Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, April 3, 2019

Sri Lanka: Executions will not end drug-related crime


3 April 2019, 10:32 UTC
Executions will not end drug-related crime in Sri Lanka, Amnesty International said today in a new briefing, calling on the Sri Lankan government to halt plans to resume executions after more than four decades.
The briefing, Sri Lanka: Halt Preparations to Resume Executions, highlights how the death penalty is being used in circumstances that violate international law and standards, has failed to act as a unique deterrent to crime in other countries, could claim the lives of people who may have been convicted through unfair trials, and could disproportionately affect people from minority and less advantaged socio-economic backgrounds.
“There is no evidence that implementing the death penalty will end drug-related crime. Executions are never a solution. Indeed, they may result in people being put to death following unfair trials. The death penalty is also a punishment that disproportionately affects people from less advantaged socio-economic backgrounds,” said Biraj Patnaik, South Asia Director at Amnesty International.
Amnesty International’s briefing highlights the lack of evidence that the death penalty has unique deterrent effect on crime. Statistics from countries that have abolished the death penalty show that the absence of executions has not resulted in an increase in crimes, previously subjected to capital punishment.
There is no coming back from an execution. There is no criminal justice system that is perfect. The risk of executing an innocent person can never be eliminated, and the injustice that ensues can never be redeemed 
Biraj Patnaik, South Asia Director

Sri Lanka arrests novelist over gay plot line about Buddhists

arrests-handcuffs.jpg
 Published at 06:34 pm April 3rd, 2019
Shakthika Sathkumara, 33, was arrested in the north-central town of Polgahawela on Monday and remanded in custody for nine days after monks complained about his writing
A Sri Lankan novelist has been arrested for writing about homosexuality in the Buddhist clergy and charged with violating international human rights law, officials said Tuesday, outraging free speech advocates.
Shakthika Sathkumara, 33, was arrested in the north-central town of Polgahawela on Monday and remanded in custody for nine days after monks complained about his writing.
The short story contained indirect references to homosexuality among the clergy, who hold considerable sway in the Buddhist-majority nation of 21 million.
The story was published on Sathkumara's Facebook page and in local Sinhalese language publications. 
"A group of monks complained that the reference to homosexual activities among the clergy insulted Buddhism," a police spokesman said.
Buddhist monks are expected to be celibate. Homosexuality is also outlawed in Sri Lanka under an 1883 colonial-era law, but it is rarely enforced.


The police spokesman said the monks who complained refused to settle the matter out of court and insisted on Sathkumara being prosecuted.
He was taken before a local magistrate who charged him with inciting "religious hatred" under the United Nation's international human rights treaty, to which Sri Lanka is a signatory.
Local activists decried what they called abuse of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to clamp down on free speech.
"The police have abused their powers and carried out an arbitrary arrest," the Free Media Movement, a local watchdog, said in a statement.
"We condemn this action of the police."

POLICE SHOULD BE PREVENTED FROM CONTROLLING WORKS OF ART. – FREE MEDIA MOVEMENT


Sri Lanka Brief03/04/2019

Following the publication of a short story written by Shaktika Sathkumara, an artist and writer in the Face Book, writer Satkumar has been arrested on the pretext that the said story disrespects the Buddhist philosophy and kept under detention until April 9. The Free Media Movement has expressed its dissatisfaction over this incident.

According to the information available to the Free Media Movement, Shaktika Satkumara was arrested by Polgahawela police on the basis of the International Civil and Political Rights Charter and was detained till April 9.  When Sri Lanka signed the said International Civil and Political Rights Charter the promise given to the people of the country and the International community was that the freedom of expression will be further strengthened and protected through this charter. But it is clear that this particular charter challenges the freedom of expression. When there is an issue with the content of a piece of art, it cannot be judged by a single point of view. However, it is clear that the government has disregarded this when taking the decision.

The Free Media Movement has pointed out in many previous occasions that the government, when deciding on pieces art and literature and the likes of independent thinkers, has repeatedly violated the freedom of expression. The Free Media Movement once again appeals to all state officials not to proceed with this kind of arbitrary action.

C.Dodawatta, Convener

April 2, 2019, Media Release of FMM
 

Sri Lanka: UN treaty invoked to imprison award winning writer


 02 APRIL 2019
In an unprecedented move, police in Sri Lanka, made use of an international agreement to imprison a multiple award-winning Sinhala writer for publishing a work of fiction on social media.
Shakthika Sathkumara was remanded until 9 April by a magistrate on Monday (01) in the northwestern town of Polgahawela, 75 kilometers north-east of Colombo. 
SHAKTHIKA SATHKUMARA
The writer was charged under ICCPR Act for writing a short story, which revolves around a Buddhist monk who renounced the saffron robe. The Act was enacted in 2007 to give effect to certain provisions of the United Nations multilateral treaty, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
Religious hatred
Police took Shakthika Sathkumara to court, following a complaint from the ultra nationalist Young Buddhist Defence Front, which accused the writer of inciting religious hatred by publishing a short story entitled ‘Ardha (partial)’ on facebook.
In February, Buddhist monk Ahungalle Jinananda of the Buddhist Information Centre urged the police chief to explicitly use the ICCPR Act to arrest the writer.
The ICCPR prohibits "advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence".
A magistrate in Sri Lanka is not authorised to grant bail to those charged under the ICCPR.
When 'Ardha' first appeared on facebook, a group of Buddhist monks stormed Shakthika Sathkumara's workplace demanding punitive action against him.
Bowing down to pressure, the Kurunegala District Secretariat had initiated a disciplinary inquiry against the writer who is a government employee.
Shakthika Sathkumara, adjudged the best Sinhala short story writer in Sri Lanka's National Youth Literary Festivals of 2010 and 2014, was twice the recipient of the north western provincial state literary award.☐
© JDS

Wilpattu not deforested by resettlement: Vicious efforts to spread racism

Thoufeek’s deeds
31 March, 2019

Mohammad Thoufeek of Marichchukaddy in the most Southern village of Musali, was 29-years-old when he entered the Wilpattu forest on October 28, 1990 accompanied by his family and other villagers, following the LTTE order to evict their village in 24 hours as it suspected that Muslims provided secret information on them to the government forces.



Musali in the Mannar District was the only divisional secretariat with a Muslim majority. It was a difficult journey through the thick forest to Puttlam where they set up a temporary shelter. Thoufeek and the other 70,000 odd Muslims in the Northern District started a life full of many hardships becoming internally displaced unfortunates.

By the time they returned, Wilpattu forest had snuffed the entire village that they couldn’t even see landmarks of the earlier civilisation. However, Musali Divisional Secretariat (DS) under the guidance of Minister Rishad Bathiudeen and former Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa, cleared the area and began the resettlement process.

When we met Thoufeek last week, he was in a small shed in front of his house with his wife, perhaps to escape the hot air inside the house. It was a burning, hot sunny day and to live in the area was nothing short of unfortunate, one could say.

“Assalamualaikum! (Peace be with you),” he extended us a warm welcome.

“These are hundreds of years old traditional lands. All of us have deeds and other legal documents. There is a 100-year-old Masjid too in our village,” he said.

Soon after the war, resettlement in three villages in Musali Divisional Secretariat - Palaikuli (100 acres), Marichchukaddy (100 acres) and Karadykkuli (80 acres) began under the supervision of Minister Bathiudeen.

That was almost two years before the Department of Forest Conservation (DFC) began its duties in the Northern Province in August 2011. A letter sent by DFC to the Attorney General’s Department in 2015 stated that these traditional Muslim villages were taken over by the DFC.



The letter also states that the Presidential Task Force (PTF) for Resettlement, Development and Defence under the chairmanship of former minister Basil Rajapaksa, on November 22, 2012 had recommended that the DFC releases lands for resettlement.

Following the recommendation, on January 2, 2013, DFC ordered its officer in Mannar to release the land. The PTF had then requested the DFC to release 2007 acres more for resettlement purposes. However, DFC had approved the release of only 1635 acres of land which was damaged and could not be reclaimed as forest area.

According to another letter sent by PTF to the Secretary of the Ministry of Environment on November 23, 2012, the officially cleared land area was 1,735 acres within the Musali DS which includes half an acre of land for the house and another acre for cultivation for each family.
Racism, the underlying cause?

The request made by PTF to release more land for resettlement, was due to the increase in population in the village. A member of the Musali Pradeshiya Sabha and a resident of Marichchukaddy, K.M. Iqbal told the Sunday Observer that there were around 120 families in the village when they fled the area in 1990. On their return the number of families had increased to 622 due to the marriages of their children.

“We don’t need forest lands. We only need our traditional lands. We have been waiting to meet the President for a long time. We informed MP Cader Masthan of our need. But there has been no response from the President’s office,” said Thoufeek.

There were two or three houses beyond Thoufeek’s house, around another three kilo metres to the Wilpattu border, a clear sign that Wilpattu had not been deforested by resettlement.

Another significant fact is that no land in Wilpattu is in Mannar District. Wilpattu had spread to Anuradhapura and Puttalam Districts, as Modaragam Aru the northern border of Wiplattu is also the provincial border between the North Western and Northern Provinces.

The chief bhikkhu of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, Ven. Siyambalagaswewa Wimalasara Thera told the Sunday Observer that there could be wicked efforts to spread racism by discussing the deforestation of Wilpattu.

“We have been talking about unity through the years. It was the Buddha who taught us that there must be unity among the communities. Buddhism doesn’t divide people. We lived here during the LTTE era with the same principle.

“Someone had posted on Facebook that we cry for Bathiudeen’s money. There is no such thing. I don’t care what other people think of me. I stand for what I believe. Minister Bathiudeen is not racist.
He is the only politician who supports the 14 active Buddhist temples in Vavuniya. Those who have labelled themselves as Sinhala Buddhists have not done anything for these temples”.

A top official in public administration of the area, who spoke to the Sunday Observer on the basis of anonymity said,

“The authorities in Colombo had no discussion with us, especially on remarking the forest. They should have first requested the Musali DS to provide information pertaining to land in the area. They remarked the forest area without consulting the DS. That is the origin of this issue,” he said.

In fact it was President Maithripala Sirisena who under Clause 3A of the Forest Conservation Act had signed a Gazette notification on March 24, 2017, declaring the Mavillu Forest Reserve including a few resettled areas - Mavillu, Veppal, Karadikkuli, Maritchukkaddy, Wilanthikkulam and Periyamarippu after several years passed by the beginning of resett;ement process.

“These lands in Marichukaddy were given to Muslim families that were displaced during the war, in the early 90’s. We personally checked if Rishard Bathiudeen had seized any land in the area, but we found none. As I see it, he, being a Muslim Politician, has served his people. We don’t see any wrong in that,” said Wimalasara Thera.

Bulldozers

“Even Sinhala colonies such as Marichchukaddy after the war were reestablished by clearing the forest area. When we resettled the Sinhalese people of Vavuniya District in their villages, we had to go there with bulldozers.

We had to clear the jungle to resettle people in their rightful land. Rankethgama in Vavuniya is one such example. I spoke to former District Secretary Mannar Deshapriya about the issue. He assured me that Marichchukaddy resettlement is legal”.

Wimalasara Thera also spoke about the probable political opportunism that could be behind all these activities. “Rishard Bathiudeen started resettlement under the Mahinda Rajapaka administration. When he crossed over and joined the UNP his former allies started bashing him.

If he someday joins his former camp, people in this camp would start accusing him,” the thera said.
“Ananda Sagara Thera is claimed to be a Presidential Advisor. My question is, if the President himself says that no forest had been cleared after 2015, how can Ananda Sagara Thera go against that opinion? The President should re-think about such advisors,” the thera said.

The Ministry of Defence website announced on March 23, 2019 that no forest cover was cleared after 2015, except the legally provided land to the people of Maritchkaddy, Kallaru and Mullikulam in the Musali Pradeshiya Sabha region north of the Wilpattu Park.

The announcement was based on 178 surveillance operations conducted by the Sri Lanka Air Force from December 22, 2015. The last air surveillance operation was carried out on March 22, 2019.
Villagers in Marichchukaddy said if the President’s report on Wiplattu is published, the issue can be sorted immediately.

“The President’s report is not out yet. We request the President to publicise the Committee report on Wiplattu. If it is out, there will be no issues. Everyone is invited to visit Marichchukaddy to witness what is happening there,” Thoufeek said.

Sri Lanka: Political Slugfest, Undue Pressure – Analysis



Eurasia Review
By Ajit Kumar Singh- 
Despite the passage of nearly a decade since the end of the civil war in Sri Lanka, the issue of alleged ‘war crimes’ during the last phases of the war continues to ‘haunt’ the international community, mainly the western world. On March 29, 2019, the Australian envoy to Sri Lanka, Acting Ambassador John Philp reiterated these ‘concerns’, stating, “we do want to work with the Sri Lankan tri-services, (but) we do know that there are serious allegations. We certainly believe that they should be taken seriously”.
Certain ‘foreign powers’ who were not happy with the outcome in 2009 have since being targeting Colombo and putting undue pressure on the Government. On March 21, 2019, the United Nations High Rights Council (UNHRC), during its 40th Session (February 25- March 22, 2019) adopted a resolution (A/HRC/40/L.1 titled Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka) asking Colombo to follow the recommendations made in a report submitted to the Human Rights Council on February 8, 2019. The report recommended the Government of Sri Lanka to
…adopt legislation establishing a hybrid court to investigate allegations of violations and abuses of international human rights law and violations of international humanitarian law…
The ‘hybrid court’ would include international judges, lawyers and investigators judges and in its processes. The UNHRC while adopting the resolution gave an extension till March 2021 for Sri Lanka to implement its commitments. It was the second extension obtained by Sri Lanka since the original resolution was passed in October 2015 and extended in March 2017. Ironically, the resolution had the support of Sri Lanka, and the Sri Lankan representative signed the report on February 25, 2019.
The UNHRC resolution was adopted despite Tilak Marapana, PC., Sri Lanka’s Minister of Foreign Affairs,  speaking at the at the 40th Session of the UNHRC on March 20, 2019, rejected the recommendation, arguing
…the Government of Sri Lanka at the highest political levels, has both publicly and in discussions with the present and former High Commissioner for Human Rights and other interlocutors, explained the constitutional and legal challenges that preclude it from including non-citizens in its judicial processes. It has been explained that if non-citizen judges are to be appointed in such a process, it will not be possible without an amendment to the Constitution by 2/3 of members of the Parliament voting in favour and also the approval of the people at a referendum…
He argued further,
…it must be asserted that there are no proven allegations against individuals on war crimes or crimes against humanity in the OISL report of 2015 or in any subsequent official document. It is an injustice to deprive any serving or retired officer of the Sri Lankan security forces or the police their due rights… 
He also rejected the demand to set up an Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in the country.
Indeed, Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena observed, on March 28, 2019, that although the Government had admitted the correct facts of the statements issued by the UNHRC, it is not willing to accept the erroneous assertions in those statements under any circumstances, and that he would not implement any resolutions of the UNHRC which is contrary to the Constitution, or which will endanger the sovereignty, of the country. The President also insisted that he would not in any way accept the agreement signed by the Sri Lankan Ambassador in Geneva with the UNHRC in February, as it was signed without the knowledge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or its Secretary. He added that he would extend his fullest discontentment regarding this incident which occurred due to the “wrongful decisions of our own parties.”
It is useful to recall here that all this is occurring amidst a political slugfest in Sri Lanka, which started with the ouster of President Mahinda Rajapaksa from power in January 2015 and later deepened further reached to an alarming level in October 2018. President Sirisena set off a rolling crisis when he sacked the Prime Minister and leader of the United National Party (UNP) Ranil Wickremesinghe on October 26, 2018, and appointed former President and Kurunegala District Member of Parliament (MP) Mahinda Rajapaksa to the post. However, as President Sirisena realized that his de facto Prime Minister, Rajapaksa, would not command a majority in Parliament, in an extraordinary Gazette notification he announced the dissolution of Parliament with effect from November 9, midnight, and scheduled general elections to be held on January 5, 2019.
However, exactly 34 days later, on December 13, 2018, the Supreme Court (SC) of Sri Lanka ruled, that President Sirisena’s decision was illegal and unconstitutional. After the SC ruling, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was sworn-in on December 16, 2018, for a fifth time, as the Prime Minister, ending a nearly two-month long political crisis.
The SC ruling and subsequent restoration of the Government clearly demonstrated that roots of democracy have deepened in the island nation, and that the judicial system is robust and has the capabilities to instill confidence among the masses.
Indeed, Sri Lanka has taken deep strides forward since the end of the civil war. Highlighting these achievements, Mass Media and Information Minister Keheliya Rambukwella emphasized on August 28, 2013, that, during a short period of four years after the end of hostilities, approximately 300,000 displaced persons had been resettled. He had also disclosed that only 232 surrendered Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) cadres were left in camps. When the war had ended in May 2009, around 11,800 ex-LTTE cadres had surrendered to the Security Forces (SFs). In 2015, the Government disclosed that it had also successfully rehabilitated most of the former LTTE cadres, with only 49 hardcore LTTE elements remaining in detention.
More recently, on September 5, 2018, the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) handed its Interim Report to President Maithripala Sirisena. The OMP was operationalized on March 13, 2018, to determine the status of all persons who went ‘missing’ during the civil war. According to the Paranagama Commission Report, around 21,000 people went missing during the civil war.
Moreover, during his speech at the UN, on March 20, 2019, Tilak Marapana, PC., the Minister of Foreign Affairs had also disclosed,
Of the 71,172.56 acres of State lands held by the Security Forces, since May 2009, 63,257.48 acres have been released, as at 12th March 2019, i.e. a release of 88.87% of land originally held. Of the 28,215.29 acres of the private land held by the Security Forces since May 2009, 26,005.17 acres (92.16%) have been released as at 12th March 2019.
Further, to expand national unity and reconciliation projects island-wide, and to create a discourse on reconciliation at the grass roots level, the Office for National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with 22 Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) on July 3, 2018. The main objective of the MoU was to expand the “Heal the Past, Build the Future” project in 17 selected Districts. Meanwhile, the Office for Reparations Bill, ratified by the Cabinet on June 13, 2018, for the payment of reparations to war-affected and missing persons, was submitted to Parliament on July 17, 2018. However, on August 7, 2018, the Supreme Court shot down two clauses of the Bill on the grounds that they vested judicial powers in the Office for Reparations. According to the Court, Sections 27 (a) and 27 (A) (iii) of the Bill were inconsistent with Sections 4 (D) and Section 3 of the Constitution and therefore the Court stated that the Bill has to be approved by a two-thirds majority of the total number of members in the Parliament, in order to bring about a Constitutional amendment. The SC also recommended that the Bill should be approved by the people through a referendum and that the inconsistency could be removed if amendments were made in line with the directions it had given. No further development has taken place in this regard.
More importantly, not a single terrorist attack has been recorded in the country since the end of war in 2009. Significantly, the Global Terrorism Index 2018 report noted,
Over the past 16 years, only two countries in South Asia experienced a decrease in the impact of terrorism: Sri Lanka and Nepal… The decline in terrorism in Sri Lanka is largely the result of the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil in Eelam (LTTE) following the Sri Lankan Civil War.
Some worries, of course, remain. Despite Wickremesinghe’s restoration as Prime Minister, the subsequent conflict over Cabinet appointments indicated that Sirisena and Wickremesinghe were still at loggerheads, and the country’s political crisis was far from over. Moreover, Sirisena and the Constitutional Council (CC) were also on a collision course over the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal.
Despite dramatic achievements in the normalization process after the end of the civil war, infirmities in the democratization process persist, feeding a fractious politics and institutional instability. The risk of new misadventures being launched by extreme political ideologies lingers in the backdrop.
*Ajit Kumar Singh
Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management

Does Sri Lanka Need A Dairy Or Beef Industry?

Dr. Chandre Dharmawardana
logoEvery one has heard of how large numbers of imported cows have died causing severe problems to the dairy farmer. A recent report entitled “Importing exotic cows which performed poorly under local conditions” by Ananda Wickremasinghe appeared in the last Sunday Times.
In the 1970s, when I was a Director of the Leather Products corporation (“Lanka Sam”) there was discussion that “Lanka Sam” should have its own livestock and dairy farm to ensure a supply of cattle skin. This was then linked with the national program and the minster, Mr. T. B. Subasinghe, requested me to contribute my views on it.
My report was that of the odd man out, as I recommended that NO state-sponsored dairy  or cattle farming should be initiated in Sri Lanka, while householders or a farm may have  small-scale operations with no state inputs except regulation. My submission was rejected as everyone else supported developing an indigenous dairy and cattle industry. At the time, one factor in my mind was the report from the club of Rome on the “Limits to growth”. These were later overcome by the success of the Green Revolution in feeding the people, although with considerable expansion of the land area and water via large irrigation schemes.
However, human greed has no limits., and new “limits to growth” have come about due to the Luddite attitudes of humans who have romantically and nostalgically turned back to the failed methods of the past for solving global problems.  My objections to dairy in the Sri Lankan context at that time have now proved to be  accurate.
The objections are based on the following reasons.
(I) There is now (and there was then) a glut of milk production in the US, Australia, Canada, New Zealand  and other countries with large areas of pasture land and low-density human populations. Sri Lanka is a densely populated country and further encroachment of the natural habitat for raising  cows  is something we CANNOT afford to do, as we can hardly meet the needed housing and food production for the increasing population. The urban encroachment has now transformed the country into asphalt and concrete. Even the Wilpattu has been razed to build houses.
(ii) Lanka’s cost of production per litre of milk or  kg of beef is actually much more than for the US or NZ farmer. It is much cheaper to import their product and save our land which is at a premium.
(iii) Pasture maintenance requires large fertilizer and water inputs, as well as antibiotics for the animals. A Sri Lankan scientists who emigrated to Australia is an authority on pasture lands and fertilizer usage. He has researched the gradual degradation of the lands there.  I was proud to hear that he  was briefly one of my chemistry students in the early 1960s!
(iv) Production of meat and animal milk costs a lot of resources compared to producing vegetables, lentils and such legumes. Meat production requires a much higher amount of water than vegetables. IME  (see attached table) claims that  1kg of meat requires between 5,000 and 20,000 litres of water whereas to produce 1kg of wheat requires between 500 and 4,000 litres of water. One may imagine that to produce one litre of milk, only one litre of water is needed. But  the cow has to drink much more water to survive to produce one litre. Also, the water used to grow the grass or fodder must be counted in. Thus one needs some 1000 liters of water to produce one litre of milk. That is a factor of 1000. In the case of beef, it is a factor 15,000 or more!
(v) All monocultures, be it planting tea, or rubber, or raising cattle as the unique “crop” is ecologically bad practice. Livestock should be raised as an integrated farming effort and not as the unique objective, as in factor farms for livestock.
Furthermore, grazing animals need a lot of land, and to grow the fodder. A rough rule  is that  two cows need an acre of good pasture. Dairy needs more land than beef cattle, often kept corralled for intensive farming. Grazed dairy cattle tend to need less antibiotics simply because they produce less milk. Having a high energy feed results in high milk output; however, increased milk output also increases the animal’s physiological stress, leading to a higher incidence of health problems and infectious diseases. Their effluent poisons the ecosystem.
So, ecological reasons strongly favour the vegetarian diet and lifestyle. Even if one is not a strict vegetarian, it is better to adopt a diet high in vegetables and legumes (lentils, peas, “kadala”, mung etc). Milk is a nutritious food, but many civilizations did not use it. The famous China-food study showed that rural Chinese are quite healthy, long lived and did not use milk or much meat. The same was true of most farming societies of the past.
Although milk can play an important role in the diet,  I am advocating that Sri Lanka doesn’t need to produce the milk.
Sri Lanka  can import milk products much more cheaply than  producing them. One must count the huge costs involved in habitat loss, need for large amounts of land and water to produce something available cheaply in the global market. The elite rich  will want their fresh milk,  fresh butter and bottled “spring water”, just as they clamour for  “vasha-visha naethi organic food” or double cream from Devon. They can pay premium prices for them, and  there will always be a niche market for such goods
Sri Lanka, or any other country, must first worry about being self-sufficient in staple foods, energy and water. Its primary duty is to safeguard its eco-system and bio-diversity. One may argue that “ local dairy production,  beef and pork industries have tremendous potential” if their negative impact is ignored. Almost invariably, such farming becomes intense factory farming which is ecologically and morally unacceptable; animals must be treated humanely.
Today,  no country can   produce everything a modern society needs.  A strategic policy for milk foods is to import powdered milk and some fresh milk which are  inexpensive in the world market. The land resources targeted for dairy should be directed to the production of varieties of Thora (Lentils) and other legumes, while leaving 15% of the cultivated land as wilderness.  Protein sources can be further increased by improving the fisheries sector at a time when foreign trawlers exploit Sri Lanka’s territorial waters.

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