Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, April 11, 2019

Central Bank signals two-pronged approach to cut high bank lending rates 


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Central Bank Governor Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy addresses the media on Monday after the Monetary Board decided to keep policy rates unchanged for April 2019.Pic: Jude Denzil Pathiraja

By Sanath Nanayakkare-April 9, 2019, 7:44 pm

The Central Bank signaled Monday that a high profile committee is working on bridging the gap between benchmark interest rates and bank lending rates while the Central Bank itself would do its bit with monetary policy tools to bring lending rates down as the Bank is baffled by decelerating credit to the private sector by the banks which would be detrimental to the overall economic growth of the country.

If the 13.5% annual private credit growth target for 2019 is to be achieved, credit growth has to average 75 billion rupees per month for the rest of the year and this is still far from happening given the high deposit and lending rates of the banks, reflecting a 'disjuncture' between the benchmark government securities interest rates and bank rates, according to Central Bank Governor.

"All the benchmark interest rates such as call money/reverse repo rates and treasury bills rates have come down significantly this year, but deposit and lending rates are still going up reflecting disjuncture there, he said.

"The margin between the benchmark rates and bank lending rates needs to be addressed. There is a 200 basis point margin between benchmark rates and retail lending rates. That's far too large, he said.

"First, we will tackle this disjuncture and then look at the policy rates. Sri Lanka needs higher credit growth to reach an economic growth of 4 percent in 2019, Coomaraswamy said.

"The Central Bank Monetary Board is of the view that if the current trends in global financial markets and Sri Lanka's trade balance and credit growth continue at the expected momentum, policy interest rates could be reduced in the period ahead, given well anchored inflation and inflation expectations, he further said.

"The trend that retail lending rates at banks have not fallen in line with benchmark rates came under discussion at a meeting chaired by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe recently, he said.

"All bank CEOs participated in this meeting. A committee comprising three bank CEOs, two chartered accountants chaired by Monetary Board Member Nihal Fonseka was set up to address this rates discrepancy and help grow private sector credit. They will recommend specific actions to reduce the this gap, Coomaraswamy explained..

" The Committee is doing a good job. I can't divulge the details. The report will be handed to the Prime Minister on Thursday, he said.

" On the macro side, we are broadly within the framework. Now the election cycle is coming up. But we must sustain the sweet spot we are in, in terms of macro variables, the Governor emphasised.

CBSL Governor made these comments on Monday addressing the media after the Monetary Board of the Central Bank decided to maintain policy interest rates at their current levels.

Sri Lanka's private credit fell by 4.3 billion rupees in January and grew by 7.6 billion rupees in February.

Tirupathi Factor 

Unbreakable Symbol of Sri Lankan politician’s spiritual dependence of India


by Punsara Amarasinhe and Eshan Jayawardane-April 8, 2019                                                 
 
Man’s association with faith is the most inexplicable thing in the world which gives no clues of comprehending its very nature. Even the most powerful men in world history were known to be shaky and crumbled before the creed they ardently believed. In the annals of Roman history we find emperors like Hadrian who was extremely obsessed with Hellenic culture and his political decisions were more or less affected from the Greek soothsayers served in Roman imperial court. There are dozens of examples showing how oriental rulers were fascinated with their faith for foreign deities and oracles. Being a country located geographically closer to Indian mainland, Sri Lanka shares an enormous cultural and spiritual legacy from Indian civilization. Even though Sri Lankans tend to boast about their complete separate identity fromIndia, it is a fact beyond dispute that the island’s political and cultural history is imbued with the influences gained from India. Since the day Asoka sent his son Mahendra to spread the word of Buddhism to Sri Lanka in 3rd century BC, the greater influences came from India have made some profound impacts in island’s political map and the present form its impact is reflected from Sinhalese Buddhist politicians knack on visiting the spiritual shrines in India often. In that case, paying homage to God Vishnu’s incarnation Sri Venkateswara in ancient Tirumala Temple located in Tirupathi, Andhra Pradesh India by many politicians in Sri Lanka is an interesting phenomenon to observe as the this tradition has been survived in both main political parties in Sri Lanka.
 
In tracing the recent history of number of official visits made by prominent Sri Lankan politicians to Tirupathi , it is evident how this spiritual mystic place has become a place of paramount importance to some key political characters in Sri Lanka. Starting from former President MahindaRajapaksa to current President MaitreepalaSirisenathe veneration of Tiru temple always have been crucial before they made any important political decision. It was reported even when president Rajapaksa decided to go for presidential election in 2015 before his term legitimately reached its end, that his decision was shaped by the predictions he heard at Tirupathi from its soothsayers, but on the contrary the outcome of the presidential election in Sri Lanka sent president Rajapaksa home and neither Tirupathi temple non its soothsayers saved him from his unexpected political debacle. Ironically both current president in Sri Lanka and prime minister have visited this Hindu temple several times as devotees. Most recently Sri Lankan prime minister paid homage to Tirupathi after performing an aged old ritual called “Tulabharam” , which is a tradition where a devotee wishes to offer sugar, rice, jaggery or amount equivalent to the weight of his or her body. PremierRanilWickramasinghe has known as a liberal minded statesman who is very much passionate in European liberal values, yet this kind of actions demonstrate the fact how spiritual belief in South Asian politics even in carving a mindset of a sophisticated liberal leader.
 
The exact nature of Sri Lankan Sinhalese Buddhist mindset on its “Big Brother” India always remains an uncanny riddle as it is filled with love and hate. Sinhalese Buddhist majority in Sri Lanka always perceive India from a dualistic point of view. Throughout the history of the Island till Europeans arrived in 16thcentury , all the foreign invasions that stuck Sri Lanka had come from India and Sri Lanka’s ancient kings always had their bitter encounters with Chola empire in South India and many Sinhalese kings sought the assistance from Palllava and Pandawa’s in South India when Cholas attacked ancient Sinhalese kingdom of Anuradhapura. In post independent period both states faced their own socio-economic and political chaos, yet Indian influence on Sri Lankan grew stronger in parallel to how Tamil minority issue began to bloom in Sri Lanka’s politics.
 
Many Sinhalese believed and still believe India was the architect behind planting the seeds of separatist ideology among Tamil minority and this antipathy reached its climax in 1987 when Sri Lankan president JR Jayawardene signed Indo- Lanka agreement with Indian premier Rajeev Gandhi, which caused uproar in Sinhalese society. Despite having such antagonistic attitude towards India, it is rather strange how Sinhalese society in Sri Lanka venerates India from a different side, that has nourished mainly due to Buddhism which Sri Lankan preserves as the biggest gift they received from India and also the spiritual beliefs that have spread across Sri Lankan society such as worshiping deities and reading horoscopes have mainly ascended upon Sinhalese Buddhist sub consciousness from larger Indian influence. As a matter of fact Sri Lankan politicians’ utmost faith in worshiping Tirupathi is a continuation of this deep psychological attachment to India even though they have bitter enmities on Indian policy making on Sri Lanka. As an example, it was evident that former president of Sri Lanka MahindaRajapaksa upheld a closer link with China which caused New Delhi to be suspicious about him and after his unexpected defeat at the hand of MaitripalaSrisena who happened to be the common candidate of the joint opposition , Mr.Rajapaksa openly accused Indian intelligence RAW for planning his defeat in 2015 presidential elections, but his devotion on Indian spirituality has not yet been reduced as he still visits Tirupathi Temple and other holy places in India.
 
In fact Sri Lanka’s nature as a cultural and spiritual parasite of Indian civilization is the most vitally important factor that always India can rely on expanding its influence whereas China being the recent involver lacks such a privilege to execute. In Using Joseph Nye’s Soft Power analogy , one can say Indian influence upon Sri Lanka’s politics and overall social structure is highly unlikely to be diminished in future albeit the ongoing Chinese involvement in Sri Lanka’s economy. It may not be an hyperbolic remark to state that Tirupathi ritual has gone beyond the stage of a mere cult worship by Sri Lankan politicians and India can proudly boast of it as a one practical diplomatic strategies in shaping the relations between two states. Being the regional power in South Asia India has used different approaches to keep its grip over other South Asian countries, For an example Nepal and Bhutan depend heavily on India as landlocked sates and their destines have always been imbued with India as their patron state. Sri Lanka’s aged long spiritual dependence of India always stands as a crucial factor in the relations between both countries and Tirpathi symbolizes its unbreakable rigor.
 
PunsaraAmarasinghe is a PhD Candidate in Public International Law at Institute of Law and Politics at ScuolaSuperioreSant Anna in Pisa, Italy. He holds his LL.B from University of Colombo and LL.M from South Asian University, New Delhi India. He held a research fellowship at Faculty of Law, Higher School of Economics in Moscow and served as a guest lecturer at faculty of arts at University of Colombo. Punsara can be reached at punsaraprint10@gmail.com
 
EshanJayawardne graduated from Delhi University in BA Sociology and holds his MA in International Relations from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He served as a visiting lecturer at faculty of social sciences at Sri Lanka Open University. Eshan can be reached at eshan.jayawardena@gmail.com

Repayment and Relief: Addressing microfinance debt in Sri Lanka


 AMALINI DE SAYRAH-04/10/2019

Nadaraja Devakrishnan stumbled on the gravity of the microfinance debt issue purely by chance. He was attempting to begin community gardening in a small village, to respond to rising cases of CKDu in the district. On returning to check the progress of cultivation, he found none, as all the people had been physically and monetarily drained trying to pay back their microfinance loans. Through the People’s Movement for Community Awareness, he has been grappling with the predatory practices of microfinance companies on villagers in Vavuniya for the last few years.
“The way the microfinance companies are treating people is as much a violation of human rights as enforced disappearances, or things done to people under the Prevention of Terrorism Act” he says to a group of women who have come together to share their struggles, and to think of ways to respond to agents of these companies, who harass them for repayment.
“In the immediate aftermath of the war, there were about 3 or 4 microfinance companies working in the North, but after the government changed in 2015, there are about 34 operating now, including companies run by prominent politicians.”
Cascading loans and predatory repayment tactics
As of March 28 2019, around 170 people are reported to have taken their own lives after being unable to meet debt repayments. In 2018 alone, 15 people in Vavuniya and 55 people around the Province have taken their own lives as a direct result of this crippling debt, says Devakrishnan. He works with several women whose lives have been altered by these companies, and details the immense pressure placed on them for repayment. “They come and harass the women in the house, ask them to sleep with them, take away possessions from the home, and refuse to leave unless they are given the money.”
*Meenakumari and her husband wanted to build a grinding mill, much like the one he had worked in as a child, to operate as a source of income. After a few years of seeking support from microfinance companies to support this dream, she now has ten loans to her name.
“Berendina, Ceylinco Leasing Company, Vision Fund Lanka, LOLC, Commercial Leasing, Kanrich, MBSL, Nation Lanka and HNB Grameen”, she counts off on her fingers.
Her first loan, for Rs. 50,000, was from Berendina, and she paid a monthly instalment of Rs. 4,800 for one year. In order to complete the next phase of their building, they took a loan of Rs. 100,000, paying Rs. 4,600 weekly. Their current loan, from HNB Grameen, is for Rs. 200,000, with a weekly payment of Rs. 3,900 due. It is this loan that has sent Meenakumari and her husband spiralling into debt.
The grinding mill brings in only a limited income of around Rs. 5,000 a month. The price of goods produced at home is higher than those of mass-produced spices and flour that people can buy at a store. For this reason, they are forced to price their goods lower, and this severely impacts their ability to repay their loans.
They took two more loans to settle the borrowing of Rs. 200,000. However they find the largest chunk of their money goes towards settling what are called ‘metre loans’. These are informal agreements with the credit agent,that requires a daily interest payment. Meenakumari has a total of 7 metre loans that she is now paying off.
*Madhavi is the mother of two young girls. One day, her neighbour left their house to hide, fearing a credit agent who was due to collect a payment. The agent refused to believe Madhavi’s explanation that the person was in hospital, and loitered around the house. Madhavi was then forced to ask some money from the nearby shop and pay the agent on behalf of her neighbour.
Her house now functions as a loan centre for Vision Fund Lanka, set up by the company to operate locally within small villages. From here, they give out and accept applications, take payments and supply information. There is no written acknowledgement however that Madhavi’s house is being used for this purpose. She acts as the loan centre leader, again a role that has no written confirmation. When asked what happens if people borrowing through her centre are unable to repay, she says “the leader has to find the money and pay the agent, somehow”.
Sajee, who acts a centre leader in her village, says that the agents do supply a lot of information to borrowers. They explain forms, interest and repayment to the villagers clearly. While there is a policy that loans need to be income-generating, the agent never checks on this, to account for the strain on the borrower if this is not so.
She lists the documents necessary to obtain a loan. Copies of one’s NIC and for women, a copy of one’s husband’s NIC, a family card, issued by the local grama sevaka, and a note of income and expense. There are some issues with these documents. Family cards are not regularly updated, and might not account for any children born since the time of issuance. Since the income is a self-declaration, and requires no certification, people often increase the value to better their chances of getting a loan, but also distorting the agent’s perception of their ability to repay the loan.
They are required to send all this in an envelope with a Rs. 50 stamp. Also required is a signed copy of a slip, provided by the agent that can be produced in court if they cannot repay the loan. The information is filled in by the agent should the need arise. Alarmingly, the women note that they sign on a blank document when submitting it.
*Shanthini, who has taken loans through the centre Sajee leads, says that the agent does not keep track of individual loans, and the strain placed on them by multiple companies. “Unless we’ve taken loans from a particular agent before, the rest of our loans don’t register on any of the records. Many people do not disclose this to lenders as they apply for new loans either.”
She explains the schemes for loans from Vision Fund Lanka, a subsidiary of World Vision. An education loan of Rs. 15,000 can be paid in December, to prepare for the child’s new year in school. Rs. 150,000, with a monthly interest payment of Rs. 54,000, is the value of a housing loan. Finally, their ‘Saviya’ loans give Rs. 100,000 to individuals wanting to start small businesses in their homes. Monthly payments for each of these loans are Rs. 15,000, Rs. 8,600 and Rs. 7350 respectively.
If an agents thinks that a particular borrower is able to make regular repayments of their loan, they extend their housing loan to as high as Rs. 500,000. However, if a borrower signs on to this extension, they allow the agent to take the deed or permit of their house as collateral for non-repayment.
LOLC has a similar policy, where personal loans of Rs. 500,000 must carry signatures of two guarantors who are government servants, and require house documents as collateral. Lawyer Lakmali Hemachandra, who is working on relief for these women, notes that this is possibly just a tactic of intimidation. “Given that a lot of the land in the North, after release, is state land, residents would only have a permit. Permits cannot be transferred between individuals, so it is unsure what they plan to do when the deed is surrendered, or if they can do anything with the land. It’s probably just to make people more fearful and dependent on their support.”
The women say there are people who have left the country to escape being choked by these loans. Due to the harassment and threats meted out by agents, it falls on others to pay what is left. The prevailing drought has compounded the uncertainty and strain on these individuals and their families – it impacts the gains that could be made from agriculture. Existing employment options are limited, and loans do little to alleviate the burden.
Community and legal relief
Community organisations are doing their best to provide some relief for the people. This begins with debt mediation boards, where a compromise is reached to reduce the loan amount. Prashan, leader of a Rural Development Society, says that he refused loan agents entry into the village one day, so they would not harass people who could not pay that month. In some villages, men have even physically chased away agents, running after them as they attempt to approach the houses of those struggling with repayment.
Attorney-at-Law Radika Gunaratne is representing several women across the North-Central province in courts, as they file cases against predatory microfinance companies. ‘’Cases should ideally be dealt with at the district courts, but police intervene before legal action is even taken, threatening people to pay. They know where to visit them at home because the companies openly share their details with the police’’. Gunaratne says the cost of such a case, if it is eventually taken to court, once again only serves to trap the person with more expenditure on legal fees.
“The people need a two year grace period” Devakrishnan says “no loans taken, no repayments made, just time to revive the economy and make some money.”
Debt relief programmes and their effectiveness
In July 2018, Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera presented a paper in Cabinet that proposed to write off loans less than Rs. 100,000 for communities in the North. In addition, the Central Bank proposed to set a cap of 35% on interest rates on these loans. While hailed for their attempts in addressing a crippling issue, there is some hesitation as to the full impact of these measures.
Ministry of Finance officials noted to Groundviews that the 35% cap is only applicable to those firms in the formal economy, and it is those in the informal economy who are inflating borrowing costs with high interest rates. They claim that a rate cap of below 35% is likely to push the formal players out of the industry, creating more space for the informal sector that charges high interest rates from borrowers.
“In my opinion, the debt relief and regulatory measures are not enough to address the debt problem the women are facing”; economist Niyanthini Kadirgamar has a range of reasons to claim so. This begins with the fact that the interest rate cap comes into effect only if companies sign a voluntary Memorandum Of Understanding. Even if they were to comply with the standards therein, then the 35% interest rate cap is still too high. The companies are raking in profits while these women and their families face hardships. “These loans are obtained by very poor women for small self-employment efforts; there is no way they can earn enough incomes to pay off such high interest rates” Kadirgamar says.
Currently, the Government’s debt relief program targets only those who have defaulted payments for three months. Kadirgamar says that this doesn’t take into account the fact that many women somehow try to pay off the loan, often resorting to extreme measures to do so, such as skipping meals for children, selling their land, or taking another loan. The women pay their monthly dues due to pressure and aggressive collection practices adopted by the companies. “I know of women who have gone into hiding to escape the debt collectors”, Kadirgamar says, stressing that the reality is very different from what these companies tend to advertise about microfinance – ‘poverty alleviation’ and ‘women’s empowerment’ are words that have no depth in the way microfinance is affecting families across the Northern province.
She suggests that an effective strategy would be a complete write-off of all the predatory loans. Poor women should not be made to pay unfair interest on their small loans. The UN expert on foreign debt also highlighted that human rights standards must be upheld with micro-credit lending. A moratorium of at least two years would also be helpful for drought-affected areas, until they are able to revive their livelihoods.
The officials claim that debt write-off is not a sustainable policy, and that these debt relief operations were targeted for women especially vulnerable due to the ongoing drought. Comprehensive legislation that will protect consumers, and regulate the steps that microfinance institutions can take to collect repayments, is necessary, and is presently being drafted.
Provisions for relief in the 2019 Budget
The 2019 Budget proposed the Enterprise Sri Lanka loan scheme as an avenue to relieving these individuals from the debt trap. These concessionary loans are primarily for those engaged in the agricultural sector, with no collateral needed to be eligible for it. While the Ministry states the rates are much less than those offered by a microfinance institution, it is nevertheless offering more loans as a remedy for issues that loans have caused.
The Ministry believes that since these loans are given to invest in revenue generating activities, chances are that in the medium- to long-term, households would be able to create sustainable avenues of income that can be used to pay-off previous debt. However, this assumption must be considered alongside the fact that the North, Eastern and North-Central provinces have accounted for the lowest GDP by province in the years 2016 and 2017. In addition, the agricultural sector accounts for the lowest percentage of economic activity in these three provinces. As discussed above, individuals might take loans for cottage industries or agricultural work that does not always generate a high income, and could once again serve to affect repayment. Whether this strategy as it stands will actually translate into sustainable income for the individuals, given the structures and opportunities currently in place in these regions, will only play out in the years ahead.
The Ministry notes that financial literacy is being accelerated by the Central Bank, to educate possible borrowers on the risks of taking loans from the informal sector. However, there is a long road ahead in ensuring that microfinance becomes a sustainable tool to improve lives of the  individuals who take these loans, many of whom constitute the most vulnerable segments of the population. Framed as legislation for consumer protection, the new act could result in more responsible lending practices and also lay out consequences for companies or agents who do not adhere to these. If new loans do not act as a solution to the individuals who have suffered deeply as a result of old ones, then it is necessary for moving toward alternative models – such as cooperative credit schemes, as Kadirgamar suggests – that are developed based on what is most beneficial for the community and individuals who need it most.
*Names changed and locations withheld to protect the privacy of the individuals.

Foreign policy: Need for a paradigm shift for Sri Lanka

The current Government appears to be highly dependent on the West for its political survival though this will not clear the progressive path for Sri Lanka to its destiny and prosperity – Pic by Shehan Gunasekara 
logoThursday, 11 April 2019

A country’s foreign policy, also called the foreign relations policy, consists of self-interest strategies chosen by the state to safeguard its national interests and to achieve its goals within international relations milieu. Since the national interests are paramount, foreign policies are designed by the government through high-level decision making processes.

Regardless of political affiliations majority will agree that the pinnacle of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy approach was only evidenced in 1970s and since then it deteriorated to an extent that it is hardly recoverable given the current global political compulsions. Global power structure was rationally balanced as we had two powerful political camps, namely the West led by United States (US) and the East led by Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), until it was officially dissolved on 31 December 1991.

Likeminded 120 independent developing nations that are not formally aligned with or against any major political bloc formed an alliance called Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Sri Lanka, under the Chairpersonship of late Sirima Bandaranaike brought this movement to its zenith in mid 1970s with the help of concurring world leaders. This grouping, which represented over a massive two-thirds of the world population, demonstrated its strength as a formidable force in the international arena becoming a major concern for two traditional global powers, specially the US. NAM was the second largest group of likeminded states after the United Nations.

As a trustworthy and responsible nation, Sri Lanka enhanced its image to the highest level at an international forum through this alliance in 1970s. Such a deed should to be acknowledged as the highest recognition Sri Lanka has ever achieved in an international arena over the last 70 years. In the context of our representative population and landmass within this group, it was an extraordinary achievement.

Development since 1970s

After the United National Party (UNP) won a landslide victory in the 1977 General Election, the role of the presidency of NAM was entrusted to the new Prime Minister J.R. Jayewardene. In light of the party’s traditional alliance with the West, the new President of NAM failed to demonstrate the required commitment to protect its place in the global community and NAM as a formidable organisation started to move away from its significance in the geopolitical arena.

Additionally, the resurgence of oil rich countries after forming Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) as a formidable world economic power could have marginally contributed to the worsening of the status of NAM.

Pro-Western policies such as open and market economic approach based on the guidance of the long arm of Western powers such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund were enthusiastically and hurriedly implemented by Sri Lanka irrespective of whether they were detrimental to the long-term prosperity of the nation or have any bearing in regional politics.
Our leaders should understand ground realities, at least now, and try to move out of this muddled environment rather than trying to please the West for just retaining their positions and thereby putting the whole nation’s future in jeopardy


Not only did Sri Lanka develop a substantial faith in relations with the US and its allies, it also started to antagonise the closest formidable nation, India, which was aligned with the Soviet Bloc at that time, by failing to give due consideration to geopolitical setting in the region. This can be termed as the gross miscalculation of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy in its modern history.

South Asian milieu

Centred on India’s geopolitical interest as well as having a strategically located neighbour aligned with the opposition power bloc, India embarked on an adversarial role to destabilise Sri Lanka ethnically, politically and economically. This resulted in training and arming of rebel groups such as LTTE, PLOTE, etc. to dampen the accelerated economic progress being achieved with the blessing of the Western bloc and the open economic policies. Once the civil conflict started in the north and east, Sri Lanka’s rapid economic growth came to a standstill. Since 1980s Sri Lankans had to live with a frightening civil conflict for nearly 30 years during which scarce Government resources were allocated to meet conflict related expenditure instead of economic development and the welfare of the citizenry. While Sri Lanka was economically, politically and socially bled, India achieved its objective of destabilising its adversarial neighbour more than it bargained for partially due to the egotistic attitude of some leaders in Sri Lanka.

While maintaining this massive leverage to destabilise Sri Lanka at will, India forcibly and unethically got the Sri Lankan Government to pass legislations to abruptly devolve administrative powers to especially the north and east by establishing provincial councils throughout the country. This resulted in unnecessary duplication of tasks, more levels of governments in addition to economically unviable and administratively unfeasible regional units throughout the country.

This exercise can be seen as a creating of a white elephant with detrimental effects to Sri Lanka’s budgetary position forever while around 90% of the population didn’t want such power decentralisation as the size of the country wouldn’t mandate such devolutions. Sri Lanka is incurring heavy annual expenditure regularly to maintain provincial councils they never sought.

Ironically, India also had to pay a price as it faced heavy human as well as material losses while fighting the LTTE and also losing one of its prime ministers to a suicide bomb. Such an environment will go into the history as clear foreign policy disasters not only for both countries involved but for the whole humanity as over 100,000 people were killed in fighting and many more injured during the 30-year-long war beside a colossal loss of properties and valuable infrastructure.

India is still maintaining its influence on Sri Lanka by mostly funding projects in Tamil domiciled areas, maintaining closer relationships with these communities and also by influencing decisions on Sri Lanka in international forums like UNHRC. Such behaviours clearly demonstrate that India has not mitigated its ambitions in South Asia which could also be partly due to political compulsions they encounter in South India as over 50 million Tamils are domiciled there.

Geopolitical compulsions and the role of the diaspora

It appears that for a long time Sri Lanka failed to understand electoral compulsions of Western countries due to the effective Tamil vote base in their backyards where Tamils can sometimes become the deciding factor in a number of constituencies that in turn could become kingmakers of those nations, especially in Canada and the UK.

Politicians or their parties in these countries are encouraged to lobby international forums on behalf of the Tamil diaspora and openly try to twist the decision-making process to please their voter base. Additionally, some members of the diaspora are taking every step possible or opportunities to destabilise Sri Lanka and use it for realising their long-held aspirations.

Is a broader alliance with one group a viable proposition?

Opportunities to end the civil conflict much earlier than did, while saving many lives and enormous amount of expenditure, were also hampered by India’s mediation. In this environment the then Sri Lankan Government desperately looked for its traditional allies, the West, to support its war effort. President Jayewardene openly pleaded his Western allies to support him to bring the civil war to an end though these requests fell on deaf years of those nations while only regional ally Pakistan was helpful in many ways during this time.

Sri Lanka sadly failed to realise the ‘a friend in need is a friend indeed’ notion though and heavily aligned with the West. No doubt that there were other domestic political compulsions too for not receiving required assistance from those nations to fight the civil conflict in Sri Lanka.

The current Government appears to be highly dependent on the West for its political survival though this will not clear the progressive path for Sri Lanka to its destiny and prosperity. Sri Lanka will never be able to realise its potential by aligning to the West as far as the Tamil diaspora and some religious elements are active in Western countries. Leaders of these nations are handicapped due to sheer lobbing tactics used by Tamil diaspora and other groups even if they have genuine intentions to help Sri Lanka or leave it alone to mind its own businesses. The current Sri Lankan Government is forced to seek the support of the Tamil National Alliance, the domestic alliance of the Tamil diaspora, even to stay in power during the period they were elected for.

Our leaders should understand ground realities, at least now, and try to move out of this muddled environment rather than trying to please the West for just retaining their positions and thereby putting the whole nation’s future in jeopardy. Staying in power will only help handful of individuals but over 20 million people in the country will suffer while both their standard of living and economic prosperity is being deteriorated on daily basis.

Sri Lanka would never realise its potential if any party or a leader purely dependent on life support from the West stays in power. If the leader is ignoring these ground realities, patriotic members of their parties should look for alternatives without dragging the country into a further downhill spiral.

Current and potential leaders should carefully consider geopolitical compulsions and guide the country forward aligning with nations which do not interfere with the internal affairs of the country. Roles played by diplomats from Western countries in the recent political upheaval can be categorised as the lowest level of diplomatic protocol ever experienced by any independent nation. Our leaders could have showed these envoys their due place to safeguard the sovereignty of the country, but again in this instance too political compulsions rather than the nation’s interests played a much bigger role.

Role of the voters

Disregarding the traditional political parry alliances, voters should be mindful of who do they elect to represent them as 2019 is going to be an important year in the country’s political landscape. Progressive parties/groups and their members need to educate the voters on real issues Sri Lanka faces such as protecting its sovereignty and territorial integrity so that voters will be better informed when deciding to cast their votes. Voters should also be educated to understand who our traditional, helpful and useful friends are that can be reached out to for help when required.

Our nation should be intelligent enough, as we are blessed with an intellectual citizenry due to decades-old free education up to and including tertiary level that is not available in other nations in the South Asia, to understand the hidden threats coming in disguise as genuine. Some examples are foreign-funded initiatives like ‘rule of law,’ ‘protesting peacefully’ and other such initiatives which are detrimental to any country’s survival and prosperity if we carefully examine the consequences experienced by Middle Eastern nations recently. Even the past roles played by envoys appointed to overseas missions in Sri Lanka should be food for thought for our future leaders and policymakers.

Having a good scrutiny on any assistance, financial or otherwise, we received in the past from other nations will certainly divulge whether Sri Lanka received genuine and generous assistance from these nations. Being in the Western bloc, countries like Japan appear relatively to be friendly nation to Sri Lanka based on its commitment to the general welfare of the citizenry irrespective of which political party is in power. Nations like Germany lost such status during the last few decades when we examine its role in the international community in matters dealing with Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka had many instances in the past to learn lessons from extraterritorial interventions and use them as guiding factors when dealing with other nations.

Vision for a healthy foreign policy

The strategic location of Sri Lanka creates additional opportunities as well as challenges in calculating the influences from extra regional powers, including India. Seen from a comprehensive perspective, the issue is that Sri Lanka has been gradually moving from the periphery to the centre of global discussion because of its rising strategic significance due to its location.

Furthermore, beyond what other nations do, Sri Lanka’s leaders should also consider pragmatism coupled with a more confident contention of Sri Lankan interests to continue to be the main guiding principles when making foreign policy decisions. The country’s leaders have failed in this exercise in some senses over many years, in part not only due to their own lapses but also wider factors such as the absence of geopolitical and foreign policy discussions within the country’s domestic politics in addition to a foresight of leaders away from their self-centred attitudes.

Such a scenario leads to a path on which the next leaders need to invest in institutionalising the foreign policy of Sri Lanka rather than persisting with the overly personalised foreign policy which exists today and has been followed by many others in the past. The nation requires a more institutionalised foreign and national security policy, which is required especially in today’s geopolitical context. If Sri Lankan leaders constantly change their foreign policies for their own interest, against the national interest, we will end up failing to balance our foreign policy priorities and will continue to experience diabolical consequences.

Future leaders should get a leaf out from the delicate foreign policy adopted by Sri Lanka during Indo-Pakistan war in 1970s by allowing both sides in the conflict to utilise Sri Lanka’s airspace for their war efforts without antagonising any party. Sri Lanka ought to be ready to work with anyone and everyone to secure its interests. Our foreign policy should be framed to safeguard its interests and to achieve its goals, such as economic prosperity and welfare of the citizenry, within international milieu.

Geographical positioning enjoyed by our nation is an immense blessing and our leaders should be capable enough to use this rare prospect for the nation’s long-term prosperity rather than transforming it into an unnecessary burden on the inhabitants of the nation.

(The writer is a graduate from the University of Sri Jayewardenepura; as well as Sri Lanka Law College and completed his postgraduate studies in Canada and Australia. He is a visiting lecturer of the MBA program at the Sydney Business School and currently working for the Australian Government. He can be reached via rukshi@optusnet.com.au.)

Impunity entrenched in Sri Lanka says ITJP as case filed against Gota



09 April 2019
  Sooka, the executive director at the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) said the culture of impunity related to torture and sexual violence was entrenched in Sri Lanka during a press conference today, following two civil lawsuits being filed in the United States against Sri Lanka's former defence secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa over torture. 
“This is about ensuring that victims’ rights are protected and it is also about ensuring that the wider world knows about what happened in Sri Lanka during this particular period. Nobody has ever been held accountable and what we’ve seen is an unbroken line in terms of the torture and sexual violence that continues in Sri Lanka,” Sooka told the press conference, held in London.  
One of the civil cases against Gotabaya Rajapaksa was filed by ITJP in partnership with Hausfeld law firm. 
Detailing the context of torture in Sri Lanka, Sooka said torture is used as system wide policy in various institutions of Sri Lanka, including the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and the security forces. There have been a number of people in the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID) and CID who should have been held accountable for torture but instead found themselves promoted which "demonstrates the levels of impunity in Sri Lanka."
Sooka was accompanied by Scott Gilmore, a human rights lawyer, Wessesn Jazrawi, a lawyer at Hausfeld and Roy Samathanam, a Tamil torture survivor who now resides in Canada.
Samathanam, the plaintiff, recalled the three years he spent in detention after being arrested in Colombo during a visit to Sri Lanka in September 2007 on false charges by Sri Lankan police.
Initially after his arrest, Samathanam was taken to the TID headquarters where he was held on the second level, handcuffed to an office table. Samathanam, a type 2 diabetic, was denied his medications for five days until Canadian embassy officials arrived to see him.
Samathanam was later transferred to Boosa prison which is known for its endemic use of torture and sexual violence against Tamil detainees. He was kept in an A1 cell, a solitary cell without a toilet.
Samathanam witnessed torture and sexual violence at both the TID headquarters and Boosa prison.
“It never goes away. The images of girls and guys being sexually assaulted. I can still remember their faces,” Samathanam told the conference.
The Canadian embassy told Sri Lanka to transfer Samathanam back to Colombo where he was presented with a B report which outlined 10-12 charges, including the accusation trying to kill Sarath Fonseka, the Commander of the Sri Lankan Army during the final phase of the war.
After being physically and psychologically tortured for three years, Samathanam was forced to sign a false confession by threatening to kill and rape his wife and child. He was released in August 2010 on a plea deal.
When asked why he brought case, Samathanam replied that what happened to him was “not acceptable” and wants to give unheard torture victims from Sri Lanka a voice.
Read more here from our interview with Samathanam.
Speaking at the conference, Gilmore said that there had been efforts to take similar cases through the Sri Lankan judicial system but they lead to nowhere. “There is evidence that Sri Lanka’s judicial system is not independent,” he added.
“Under international law, Mr Rajapaksa bears command responsibility for the abuses carried by his security forces,” Gilmore said in a joint statement released today by ITJP and Hausfeld.
Rajapaksa, who oversaw a military offensive that massacred tens of thousands of Tamils, was formally served notice of the lawsuit at a Trader Joe’s parking lot in Pasadena, California.

Wrongful hanging


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By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana- 

I was sadly reminded about the brutal murder of my uncle, my father’s only brother, when I read ‘Death Penalty for brutal killers’ (The Island, 30 March), a critique by Jayman of my article ‘No alternatives to the noose?’ (The Island 27 March), wherein it is stated "Fortunately for him, he or his loved ones have obviously not been the victims of brutish murders …". Indeed, we are very unfortunate; more so, because his body has never been found and the family could, therefore, not even have a funeral. His killers, who murdered my uncle for getting on to a bicycle, in spite of being in his seventies, to visit relations so that he could remind them to vote for my brother, who was contesting the general election during the second JVP uprising, have not faced justice. It was all the more painful for me as I owe a great debt of gratitude to my uncle, D E Wijayawardhana. Knowing my ambition to be a medic, it was he who was instrumental in getting me admitted to Ananda College, Colombo as facilities in Rahula College, Matara were not sufficiently developed then.

I am sure many would agree with the strong sentiments expressed in that article and I too would not shed any tears for executed drug-lords. However, rather than being patronizing as alleged, my attempt was to discuss alternatives. Anybody who cares to watch the two films I referred to, would realize that they show evidence of Mindfulness Meditation changing criminal behaviour. But being a scientist, I prefer to use the word ‘may’ when further research is needed. By the way, executions will solve our drug problem is also conjecture; it may reduce!

One of the biggest problems with executions is that sometimes innocents may pay with their life. Some argue that even a single person being wrongfully executed is burden enough. A recent episode of BBC’s programme "Murder, Mystery and My Family" brought home this message very vividly. It is a series of programmes where a family member, who feels that an ancestor has been wrongly punished, tries to clear the name, in retrospect. Two barristers argue the case, for and against, in front of an experienced judge with expert opinion. Some judgements are confirmed but many instances of miscarriage of justice are highlighted. Reversal of judgement is only a comfort to the relative.

In the UK, between 1900 and 1964 about 800 have been hanged and in spite of having a highly reputed judiciary, a few instances of miscarriage of justice have been acknowledged. In the past, even robbing a few pennies had been a hanging-offence. In the nineteenth-century England, murder by poisoning was very common, partly due to ready availability of Arsenic compounds. Often, it was women who committed this type of murder. There had been an ‘epidemic’ of poisoning between 1840-1850 when 167 murders by poisoning had been reported in England.

On 25th of March 1851, 42 year old Sarah Chester was executed by hanging, the last woman to be executed in England for ‘intention to murder’. The execution was botched and she took seven minutes to asphyxiate to death. What is not realised is that hanging has to be well planned so that death is instantaneous, by the dislocation of the top two vertebrae in the neck. If the ‘drop’ is too heavy decapitation occurs and if too light there is delayed death due to asphyxia, as in this instance. Unfortunately, this lady was tortured to death for no fault of hers.

Her husband Richard, a farm labourer, died after being intermittently ill for some time and the post-mortem examination showed he had died of consumption; TB which was very common and untreatable then. However, as stomach contents showed a trace of Arsenic, a police investigation had been launched. As a sac of rice found in the house tested positive for Arsenic, which may have been added to prevent vermin, she was prosecuted for ‘intention to murder’ as the 1/25 grain of Arsenic found in the stomach was not enough to kill. Previous to this, a neighbour has made an allegation that she tried to poison her child but she was cleared not only of this at trial but also at two further trials when she was accused of poisoning her children.

She was unrepresented at the trial and the expert witness was not challenged on obviously mistaken assumptions. These together with the public antipathy, one witness calling her "Sally Arsenic" during testimony, led to her unfair conviction, which both barristers and the judge agreed, in retrospect. But she had already paid unjustly and miserably with her life: facing a public execution and hanging at the end of a rope for seven minutes!

Talking about public prejudices the famous Sathasivam case comes to mind. Mahadevan Sathasivam was the best cricketer in Ceylon in thelate 1940s and 1950s. It is said that Gary Sobers called him ‘the greatest batsman on earth’. In 1951, he was accused of murdering his wife, a grand-daughter of Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan but forensic evidence exonerated him completely. However, in ‘the public court of justice’ he was guilty and he had to leave for Singapore. In his memoirs titled ‘Mostly Murder’ Sir Sydney Smith, renowned British forensic scientist who was summoned as an expert witness, has an interesting anecdote. Just before he went for his return flight, Sir Sydney had received a post-card which stated "May your plane crash in retribution for the great injustice you did". His wry comment: "What a pity that person did not think of all the others who were travelling with me!"

We are often tortured by horrendous actions of our fellow beings and left feeling hopeless and helpless. But gut reactions and knee-jerk reactions are not the best ways of delivering justice!

More power to them, no power to us?

12 April 2019
hen you have so many planners but very few doers in power, this is what happens. Last week was the second or third of what was promised to be a months-long series of rolling power cuts. The Minister in charge, Ravi Karunanayake, has publicly gone on record claiming that the blame game (a reference to the tussle between the Engineers of the CEB and the Public Utilities Commission) must cease, and that, “God willing” (whatever His faith, may He be beneficent!), the rains will come by May. In any case, according to him there will be no need for any blackouts after Avurudu or Vesak (he didn’t specify). He has, moreover, asked for our forgiveness. 
And of course, the emergency power purchases are back. More than 200 MWs of power are to be added to the National Grid, with a couple or so power plant proposals being looked into and, possibly, approved. As of the time this piece was being written the government was in talks with Turkey to (literally) bring in about 500 to 600 MWs of barge mounted power. “Turkey is very happy,” the Minister tells us; whether or not Turkey is happy does not, however, seem to be the issue: as the JVP has pointed out, attempts are being made “to generate power through ships without paying taxes and show a lower number.” Karunanayake attributes 65% of the blame for all this to the politicians, though the people think, justifiably, that’s too low a figure.  

There are so many things wrong with what’s being done, but I’ll get down to the bare essentials, the basics. First and foremost, there’s that schedule. We’ve been promised the same routine (in the name of equality, I assume): three hours when the sun is up, one hour when the sun is down. Forget the fact that the schedule was announced long after it was implemented (and that it compelled the Spokesperson of the Ministry of Power and Energy, Sulakshana Jayawardena, to almost resign). Forget the fact that the CEB officials themselves, when contacted, had no clue whether they had imposed the cuts because of the Norochcholai issue or of the lack of rainfall.  
What’s infuriating is the fact that CEB itself doesn’t seem to be doing a good job of spreading the blackouts within the country. This is not just about Colombo not, at least until recently, experiencing power cuts. This is about some areas, outside the suburbs of Colombo that is, having to undergo power cuts amounting to four, even five hours. But even if one discounts it on the basis that the cuts are necessary to preserve what little power the electricity sector (and the government) has, what can exonerate the decision to keep the capital city out of the dark?  

Sure, there’s talk about Colombo running on “self-generation” (which adds costs and can raise tariffs if implemented elsewhere), but I don’t imagine that to be a convincing argument to make to hundreds of thousands of outside-Colombo folks, drudging in the heat and dust of April in poorly maintained trains and buses to their places of work, who see switched on streetlights in Union Place at eight in the morning. 
Until Thursday of last week, Colombo was immune from these blackouts; I assume, and not without reason, that it was the anger of the public that compelled the regime to extend the blackouts. I won’t even get started on the people’s perception of Colombo being the stronghold of the government, or one Minister’s remark that Colombo was the heart of the UNP, which heads it. But then people remember.  
"No one with any level of knowledge about economics and the economic history of this country can discount the “need” for Foreign Direct Investments. "
That’s just one issue, and it has got the attention, the fury, and the contempt it rightly deserves. There’s another issue: along with the capital city, the government has, going by reports and press releases, decided to immunise the Free Trade Export Processing Zones across the country from the outages. 
No one with any level of knowledge about economics and the economic history of this country can discount the “need” for Foreign Direct Investments. No one can deny the benefits which, theoretically at least, are to be obtained by facilitating access to prime lands and exempting FDI financed export-oriented enterprises from taxes and other daily hindrances (which the power outages have, as of now, become). For meaningful investments, we need to buckle up and let these enterprises take away from our land and give back to us. Some would call it theft, and I wouldn’t disagree, but unless and until someone comes up with an alternative we need to watch and accept.  

However, it does not, and indeed should not, mean that we need to watch and accept in silence as the FTZs and EPZs are exempted from the rolling blackouts. I say this not because I am opposed to these Zones. I say this because the conventional wisdom that they NEED to be exempted does not hold much water when we compare their contribution to the export sector with the contribution of the most vibrant and most innovative and yet worst hit sector of the country, the SMEs. 
Let’s crunch the numbers. According to official sources and reports, as of December 2017 the Koggala Export Processing Zone yielded revenues of US$ 122 million; as of March 2018 the Wathupitiwala EPZ yielded US$ 25.6 million; as of December 2018, the Horana EPZ USS$ 31.8 million, while the Seethawaka EPZ, the biggest earner of the lot, yielded US$ 294 million. There are 11 EPZs across the country according to investsrilanka.com; if we take as an average US$ 100 million, then we can safely say that they have, throughout 2018, earned US$ 1.1 billion in export revenues. I may be wrong there, of course; these are, however, conservative estimates.  
Now let’s take the SME sector. Sri Lanka does not have a criterion by which we can categorise such enterprises. Taking the conservative definition – earning less than Rs. 750 million and hiring less than 300 employees (in the manufacturing sector) or less than 200 employees (in the services sector) – we can ascertain the magnitude of the contribution of these entities: they make up more than 75% of local businesses, hire more than 30% of the nation’s workforce, and contribute up to around 53% of the GDP. These percentages have been constant over a considerable period. 
Like the middle class, the SMEs contribute substantially to the economy, and yet like the middle class they are also among the worst affected by government incompetence, private sector mafiadoms, and “power” cuts. Commentators have pointed out that the domestic presence of the sector is not commensurate with its meagre presence in the export sector, given that while 80% of the nation’s 5,000 odd exporters are small and medium, they make up around 5% of its export revenues, if not less. But 5% of US$ 17 billion, which was the export revenue figure for 2018, is around US$ 850 million, which is equal to, if not marginally less than, the contribution of the EPZs.

You see the point I’m trying to get at here. The power cuts show clearly just what the government has privileged: FDIs and big investments centred on Colombo and other major cities and outstation areas over the small business owner. The Free Trade Zone Manufacturers’ Association (FTZMA) has, according to the State media, thanked the regime for not implementing the blackouts in their areas. (By that logic, the Ministers themselves, whose areas have also been “power cut immunised”, should be thanking the regime.) No one seems to be talking about the SMEs, though. 
Perhaps I should mention here that the FTZMA was vocal in its opposition to the Constitutional Coup we saw last year – in a statement it stated that it was “extremely disturbed and disappointed” at the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa – but hasn’t raised as much as a hum over the incompetency of the UNP regime that’s now killing business and killing industry thanks to three years of not taking any decision about the electricity sector. No hems, no haws, no grumbling: just a letter of gratitude, thanking the government (very much) for giving them five-plus-star treatment.  

In this scheme of things, the SME has been completely forgotten, and no one in power seems to care. One small business owner, who’s in the construction sector, was vocal about his disappointment with the way things are going. 
“I have 15 employees under me, and they work in three factories in Negombo, Marawila, and Chilaw. These power cuts cost me in terms of the man hours lost, the generators, the petrol for those generators, and the transportation of the fuel to each of the factories. That comes up to Rs. 5,000 a day. Earlier I used to earn around Rs. 200,000 as profits per month. With Rs. 5,000 going to power up these generators, how can I continue my business? The government talks about Enterprise Sri Lanka, it talks about Gamperaliya, and it talks about concessionary housing loans to newly married couples. But does it know what it’s doing? I don’t think so.”
So no, the government does not know. Sums it up perfectly, I should think.  
UDAKDEV1@GMAIL.COM   

Avurudu: When we eat the same thing at the same time


Traditional meals are in some ways frozen in time
 

For 2019, the sun begins this transition on 14 April at 7:45 a.m. and completes the transition at 8:33 p.m. the same day. This transition period of 12 hours and 48 minutes duration is called the Punya Kalaya. The midway point at 2:09 p.m. is the dawn of the New Year

logoFriday, 12 April 2019

 falls on 14 April Sunday this year. On this day at 2:09 p.m., the sun crosses an imaginary line that separates the constellation Pisces from Aries, marking the dawn of the Sinhala and Tamil New Year.

The period from 7:45 a.m. to 2:09 p.m. is the Nonagathe period where you are not supposed to eat or do any work, but engage in reflections and/or religious activities. The Active period is from 2:09 p.m. onwards. Prescribed time for the first-meal in the ‘New Year’ is 3:54 p.m.

I am thinking of doing a big breakfast of leftovers from ‘last year’ before the Nonagathe begins at 7:45 a.m. and waiting for the auspicious time. Alternatively, you can do whatever you do, and have a festive ‘high tea’ with kiribath and traditional sweets so that you are in sync with the rest of the country.

I don’t believe in astrology, but I take Avurudu seriously because this is one day when we can bridge many divides in our society and almost all of us eat the same thing at the same time.  The starch-heavy diet makes you feel sleepy and appreciate that you do not eat in this style the rest of the time.

Astrology and astronomy 

Viewed from the earth, the sun’s disc takes 12 hours and 48 minutes to cross an imaginary line in the sky. The astrological New Year marks the crossing of the imaginary line which separates the astrological positions of the constellations Pisces and Aries (the actual positions have changed over time).

For 2019, the sun begins this transition on 14 April at 7:45 a.m. and completes the transition at 8:33 p.m. the same day. This transition period of 12 hours and 48 minutes duration is called the Punya Kalaya. The midway point at 2:09 p.m. is the dawn of the New Year.

The first half of the transition period is the do-nothing or the Nonagathe period. When we were children, the hearth was cleaned of all the ashes and the last bucket of water was drawn from the well to prepare for the Nonagathe. No work, not even reading and writing, was allowed except for a trip to the temple.

We waited in anticipation for the end of the Nonagathe and the beginning of the second half when up in the sky, the sun’s disc would be centred on the imaginary line. As soon as that time arrives, as told to us by astrologers, fire crackers start to signify the dawn of the New Year. For 2019, the dawn of the New Year at 2:09 p.m. is exactly six hours and 24 minutes after the beginning of the transition.

The second half is the active period. Astrologers prescribe the times to draw the water from the well, light the fire, cook the food and eat the food, using some obscure calculations. It would be better if we divide the time for each task according how long each would take, but then astrologers would be jobless.

For 2019, the prescribed time to start cooking is 2:42 p.m. The time to eat is set at 3:54.  They also suggest you eat kiribath and mung kavun for the occasion. You don’t have to buy into the phony calculations to enjoy one time of the year when we all over-indulge on the same food at the same time.

What we ate then and now

Traditional meals are in some ways frozen in time. The Avurudu meal is exceptionally heavy on starch. An additional bit of protein comes from the Maldive fish in the lunu miris. Did Sri Lankans eat a lot more starch than accompaniments in the old days? 

According to the Household Income Expenditure Survey of Sri Lanka, the amount of rice a household consumed went down from 46.7 kilos per month in 1980 to 34.8 kilos per household in 2016. Household size went down from 4.9 to 3.9. Rice is still very important because amount per person increased from nine to 12 kilos per month. However, people are now eating more meat, fish and milk products.

Households increased their consumption of meat from 0.8 kilos per month to 1.6 kilos, but increased the consumption of fish only marginally from 3.5 kilos per month per family to 3.7. Consumption of dried fish went down from 1.4 to 1.2, I am sad to notice.

The data is not broken down by income group, but the well-to-do would be eating much less rice and more accompaniments.

Eat together and stay together?

They are many adages about eating together. The family that eats together stays together is my favourite. Another one we might add is that a country that eats together stays together. Here I don’t mean the familiar ethnic divide. I am thinking more of the Westernised/non-Westernised divide.

There was a time when the Sinhala elite thought it beneath them to eat rice and curry. Once I was shocked to hear that in the 1930s before independence, an elite Sinhala family from the south would have rice and curry only on Sundays. The rest of the days they ate courses, whatever that meant.

There seems to be more genuine interest in rediscovering traditional food now, perhaps due to the need to distinguish ourselves in an increasingly-connected world.

(A similar column was published for Avurudu 2016.)