justice act with restraint more often than not under constraints whose shackles they thought had been cast off for almost a decade next month
logo Monday, 29 April 2019

As heads roll (or not, in a prime case), and political ambition among other ignoble motives sees state responses to last Sunday’s carnage descend from the supercilious to the surreal, many questions remain in the minds of Sri Lanka’s average citizens.
Among these is the simple but subversive query: “Cui bono?” (‘Who benefits?’). While speculation ranges from the sublime to the ridiculous, it behoves us as islanders in a once again riven nation to piece together the puzzle – in the same breath as we struggle to start living together in peace once more. I pen these ‘narratives’ after a weeklong rumination:


First blush

In the immediate aftermath of the first explosions, the usual suspects came unbidden to heart and mind. The critical context for the finger of suspicion to point at politically-motivated thugs had been set and enacted a Sunday prior to Easter. That was when a gang led by regional organisers of the SLPP had taken a Methodist leader hostage and stoned a Christian worship centre in Anuradhapura. So it was natural to wonder if even these bombings – unnatural for Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism – were part of some new modus operandi of ‘pohottuwa’-stamped goons.


Second thoughts

There was a critical difference between the Palm Sunday attacks and the Easter Sunday bombings, though. The former, for all its myopic virulence, was focused on a singular religious demographic in a particular township: Anuradhapura. In a sense, it was an irritated host body trying to forcibly evict what it perceived to be a parasitic intrusion into its home territory. The latter, with a broader scope and less clarity of its vision for outsiders caught up in the violent maelstrom, was designed to create wider panic in Colombo, Negombo, Batticaloa – and beyond.

It seemed able to achieve its vile ends through means not really justiciable in a court of law, or through the agency of good sense or common decency. You can stop a gang with some effort; but to stay the hand of a suicide bomber is well-nigh impossible. That national interpreters – if not quite international investigators yet – would link local nationalism with global terrorism was not on the horizon then. Now it is. And more is the pity… it is a twin helix of evils that our erstwhile paradise could do well without.


Strike three

Into this volatile milieu came the first whiff of global grapeshot. In bits and pieces, Intelligence – ironically, including past ‘intel’ shared with state actors but not made avail of – fingered (if not quite as yet collared) a deadly breed of extremist terrorists. Pixel by pixel and in often heart-stopping footage, the perpetrators were profiled – police faux pas as to the identity of some of them notwithstanding.

State agencies as much as governmental actors from Premier to State Defence Minister bought into the internationalist narrative. To wit, that these bombings were carried out by jihadist cells albeit tenuously linked with a Middle Eastern terrorist group with ambitions to establish a modern worldwide caliphate.

Of course, questions lingered. Who were these Salafists such that their neighbours would not question their activities? (It transpired, they did.) Why was Wahhabism tolerated in the fertile sowing fields of the east? (It may eventuate that past regimes played one form of militancy against another, for whatever reason they might still trot out.) How is it possible that terror cells evidently up to a decade in the making escaped the attention of a much more beefed up defence establishment as existed in the past? Where did the suicide bombers get their raw material from? Whose protection could they be under such that they were not detected and arrested; or noted, but not detained; or questioned, only to be later released? 



Four horsemen

Perhaps sensing that he was on the cusp of history – or its dustbin – the President was quick to link the attacks to his recent crusade against the drug mafia. However vehemently he denied it on national television though, critics (and there are an increasing number of these since his failed coup of last year) would be forgiven for seeing in our head of state’s happy concatenation, of his activity and the violent activism of a single day, the signature of an ongoing presidential campaign. Therefore, and despite parts of his proclamations seeming to make at least some sense, one must interrogate his narrative with the hermeneutic of suspicion.

Why did he alienate his Prime Minister and State Defence Minister from the vital National Security Council? Where was his care and concern in the first blush of their honeymoon, when he alleges that his coalition partners undermined the country’s intelligence apparatus? When he was a very senior minister under a previous dispensation, how instrumental was he in combating the hydra-headed serpents of 1) armed nationalisms and 2) narcotic armies? Or are his enemies only 3) democracy and 4) republicanism these days? 


Fifth column

A more disturbing strand in this tangled web is the role ostensibly played by India in all of this. The tentacles of Big Brother’s octopus-like stranglehold can sometimes feel like unwelcome touching and stroking. These range from their incumbent and would-be Premier’s call to arms against alien intrusions in the region, to the sharing of intelligence that attacks against Sri Lankan soft targets was impending.

That the teardrop isle fumbled the ball and failed to pass it on – in time – is on our bureaucratic apparatus and bumbling political establishment. But the latest revelations that the leader of the suicide bombers’ cabal spent a “substantial” amount of time in an Indian training camp must give us pause. And it would not be the first time that our neighbour to the north behaved as if its left hand did not know what its right hand was doing. For in an election year, when much more is at stake than the peace and security of its stable sister to the south, such revelations – and the not insignificant timing of their sharing – have turned out to be apocalyptic.   


Sixth sense 

A conundrum about the role of the world’s dominant power also exists. On the one hand, our government has played straight into the hands of hyena-like nationalist chauvinists snapping at the US’s heels by appropriating forensic and investigative help from America. On the other, the planet’s first nation’s official emissary is at odds with our government spokesmen as regards the sharing of intelligence between the two countries. For while Minister Dr. Harsha de Silva claimed that valuable and timely information about the attacks came from Stateside, Ambassador Alaina Teplitz has categorically refuted such an allegation. Thus, as far as American aid and assistance goes, we’re at sixes and sevens between the ‘original’ and ‘official’ versions of the same story.

Therefore, as always, those with Sri Lanka’s true national interest at heart would do well to welcome the instrumentality of ‘federal bureaux of investigation’ on the surface while keeping a wary eye – as far as it makes sense to keep tabs on an underground movement – on the agenda of any ‘central intelligence agencies’. Regrettably, superpowers in this fractured global milieu play on both sides of national and international divides – more so in regions where their hegemony or that of their allies is under threat from rising socio-economic and political blocs. It is a narrative in which our island’s strategic location along a critical sea route and atop a maritime basin is increasingly a major chapter.


Seventh heaven

Which reminds me. A recent returnee from the land of the brave and the home of the free has thrown his hat in the ring for our forthcoming presidential contest (I almost wrote, ‘challenge’.) That he has chosen a moment at which our country is at a fearful crossroads speaks volumes for the values that the former strongman-bureaucrat will bring to his campaign (I almost said, ‘crusade’.) The timing smacks of opportunism, and even orchestration for the more suspicious thinkers among us!

And in the irony of a moment in which many of the most unlikely citizens from the least expected demographics are hailing his timely – or is that simply well-timed? – declaration of intent, we must not forget the question marks that still hang over his erstwhile career; leave alone an expectant candidacy.

However salvific his present appearance and disposition may be, as a nation state and country that has come through – hardly unscathed – by over three decades of often artificially engineered conflict – we must not fail to ask the pertinent questions and probe in the most querulous manner a man, and a machine, and a movement, that has not always been inimical to the national interest.

For instance, to ask: How is it that then burgeoning militant Islamic fundamentalism went undetected let alone defused under the previous regime of which he was a stalwart? What purpose could or did it serve prior dispensations to cultivate and critically engage discrete or complementary extremisms? Where was the long strong arm of the law then – and now too – against politically sensitive minorities and powerfully protected partners in both state and governmental circles?


Eighth day 

A day after the so-called ‘intelligence fiasco’ had left Mother Lanka in ruins her chief sons in charge of national security could or should have resigned. Instead, it has taken its second citizen six long days to even apologize – after innumerable national and international interviews in which he has come across more as Chief Inspector Closeau than a technocratic prime minister. If that isn’t bad enough, the Sri Lankan equivalent of Closeau’s nemesis – the long-suffering Chief Superintendent of our present misery – has blithely ordered resignations while stubbornly refusing to be purged himself.

Adding an element of ugly to the equation is a former president who ‘won the war’ with political will but has demoted himself to an unflushable Opposition Leader taking opportunistic potshots at the powers that be – if only to orchestrate his brother’s triumphal re-entry into governance through politics.

And while national leaders play at government by gazette and political suicide through granting interviews when they’d do better to shut up, it’s left to the saner stamp of folks in religious mufti to encourage Sri Lankans to pick up the pieces, move on and face the future with uncertainty yet courage and solidarity. This is our brave new world that has such wonders in it.


(Journalist | Editor-at-large of LMD | Writer #SpeakingTruthToPower)

"It doesn’t make sense" 
-Naren Hattotuwa

Easter Sunday


article_image
Christchurch massacre

by Sanjana Hattotuwa- 

On Monday, my 12-year-old son learnt his classmate had passed away at the Intensive Care Unit, a victim of one of the blasts in Colombo. My son’s mother and I grew up in the long shadow of the Black July anti-Tamil pogrom and the UNP-JVP violence in the late 80s. For many in our generation and older, there is a normalization of violence. This is often confused with getting used to or accepting violence.

After the Christchurch massacre in March, many Kiwis trying to get to grips with the scale of the violence unthinkingly said that since I came from Sri Lanka, I was far more used to dealing with terrorism. I suppose that’s in a way true. Mundane things done every day have their own logic and reason that no one from outside cycles of violence would understand. In Kabul, a city where so much is wrong and getting worse, I feel completely at home amidst the detours, convoys, checkpoints, occasional explosion, news of imminent attacks and sporadic gunfire – or the sound of an engine back-firing shrugged off as gunfire, obviously the lesser evil there. The assumption that the more time one spends with it, the greater the ease in dealing with terrorism is, however, untrue.

Terrorism is tragedy as theatre, and it is always terrible. The cataclysmic Easter Sunday attacks in Sri Lanka and its aftermath this week leads to the weaponisation of everything and thisfear that anything, anyone, anywhere, and at any time, can cease to exist. In this terrible equation, both familiar to some and entirely new to others, a traffic jam, the queue to pay at the supermarket, a film screening, pumping petrol, attending religious worship or going on pilgrimage, having brunch or going out for a meal, having a coffee in a hotel lobby, living next door to someone one hasn’t spoken with, sharing the lift, going to work in a high-rise building, parking underground, going to the park, using public transport, seeing off a friend at the airport or just wearing an item of clothing one chooses to can set off a violent response, or be a location where violence is unleashed.

The very real, growing anxiety this creates is a marketplace ripe for and often rife with rumour.

It is this aspect that from afar, I’ve studied in some detail this week. The same government that ignored intelligence reports about an imminent terrorist attack, we are asked to believe, blocks social media after hundreds have been killed or maimed out of an abundance of care for the safety and security of its citizens. The deep anger and revulsion against those in government is not what I want this column to reflect. However, it is barely contained.

A President who knows nothing by his own admission, then goes on to blame post-war security sector reform for the terrorism, a PM who also knows nothing and worse, is entirely bereft of any empathy and public, crisis or political communication skills, government spokespersons who laugh their way through a press conference organized the day after the attacks, intelligence reports leaking to the public domain, Ministers tweeting their ignorance or calling for their own government to act, no coherent communication and a near complete collapse of moral, political leadership. These are the dominant frames of our government today. I don’t think it will recover, soon or ever.

Mid-week on Twitter, I quipped that the remedial measures and accountability called for by the government is not unlike after close to 300 have died from acute food poisoning, the management and chefs of the restaurant responsible decide to fire a few hapless waiters for bad service. Many will cover this debacle out of a genuine search for answers and accountability or out of more partisan, parochial interest, leading up to and woven into the Presidential election campaigns.

I’ve focused on conversations around and coverage of the terrorism social media, as well as the effectiveness of and reasons for the block. It bears repeating that my doctoral research involves the study of Facebook and Twitter at scale – which is to say, I look at records in the aggregate, ranging into the hundreds of thousands and often, tens of millions. At this scale, the data tells its own story, superseding purely anecdotal, episodic and partial takes by individuals proposing or opposing the block.

Till Friday, the social media block had done nothing whatsoever to stem the tsunami of content production on Facebook. Twitter, which was never blocked, shows a significant increase in both active users and content production.

Gossip, meme and Sinhala mainstream media on Facebook produced content that engaged tens of millions, generating hundreds of thousands of posts. There was misinformation, rumour, hate and calls for violence, variously produced and promoted. This, all the Western journalists who called me and our government as well, put down as the reason for why social media was blocked.

The data tells me that on Twitter, the ACJU noting that it will not accept the bodies of the terrorists for burial, the wailing of a Muslim father in a mosque as he laid to rest his 13 year old daughter, a friend’s update from Batticaloa on how the community had come together to deal with the scope and scale of the loss, how an individual at a Coffee Shop in Colombo, in a completely bloodied shirt, was pictured as someone who helped others after the blasts, and messages condemning the violence from the PM and the former President were, by far, the most retweeted and liked. Also, by far, a clear interest in and the sharing of content from reputed journalists. Traditional media on Facebook over the week showed a dramatic increase in the content produced and shared, including well over 20 million video views. On Facebook, posts around lactating mothers offering to breastfeed infants who had lost their own mothers, citizens offering places to stay and meals for those displaced or stranded, Churches noting that they will provide protection for mosques to hold Friday prayers, signs, posters, photos and memes around diversity and a plethora of content on solidarity, shock and sadness are thrived in the marketplace of limited attention.

Sadly, a government that never has and still doesn’t understand or strategically leverage social media is not one capable of acknowledging, on the merits of data science, that they are wrong.

This is not to say misinformation and rumour don’t exist. This week, leading journalists and international correspondents got violent, venomous pushback on social media for what they were reporting from the ground. I have read and reported all manner of other conspiracy theories too on social media that do risk the peace. Yet, these disturbing dynamics post-Sunday reflect what existed on social media well before the terrorist attacks. The government’s well-meaning response to this was to identify the BBC correspondent as a ‘true Sri Lankan’. By extension, this necessarily means that living amongst us, and perhaps in our own families and amongst our friends, are ‘false Sri Lankans’ or inauthentic, unpatriotic ones. In trying to suggest the BBC’s correspondent in the country was a ‘true Sri Lankan’, the MP who tweeted his support inadvertently shone light on and contributed to what remains a deeply divisive, othering, majoritarian perspective of an authentic or acceptable national identity. Further, if international media quoting sources from Sri Lanka’s intelligence community are to be believed, the feeling of never being accepted into or truly part of our national fabric may have contributed to planning and execution of this violence.

On Tuesday, when I spoke to my son, he just said that the violence didn’t make sense. I didn’t have anything to add. I’ve forgotten the exact amount of Facebook posts, messages, emails and tweets I’ve read this week. They range in the thousands. Through it all, I kept coming back to Naren’s question, which was also an observation. Perhaps it captures our country’s cri de cœur, to figure out what went so wrong and to realise that though incalculable grief convinces us otherwise, it is through democracy that we must seek answers.


  • Our religious scholars have not educated themselves enough to pass on the message to their flock
  • Ministry of Muslim Affairs must ensure that such preachers don’t have a say in the first place
  • Easter Sunday massacre showed, youth from educated, well-to-do families were also involved
29 April 2019
As recent events have shown, religious extremism is going to be the biggest challenge of our times. In every part of the world, extremists hijack religion to push their evil agendas, be it ISIS in the Middle East, Shiv Sena in India or the Bodu Bala Sena in Sri Lanka. Nor is the danger localized, as the Easter Sunday carnage showed, extremism is insidious and far-reaching with groups like ISIS spreading their menacing tentacles to other parts of the world including our island.  
Extremism very often leads to terrorism because it knows no love or compassion for the other. It is a cult based purely on hate for the other and extreme pride in one’s race or religion at the expense of the other. It flourishes because it has a foolish flock willing to follow it and is fed by extremists from the other.   

What we can do about it?

Extremism is incompatible with the Islamic faith, and many were the occasions when the Prophet (PBUH) spoke against it. But there are Muslims who are certainly extremists. There is a saying that you shall know a faith by its fruit, but the truth is there are rotten fruit as well, and the fringe extremists in our community belong to this lot. The majority don’t.  
However there is a big problem they have.
They don’t speak out their mind in public or in social media forums. They are very reluctant to confront a firebrand hate preacher even if he engages in an utterly nonsensical, ear-splitting cacophonic verbal barrage like many of them do from the all important position of the mimbar or pulpit of the mosque during Friday service. Well surely, you don’t have to shout at him when he’s at it in the pulpit, but you can speak your mind to him after it’s over and you can tell the trustees he’s a misfit and need not be there.   
The fact is that our religious scholars have not educated themselves enough to pass on the message to their flock and those of other faiths – that Islam is a religion of love and compassion that even values the life of a tiny ant. Nor can they handle the many questions that need answers today, with the result that a few lay persons have had to fill that lacuna. Thus, it is high time Muslims understood that we have a problem in the community and addressed it. Even one extremist preacher is enough to do all the damage it takes to destroy a community or nation. For starters we need to:  
"Extremism very often leads to terrorism because it knows no love or compassion for the other. It is a cult based purely on hate for the other and extreme pride in one’s race or religion at the expense of the other"

1) Promote broad-minded religious teachers

Believe it or not, good religious teachers are few and far between. This holds true of Islamic preachers more than those of other faiths. 
Ever heard a preacher saying how our beloved Prophet welcomed Christians to his mosque in Medina and allowed them to lodge and pray there, or how he let women visit mosques and even shortened his prayer because he heard an infant crying so as to not inconvenience its mother? Chances are you haven’t.  
As such it’s imperative to breed a new generation of preachers who understand Islam in its true spirit, who can win the hearts and minds of people including those of other faiths by just talking to them. By the way, ever heard a Christian priest speak? Visit a church and listen to him, he’s following the Prophet to the word, speaking the language of mercy and humility, so soft and soothing and so very pleasing to the ear. This is exactly what we should look for in our preachers. But why look to the priest when the Prophet showed us the way!  

2) Eliminate hate preachers

Just as we need to promote good preachers, we need to eliminate the bad ones. There are certainly misguided preachers among us. One has only to attend our Friday sermons to realize this. Chances are you’ll find at least one in ten, probably more, ranting and raving against people who don’t measure up to their warped ideal of a religious person, speaking ill of other faiths or busy commenting about how women are not covered up nowadays, stressing on the mundane, rather than the spiritual aspects of Islam. The state through the Ministry of Muslim Affairs must ensure that such preachers don’t have a say in the first place. Monitor them and if they overstep the bounds prohibit them from giving sermons.   
"The fact is that our madrasas have become breeding grounds for extremist ideas and as such need to be controlled" 

3) Supervise madrasas strictly

Bad preachers are of course the product of bad madrasas, usually half-baked ones who believe that teaching students to simply recite the Qur’an or that women should go out fully covering their faces is all they need to know about Islam. I have on more than one occasion interviewed the products of these seminaries to find one suitable for outreach work for an organization I serve, only to have them say that they believed the niqab or face veil is compulsory for women, despite so much evidence in both the Qur’an and hadith literature to the contrary.  
Yes, the fact is that our madrasas have become breeding grounds for extremist ideas and as such need to be controlled. It is only the strong arm of state authority that can do this. After all, how can one expect the religious authority to do this when they themselves are largely the products of such madrasas? The state must not only supervise the teachers but also draft a new set of curricula incorporating all positive teachings of Islam and eliminating sectarian and misogynist interpretations.  

4) Ensure the weak-minded don’t get into our madrasas

Yes, sad to say, this is another grave problem we in the Muslim world face. Parents are only too happy to put their weak-minded offspring into these madrasas which don’t require much intelligence. Their bright ones they induce to go out to the world and make it big in lucrative, well paying jobs. This is the kind of shabby treatment we give our faith. Why not put our best minds to the madrasas, like the Christians do theirs. Did you know that the churches, both Catholic and Protestant admit only their best minds, while we persist in putting our worst to these sacred institutions.   

5) Give young people the tools to think

But hold on, it’s not only the weak-minded who are the problem. As the Easter Sunday massacre showed, youth from educated, well-to-do families were also involved. What is surprising is how these boys who should have known better, were induced into joining a hate cult led by uneducated, ill-bred bumpkins. The problem is, whatever formal education one receives, there is no use if one does not have a proper family environment where true religious values are taught. We find many such people hailing from new rich families that have no proper grounding in the true spirit of Islam but rather obsessed with an overkill of ritual.   
Young people also need to be encouraged to think for themselves and not be misled by extremist scholars. They need to understand that Islam is written not by the talks and doings of extremists, but already revealed to us in the Qur’an, which is the Word of God, and the exemplary conduct of His Messenger Muhammad. They need to study these sources of the faith rather than depend on preachers for their religious knowledge.   
"Anybody having membership in any terror outfit or collaborating with these should be given the harshest possible sentence bearing in mind that even a simple death by hanging is too good for them!"

6) Don’t let extremism evolve into terrorism

The problem with extremism is it can evolve into terrorism. This is its natural course if allowed to go unchecked. So what do we do about it? Simple, we discourage extremism in its all its forms. As we all know, terrorism has no basis in Islam, but still we have extremists twisting certain Quranic verses to suit their agenda, like the so-called verse of the sword. Verses such as this are actually contextual, revealed at a time when the Pagan enemies of Islam were all out to annihilate the new faith and were revealed only as a means of accommodating a war situation. Even then, in subsequent verses toleration, security and protection of non-believers is stressed. Further, these verses can come nowhere near those verses that speak of tolerance of others and are not contextual, but perpetual.  
However, extremist preachers often quote such verses out of context to propagate their evil designs, notwithstanding the fact that the Prophet of Islam and the rightly guided caliphs who followed him never forced Islam with the sword and even gave people of other faiths covenants guaranteeing their right to life, liberty and freedom of religion. So what’s important is to muzzle any preacher who shows signs of hate against others.   

7) Crush terrorism ruthlessly

Terrorism has no religion and no terrorist follows a particular religion because every religion preaches against terror and harming our fellow beings. Even animals kill for a reason, but terrorists kill only for the joy of it. Therefore they cannot be human, human rights should certainly not apply to them. To put it simply, those who show no mercy should be shown no mercy.  
Government must do everything in its power to wipe out this scourge, knowing well that the vast majority of Muslims, well over 99% are with them. Anybody having membership in any terror outfit or collaborating with these should be given the harshest possible sentence bearing in mind that even a simple death by hanging is too good for them. Their families if found complicit should also be penalized, given harsh jail sentences and deprived of their properties.   
To start with, our authorities do have a list of names of terror suspects. These radicalised youth had been freely moving about in the community, but have now probably gone into hiding. Everything must now be done to take them into custody, interrogate them and if needs be incarcerate them and penalize them if found guilty of aiding or abetting terror. Some might say that such a course of action might ruin their future and prevent any hope of rehabilitation. However, one could counter argue that their future is already over as they have been radicalized beyond redemption and what is important now is not their future, but the future of the country as a whole.  
Our image suffered badly in how we handled the Easter Sunday carnage. The past cannot be undone but we can learn lessons from it, and we can do something about it. Sri Lanka can prove to the world how the international war on terror can be won now that it has come to our shores. We won our civil war, now we can show how to win the bigger war against international terrorism.  
"Just as we need to promote good preachers, we need to eliminate the bad ones. There are certainly misguided preachers among us. One has only to attend our Friday sermons to realize this. Chances are you’ll find at least one in ten"

8) Don’t ostracize Muslims, play the blame game

Last, but not least, members of other communities need to be told not to look at Muslims with a jaundiced eye or discriminate against them. This is exactly what the extremists want. They want to brainwash Muslims into believing that they have no place in a multi-cultural nation such as ours, and isolate and marginalize them, so they can easily feed our youth with their poison.   
As I said earlier, one extremism feeds the other and this is what we always have to bear in mind. Muslims too are only human and have feelings and very sensitive in these times. They are angry about a crime which they had nothing to do with and are violently angry about it. The last thing we need to do is drive an innocent and impressionable boy or girl to the arms of a hate preacher.  

Those Jamaths Are Not Taking Us To Heaven! 

Silma M. Ahamed
logoShock, disbelief, anger. Sadness, empathy, shame, fear – all raging inside. It is a turmoil of emotions that is consuming us, like the fires that destroyed beautiful lives last Easter morning. 
We have failed as Sri Lankan Muslims. Failed not because those terrorists were Muslim; if they truly were, they would never have killed, because every Muslim knows what The Almighty clearly says in the Holy Quran, that to take an innocent life is like killing all of humanity, and to save a life is like saving all of humanity. 
So if those abominable killers were not true Muslims, can we absolve ourselves of their crime? How have we failed? 
We have failed miserably, by distancing ourselves from our fellow Sri Lankans, our brothers and sisters of other faiths. We have failed to follow what Islam asks us to do, to interact with our neighbours, to share, to care, to love, to understand. And this, while we thought we were ‘educating’ ourselves to be ‘better’ Muslims, to be ‘enlightened’ Muslims, in the misguided notion that we would have an easier and faster ticket to heaven than our parents and grandparents. 
And so we gulped down blindly every word that spilt off mouths of persons who called themselves scholars. We didn’t check if what they said was true. We didn’t compare them with other interpretations. We didn’t use our own intellect to weigh what was being fed to us, to see if it went against the basic teachings of our faith. We lapped them all up, whatever that was dished out, and we aligned ourselves to the group which was most successful in invading our minds. 
And so there are groups, Jamaths, in numerous ideologies, sizes, influence and origin. We latched on to whichever that succeeded to capture our conviction. They set up their own mosques, their own madrasas, their own schools, and their own classes. 
And in the rush to ‘study’ Islam, we thought we knew more than the generations before us. We thought we were better than them. What our parents taught us was wrong. What our Islam teacher in school taught us was not sufficient. The books on Islam didn’t offer the opportunity of belonging to a Jamath, Ahadiya classes on a Sunday morning wasn’t ‘in’ as everyone around us was going for ‘classes’. We thought our parents were not good Muslims. Everyone needed extra classes, and so they attended them, from grandmothers to tiny kids. 
Now I know this comment of mine can result in angry responses being hurled at me. I also know that all these classes are not teaching extremism. But our community got so engrossed in the Akhira, the after-life, that they forgot how to live in Duniya, this life. We forgot to balance our life. To take the middle path in everything. To interact with our neighbours. Be national minded. Be Sri Lankan. It was a like a race to get to Jannah by defeating the other. Each jamath was busy trying to expand their number of followers, to outdo each other to see who was the ‘better Muslim’. In that blind and manic race, we forgot many things. We became arrogant. We became judgemental. We became selfish. And now we’re paying the price for it. Not because we became terrorists. But because we weren’t vigilant in our matters of Duniya. We distanced ourselves from others, put up walls in such a way that our children don’t have friends of other faiths, they don’t speak the languages spoken on the streets, our women don’t smile with their neighbours because the veil prevents it, we don’t honour their invitation for many superfluous reasons – halal food and haram activities, the list goes on. And we didn’t only distance ourselves from people of other faiths. We fragmented into Jamaths, building walls between families too. We were so dissected that we fought over how to pray and how to live our daily lives. 
Now we say this catastrophe is a machination of Zionists, of the West, of India, of politics, of racists… perhaps it may be so. But who is there to listen to us when we have lost our friends, the friends who would have stood by us, because we put up those walls and isolated ourselves? Now they have forgotten our old friendships because we have been separated for decades. Now they don’t know what’s happening on our side of the wall. So they believe what the machiavellians say, what the instigators say, what the opportunists say. 

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Sunday, April 28, 2019

Watch: Israeli prisons rob Palestinians of their childhood


Tamara Nassar -26 April 2019

Obaida Akram Jawabra is 15 and has already been arrested twice by Israel.
The teenager, from Arroub refugee camp in the southern occupied West Bank, is among hundreds of Palestinian children to be arrested by Israel each year.
“The first time was really difficult. I was on my way to the store when they arrested me,” Obaida says in a new film named after him.
“The soldiers would beat me in places that would leave no marks so there wouldn’t be evidence on my body that I could use to testify against them,” Obaida says.
The film was produced by Matthew Cassel for Defense for Children International Palestine (DCIP). Cassel is a former editor of The Electronic Intifada.
Israel subjects Palestinian children in its jails to “slapping, beating, kicking and violent pushing,” according to prisoners rights group Addameer, as well as routine verbal abuse. Israel also subjects Palestinian children to sexual assault and harassment in its jails.
Approximately 75 percent of Palestinian children imprisoned by Israel report physical violence, and 62 percent report verbal violence, according to DCIP.

Disrupting education

Israeli military imprisonment and torture have traumatic and often lasting effects on children after their release, even if time spent in prison was brief.
“The arrest of children has a destructive impact on the level of children’s mental health,” Addameer states, making children more susceptible to drop out of school upon their release and harming their career prospects.
“Arrest, interrogation or house arrest – even for several months – can damage beyond repair years’ worth of studies,” the group adds.
Israel does not provide appropriate education for Palestinian children in prisons, forcing children to try to catch up on school work upon their release “while shouldering the invisible psychological consequences of traumatic military arrests and interrogations,” according to DCIP.
When Obaida was released from prison, he was unable to catch up with school work. He had to drop out and join a vocational school, called the Arroub Agricultural Secondary Coeducational School.
The school has pupils who have already been to prison. Others were arrested while they were pupils at the school.
“In both cases, we find that when these students come back to us, they can have trouble fitting in. It’s not easy for them to interact with others or build relationships,” Rashid Arrar, a counselor at the school, says in the film.

Location on highway

The school’s location plays a role in the pupils’ susceptibility to arrests.
“We are located in an area that sees a lot of friction,” Arrar says.
The school lies near Highway 60 between Bethlehem and Hebron in the southern occupied West Bank.
This highway, used by Israeli settlers, extends from the city of Nazareth in northern Israel, cuts through the occupied West Bank and ends in the city of Bir al-Saba in the far south of Israel.
Obaida, like many other children in Arroub, needs to cross the highway in order to get to school.
“Sometimes the Israeli forces assault the children. Sometimes there are arrests and raids on the school,” Arrar says.
Israel forbids Palestinians from traveling on the highway in certain areas without a permit. Palestinians can reach the road only by going through military checkpoints.
Israeli settlers are not subjected to the same restrictions.
At checkpoints, Israeli forces pull over Palestinian-owned vehicles – with green license plates – aside for inspection. Israeli-owned cars – with yellow license plates – are typically allowed to pass through without inspection.

“Dubious distinction”

“Israel has the dubious distinction of being the only country in the world that systematically prosecutes between 500 and 700 children in military courts each year,” according to the No Way to Treat a Child campaign.
More than 12,000 Palestinian children – some as young as 12 – were detained by Israel between 2000 and 2017.
Ahed Tamimi became an icon of Palestinian child prisoners after spending eight months in jail for slapping and shoving a fully armed Israeli soldier in a video recorded by her mother during December 2017. She was 16 at the time and turned 17 in prison.
Israeli interrogators sexually harassed Ahed during a taped interrogation.
Shortly before Ahed slapped a soldier, Israeli troops shot in the head and seriously injured her 15-year-old cousin Muhammad Fadel Tamimi. The Israeli authorities then lied about the incident, by saying he “fell off his bike.”
Ahed’s 15-year-old brother Muhammad Bassem Tamimi was detained earlier this month from the family’s home in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh.
This video shows Israeli occupation forces detaining Muhammad from his home:

Muhammad Fadel Tamimi, Ahed’s injured cousin, was charged earlier this month for allegedly throwing stones and engaging in “violent acts.”
Throwing stones is a common charge Israel uses against Palestinian children, which is “punishable under military law by up to 20 years in prison,” Addameer notes.
Last year, Minnesota representative Betty McCollum introduced the first bill in the US Congress that would prohibit Israel from using any of the billions it receives annually in military aid for the detention, torture and abuse of Palestinian children.
The bill currently has 30 co-sponsors.
During March, 205 children were held in Israeli jails, more than 30 of whom were under 16.

“Not complete freedom”

“A lot happened to me in prison, and when I left I noticed a lot had changed,” Obaida says in the film.
During a conversation with a friend who was also imprisoned by Israel, the pair bond on the difficulties and lessons of being detained.
“When I was in prison, I used to look forward to my court dates because it meant a change of scenery,” Obaida’s friend tells him in the film.
“On visitation days, you’d see your parents. That was the only good thing about prison.”
“Nothing is good in prison,” Obaida responds, and they both agree, although adding that the difficulties of being a child in Israeli prison has taught them patience.
“I learned how to cook and to work with others, and how to be polite and respectful,” Obaida says.
Despite being released from prison, Obaida says his happiness is not complete.
“I feel freedom but it is not complete freedom. We first have to be liberated [from the occupation] before I can feel that am truly free.”

Palestinians must resist Netanyahu's drive toward West Bank annexation

With the extreme right in power, annexation has become a central Israeli demand that has to be combated


 17 April (AFP)
Jamal Zahalka-25 April 2019
Israeli elections ended this month with a double victory for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu: his party won 35 seats, five more than in the 2015 election, and his right-wing camp as a whole won 65 seats in the 120-member Knesset.
The religious right lost seven seats by failing to achieve 3.25 percent of all valid votes, which means that the practical power of the right is greater than the election results. Their strength within Jewish society represents an overwhelming and stable majority.
These results are a clear indicator of the extreme right’s domination of Israeli society. It sends the message that the Israeli political sector, and the public in general, are incapable of achieving the necessary maturity for a political settlement of any sort.

Internal Palestinian division

This is not about highlighting the elections, but about raising an issue of utmost gravity: Israel’s political community has not only shut the door to the possibility of finding a solution to the Palestinian conflict, but it is also moving towards unilateral measures to end it. The first of such steps will be annexing at least part of the West Bank. 
Any real internal change within Israel will not happen without a movement on two fronts: Palestinian pressure, by activating a real popular struggle against the occupation; and international pressure, through crowds invested in the moral power of the Palestinian struggle for freedom against the longest-lasting occupation in the world.
Netanyahu reigns supreme, and the left is crushed
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In parallel, there must be real work to end internal Palestinian division. Netanyahu considers the preservation and entrenchment of this division to be a cornerstone of his quest to marginalise the Palestinian cause and the national movement. Likud leaders have repeatedly expressed their happiness over the continuing division; this, in itself, should be enough of a catalyst to swiftly bring the division to an end.
Israel aims to crush Palestinian aspirations, as seen through the catastrophic nation-state law. The response cannot merely be to end the division between Hamas and Fatah, and between Gaza and the West Bank; it must involve a movement encompassing all Palestinians - inside Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, and in the diaspora.
If Netanyahu wants to bring the conflict back to square one - a conflict over existence - then the Arab and Palestinian response must come under the framework of the inalienable and legitimate historical rights of the entire Palestinian people, and their popular united struggle.

The Al Capone of the Middle East

After his landslide victory, Netanyahu is setting out to protect his throne from the three cases of corruption that could ultimately result in his imprisonment.
Yet, these offences are quite lightweight in comparison with the major crimes he has committed against Palestinians, as his regime oversaw the massacre of thousands of Palestinians in the 2014 Gaza war and the Great March of Return rallies over the past year.
What kind of democracy gives a medal to those who kill thousands, while punishing them over gifts of champagne and cigars?
The Israeli system is based on mob mentality, whereby he who kills and destroys gains respect, but he who touches the gang’s money, or violates internal rules, is punished. In this way, the hypocrisy and deception of Israel as a “state of democratic law” becomes evident.
What kind of democracy gives a medal to those who kill thousands, while punishing them over gifts of champagne and cigars?
While the Israeli judicial system allows Netanyahu to commit war crimes, it chases the prime minister relentlessly over alleged corruption. Many assumed the corruption cases would weaken Netanyahu, but the results have been the opposite.
He has not ruled out enacting the so-called French Law, which would protect him from indictment during his tenure.

A fait accompli

Netanyahu has reportedly demanded that his coalition members commit to remaining in the government in the event of him being presented with a final indictment, and even if he is put on trial. In return, he has promised to accept their demands, the first of which is annexation.
The prime minister made a surprise announcement days before the vote, noting that he intends to propose a law to annex West Bank settlements to Israel.
In 2017, his ally from the United Right Party, Bezalel Smotrich, proposed the so-called "Decision Plan", which lays out a way for Israel to officially annex Palestinian territory and to coerce the population to relinquish national aspirations or be expelled.
Construction takes place in the Israeli settlement of Givat Zeev on 19 April (AFP)
Construction takes place in the Israeli settlement of Givat Zeev on 19 April (AFP)
Netanyahu appears convinced that domestic and international political conditions are favourable to the annexation of the West Bank, which successive Israeli governments have refrained from doing since 1967.
He is attempting to exploit both unfettered US support and his “good relations” with several Arab countries as he moves to impose this fait accompli, legally and politically. 
Internally, Netanyahu seems to be comfortable; he has ensured the support of his coalition parties on the one hand, and the weakness of the opposition on the other. Knowing that the largest opposition group is a party of generals who support annexation has only put his mind more at ease.
The Israeli prime minister will not embark on annexing parts of the West Bank without at least tacit US support. Arab support will come in the form of mere verbal rejections, similar to those made when the US recognised Israeli sovereignty over the occupied Syrian Golan Heights.

International pressure

Netanyahu, who at 69 is now serving his fifth term in office, tested the waters with Arab countries when the US recognised Jerusalem as the capital of Israel last year. He is certain that the Arabs would not bat an eyelid if he annexed part or all of the West Bank.
There is no basis for the excuse of lacking resources - if the Arab world finds the will, it can prevent annexation and at least preserve the status quo.
In light of the destruction of the two-state solution and the vilification of the Palestinian leadership as an obstruction to peace, Israelis no longer believe in the possibility of reaching a political settlement. The issue of annexation is no longer rejected as it was previously. It is now a central demand within a broad circle of the ruling extreme right wing.
Netanyahu is speeding towards a fundamental change, through annexing chunks of land to Israel
In the last few years, the Knesset has passed a series of laws described as “creeping annexation laws”. The Settlement Regularization Law gives legitimacy to the confiscation of private Palestinian land to build settlements, while legislation has also been passed to hamper Palestinian administrative petitions against Jewish settlement construction in the West Bank.
Netanyahu has gone further than gradual creeping annexation: He is speeding towards a fundamental change, through annexing chunks of land to Israel.
In the era of Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump, this is possible - but it can be prevented with a Palestinian, Arab and international movement and pressure.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Jamal Zahalka
Jamal Zahalka is an Palestinian citizen of Israel who serves as a member of the Knesset representing the Balad party.