Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, March 1, 2019

Cultured meat may seem gross, but it might just save the planet


1 Mar 2019
THE world is in the grips of a food-tech revolution. One of the most compelling new developments is cultured meat, also known as clean, cell-based or slaughter-free meat. It’s grown from stem cells taken from a live animal without the need for slaughter.
Proponents hail cultured meat as the long-awaited solution to the factory farming problem. If commercialized successfully, it could solve many of the environmental, animal welfare and public health issues of animal agriculture while giving consumers exactly what they’re used to eating.
Despite this, the public is uncertain about cultured meat. Scientists and high-profile supporters, including investorslike Bill Gates and Richard Branson, are pushing for broader adoption, but it’s difficult to sell the public on new food technology – case in point, genetically modified food.

As a moral psychologist, my research explores people’s perceptions of cultured meat, both the good and the bad. Below I discuss some of the top reasons people say they don’t want to eat cultured meat, compiled from opinion surveysfocus groups and online comments. But I’m optimistic that champions of this new technology can alleviate the public’s concerns, making a convincing case for consumers to embrace cultured meat.

‘Cultured meat is not necessary’

While there is increasing awareness of the downsides of factory farming, this knowledge has still not spread to all meat consumers, or at least is not reflected in their purchasing behavior. Factory farming supports what many consider cruel and restrictive practices where animals raised in such farms are subjected to extreme suffering, and estimates suggest that over 99 percent of US farmed animals live on factory farms.
Animal agriculture is also inefficient. Growing and feeding an entire animal for only part of its body is inevitably less efficient than growing just the parts that you want to eat.
The use of antibiotics in farming leads to antibiotic resistance, which could have devastating consequences for human health globally. In 2016, the US Food and Drug Administration reported that over 70 percent of medically important drugs were sold for use in animal agriculture.
Some people who believe farmed meat is problematic would prefer a plant-based food system. Despite recent hype around veganism, the number of people who don’t eat animal products remains extremely low. Only 2 to 6 percent of Americans identify as vegetarian or vegan. And only around 1 percent of adults identify as vegetarian and report never eating meat. This figure shows little change since the mid-1990s, despite the ongoing activism of the animal rights and environmental movements.
I’d argue that the plant-based solution to factory farming is not a feasible outcome for the foreseeable future. Cultured meat might be. Individuals can still choose to eat a plant-based diet. But for those who are unwilling to give up meat, they can have their steak and eat it too.
063_1053149392
Farm animals won’t be turned loose to fend for themselves. Source: Mario Tama/Getty Images/AFP

‘I’m worried about the animals and farmers’

Some people express concern about the fate of chickens and cows, imagining them abandoned to die or released into the wild.
The time frame for cultured meat renders this consideration moot. Even by optimistic estimates, large-scale production is likely still several years away. As new processes are adopted, the demand for farm animals will slowly decrease. Fewer animals will be bred, thus the animals at the center of these concerns will never exist.
Many people are also concerned about the negative impact a transition to cultured meat may have on farmers. But this new technology is far from the only threat farmers already face as the industry becomes ever more centralized. Eighty-five percent of beef in the US comes from just four main producers.
In fact, cultured meat provides a new industry, with opportunities to grow and process products for use in cellular agriculture. The meat industry can learn a lesson from how taxis lost out to Uber and Lyft; they must adapt to new technologies to survive and thrive. And the industry is already taking steps in this direction – Tyson Foods and Cargill Meat Solutions, two of the biggest meat producers in the US, have made investments in this new future.
dog-meat-2
A store selling dog meat at Hanoi’s Old Quarter in Vietnam. Cultural norms have a lot to do with whether dog, pig or cultured meat is a delicacy or disgusting. Source: Shutterstock.

‘Cultured meat is disgusting’

Disgust is a common reaction to cultured meat. It’s difficult to rebut, as it is not an argument per se – disgust is in the eye of the beholder.
However, disgust is often not a good guide for rational decision-making. Cultural differences in meat consumptionillustrate this point. Typically, Westerners are happy to eat pigs and cows, but consider eating dogs disgusting. But dog meat is consumed in some Asian cultures.
So what is disgusting appears to be somewhat determined by what is normal and accepted in your community. With time, and exposure to cultured meat, it’s possible that these feelings of disgust will disappear.

‘Cultured meat is unnatural’

Perhaps the loudest opposition to cultured meat is that it’s unnatural. This argument relies on the premise that natural things are better than unnatural things.
While this outlook is reflected in recent consumer preferences, the argument is fallacious. Some natural things are good. However, there are many things that are unnatural that are fundamental to our society: glasses, motorized transport, the internet. Why single out cultured meat?
Perhaps the argument is only applicable to food – natural food is better. But “natural” food is a myth; almost all the food you buy is modified in some way. Moreover, I’d argue the overuse of antibiotics in conventional meat and other practices of modern animal agriculture – including the selective breeding used to produce modern farmed animals – throws it into the same unnatural category.
Of course, naturalness can be a proxy for things that really do matter in food: safety, sustainability, animal welfare. But cultured meat fares far better than conventional meat on those metrics. If we dismiss cultured meat on the grounds of being unnatural then, to be consistent, we must also dismiss a vast number of other products that make modern lives better and easier.
It’s early days, but a number of companies are working to bring cultured meat to the table. As consumers, we have both the right and obligation to be informed about which products we choose to eat. Yes, we should be cautious with any new technology. But in my opinion, the objections to cultured meat can’t hold a candle to the potential benefits for humans, animals and the planet.count
Matti Wilks, Postdoctoral Research Associate in Psychology, Yale University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. 

Quick pregnancy safe after stillbirth, study finds

Pregnant woman lying downImage copyright
28 February 2019
There is no reason to delay having another baby after a stillbirth, research in the Lancet suggests.
Although women are often told to wait for a year before getting pregnant again, there is little evidence to back up this advice.
This international study of 14,000 births found no increased risk of problems if conception happened earlier.
A UK stillbirth expert said the findings were important and reassuring.
About one in every 225 births in the UK ends in stillbirth, which is defined as the death of a baby after 24 weeks of pregnancy in the UK. However, in this study, a stillbirth is defined as a baby's death after 22 weeks' pregnancy.
Stillbirth rates have been gradually reducing in the UK since 2000, and more sharply since 2015, but compared with many other European countries, improvements in the UK have been slow.
In many countries there is limited guidance available on planning future pregnancies after stillbirth, the study says.
Manchester University's Prof Alex Heazell, spokesman for Tommy's stillbirth charity and the Royal College of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, said his message to women was "not to worry".
"As long as they get all the information about why their baby died, then the choice of when to have another baby is down to when they are psychologically ready."
He said there was no physiological reason to wait more than a year before trying for another baby.
"Stress may exacerbate things and so waiting until that goes may be a reason for some to hold off," Prof Heazell said.

To wait or not

The researchers looked at the birth records of 14,452 women who had previously had a stillbirth in Western Australia, Finland and Norway over 37 years.
A total of 2% of those subsequent pregnancies ended in stillbirth, 18% were preterm births and 9% were babies born small for their age.
The study found that those who conceived within 12 months of stillbirth were no more likely to have another stillbirth, or a preterm birth, than women who left two or more years between pregnancies,
Pregnant woman with cupImage copyrightS
Out of the births studied, 9,109 or 63% were conceived within 12 months of the stillbirth.
The study, led by Dr Annette Regan, from Curtin University in Australia, said the findings were useful for clinicians who give counselling after stillbirths.
She said women who did not leave enough time to recover after a previous pregnancy could be at risk of "poor nutritional status, which has been linked to increased risk of foetal growth restriction and birth defects".
But she said this may be less likely to occur after a pregnancy loss, such as stillbirth or miscarriage.
Commenting on the research, Mark A Klebanoff, from the Research Institute at Nationwide Children's Hospital in the US, said there were other factors to consider.
"Rather than adhering to hard and fast rules, clinical recommendations should consider a woman's current health status, her current age in conjunction with her desires regarding child spacing and ultimate family size, and particularly following a loss, her emotional readiness to become pregnant again."

What is stillbirth?

  • A stillbirth is when a baby is born dead after 24 completed weeks of pregnancy
  • If the baby dies before 24 completed weeks, it is known as a miscarriage or late foetal loss
  • Some stillbirths are linked to complications with the placenta, a birth defect or with the mother's health. For others, no cause is found

Sri Lankan police obstruct Keppapulavu signature campaign

Sri Lankan police officers and intelligence personnel threatened displaced families from Keppapulavu who launched a signature campaign this week. 
27 February 2019
The protesters, who are predominantly women, were photographed and warned against conducting their protest. 
The campaign is to be taken via a mobile van across the North starting in Mullaitivu, travelling to Kilinochchi, Jaffna, then Mannar, Vavuniya and Negombo, before going to Colombo on March 2.
Although almost ten years have passed since the end of the armed conflict the Sri Lankan military continues to control and occupy vast swathes of land in the Tamil homeland, forcing families to remain displaced.
Keppapulavu families began their prolonged campaign for their homes in March 2017. The campaign, which has seen widespread support among Tamils across the North-East and diaspora worldwide, has reached out to several international bodies, including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.
Related articles: 
On January 28, residents of Keppapulavu intensified their campaign to have their lands released from Sri Lankan army occupation, getting as close to the camp and their lands as possible while military personnel and police were deployed to hold them back. 

No will, no way: stalled efforts to deal with the past in Sri Lanka (new report)


Feb 27, 2019
This Monday saw the opening of the 40th session of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) in Geneva, the international community’s foremost body for the promotion and protection of human rights around the world.
Why is this important? Because next month, a HRC sponsored process designed to ensure that Sri Lanka deals with unaddressed allegations of atrocity crimes will come to an end – unless there is renewed commitment from its members.
That process initially came about as a result of a landmark resolution, Resolution 30/1, adopted by HRC members with the support of the government of Sri Lanka in October 2015. The resolution commits the government to a range of measures designed to advance truth, justice and reconciliation, and to deal with legacy of Sri Lanka’s civil war in which tens of thousands of civilians were killed (mostly Tamils, as a result of government shelling).
The depth of the international community’s commitment at this month’s session is particularly important in light of recent suggestions, including from President Sirisena, that the government could seek to withdraw its support for this process and row back on its pledges.
For the past three-and-a-half years, we’ve been monitoring progress on those pledges as part of our ‘Keep the Promise’ campaign. In our latest update, published today, we find that, despite several areas of modest progress, the government of Sri Lanka has overwhelmingly failed to bring about the changes that are needed to heal the wounds of the past and ensure that Sri Lanka will never again experience the kind of mass violence that has marked its recent history.
We outline three key tests by which we think the international community should judge Sri Lanka’s progress to date; among them, whether victims and survivors of serious human rights abuses feel satisfied with the steps that have been taken by the government. As the massive protests in the North of the country earlier this week attest, many victims and survivors not only feel let down; they also feel angry, and increasingly disillusioned by current efforts to deal with the past.
Our findings suggest that continued engagement through the HRC remains essential. For this reason, we urge the members of the HRC to ensure the adoption of a further resolution at this month’s sessions that keeps ‘in play’ Sri Lanka’s commitments and guarantees ongoing scrutiny. They should do so with, or without, the government of Sri Lanka’s support.
But, as we also state in our report, pressure through the HRC is a necessary but not sufficient lever for bringing about the change that is needed. That is why, among our recommendations, we are asking UN member states to reaffirm their commitment to pursue accountability in Sri Lanka in ways that do not rely on the political will of its leaders. It is also why we are asking states to consider why the HRC process has delivered so little to date, and to undertake an urgent review of wider forms of engagement with Sri Lanka – across the spheres of aid, trade, and military-military cooperation – which could help break the impasse.
You can read our latest findings in full here. A report version is also available here.

TEXT: FIRST DRAFT OF RESOLUTION ON PROMOTING RECONCILIATION, ACCOUNTABILITY AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN SRI LANKA



Sri Lanka Brief27 February 2019

Human Rights Council 40th session: draft resolution

Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka
The Human Rights Council,

PP1 Reaffirming the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations,
PP2 Guided by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenants on Human Rights and other relevant instruments,

PP3 Reaffirming Human Rights Council resolutions 30/1 of 1 October 2015 and 34/1 of 23 March 2017 on promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka,
PP4 Recalling Human Rights Council resolutions 19/2 of 22 March 2012, 22/1 of 21 March 2013 and 25/1 of 27 March 2014,

PP5 Reaffirming that it is the responsibility of each State to ensure the full enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms of its entire population,

PP6 Reaffirming also its commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka,

PP7 Recognising the strong role played by Sri Lanka’s democratic institutions in the peaceful resolution of the political situation that arose in Sri Lanka from October to December 2018,
PP8 Welcoming the establishment of the Office on Missing Persons in September 2017 and the appointment of its Commissioners in February 2018 and the assumption of its work to fully implement its mandate,

PP9 Welcoming also the visits made by the Special Rapporteur on human rights and counter terrorism from 10 to 14 July 2017, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence from 10 to 23 October 2017, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention from 4 to 15 December 2017 and the Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt on the full enjoyment of human rights from 3 to 11 September 2018,
PP10 Noting with appreciation the return of some private land previously occupied by the military to civilian ownership while recalling repeated public commitments by the Government of Sri Lanka to release all private land occupied by the military, to enable local populations to resume livelihoods,

PP11 Noting other steps taken by the Government of Sri Lanka to implement Human Rights Council resolution 30/1, including progress towards establishing an Office on Reparations and the submission to cabinet of a concept paper on a Bill to establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the proposed repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act 1978 and the preparation of a draft Counter Terrorism Act, while reiterating in this context the need for further significant progress and encouraging in this regard the adoption of a time-bound implementation strategy,

1. Takes note with appreciation of the comprehensive report presented by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to the Human Rights Council at its fortieth session, as requested by the Council in its resolution 34/1, and requests the Government of Sri Lanka to implement fully the measures identified by the Council in its resolution 30/1 that are outstanding;

2. Welcomes the positive engagement of the Government of Sri Lanka with the High Commissioner and the Office of the High Commissioner since October 2015, and with relevant special procedure mandate holders, and encourages the continuation of that engagement in the promotion and protection of human rights and truth, justice, reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka;

3. Requests the Office of the High Commissioner and relevant special procedure mandate holders, in consultation with and with the concurrence of the Government of Sri Lanka, to continue to strengthen their advice and technical assistance on the promotion and protection of human rights and truth, justice, reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka;

4. Requests the Office of the High Commissioner to continue to assess progress on the implementation of its recommendations and other relevant processes related to reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka, and to present a written update to the Human Rights Council at its forty-third session, and a comprehensive report, followed by a discussion on the implementation of Council resolution 30/1, at its forty-sixth session.

Don’t throw the baby out with the water

Constitutional Council from inception lacked balance of views expected by the people 



1 March 2019 

he 19th Amendment to the Constitution which was meant for the strengthening of democracy by reining in of the Executive Presidency has by now created several issues, challenging  democracy.

It has somewhat bridled the Executive President, but at the same time unbridled the Prime Minister to the extent that under no circumstances he could be removed from the post.

The Constitutional Council which was meant to be a tool to democratize the key government institutions is under attack by some people who supported it earlier.

President Maithripala Sirisena who toiled to bring in again the Constitutional Council under the 19th Amendment is now criticizing the same openly.

Last week he went to Parliament and lashed out at the council in front of the Speaker who is the Chairman of the council. He said that his nominees for the Supreme Court and the Appeal Court have been rejected by the Constitutional Council.

He argued that his nominees had the right to know as to why they had been rejected, but the council had not communicated to him the reasons.
The situation has gone to the extent that not only the council but also some appointments to the higher courts made upon its approval are being insinuated to be politicized.

Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa, the one-time President who in 2010 abolished the Constitutional Council and the independent commissions appointed by it has joined the President in criticizing the Council on the same grounds.

Whether their allegations are sound or not, their argument that the composition of the council was not compatible with the political alignments caused by the recent political crisis has to be accepted.

Especially one cannot expect a relative balance of views in a Constitutional Council of which some of the members have been appointed on the recommendation of or approval of former Opposition Leader R. Sampanthan, as he no longer holds the post. 

The mechanism to appoint the members of the Constitutional Council has never been challenged by any political party or civil society organization since the idea on the council was first mooted in 2001.

It is a commonly accepted view that the mechanism would give representation to all political affiliations in Parliament. Especially it is expected that the mechanism would strike a balance between the ruling party and the main Opposition in Parliament.

"The only remedy for the incompatibility of the composition of the council to the new political alignments in Parliament is for the five members appointed on the agreement between the Prime Minister and the former Opposition Leader to resign so that the Prime Minister and the new Opposition Leader would be able to recommend five new members"

The council consists of ten members with the Speaker being the ex-officio Chairman and the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader being ex-officio members.

Other seven members are an MP appointed by the President, another two appointed with the agreement of the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader but in consultation with political parties in Parliament, another one MP appointed with the agreement among the political parties apart from those of the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader and three eminent persons appointed with the agreement between the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader.

The current Constitutional Council was appointed before the political crisis that was triggered by the constitutional coup launched by President Maithriapala Sirisena on October 26, last year.

The crisis ended when Mahinda Rajapaksa resigned from the Prime Minister post on December 15 and was later recognized as the Opposition Leader by the Speaker.

Even during the time when Sampanthan held the post of Opposition Leader, he was closer to the government than Rajapaksa. Therefore the current Constitutional Council from its inception was seen lacking the balance of views expected by the people when the 17th and 19th Amendments to the Constitution were adopted.

The situation is now very clear as the new Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa had no say in appointing the members of the current Constitutional Council.

Out of the ten members of the council, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe are leaders of the United National Party (UNP). Out of the two MPs appointed on the recommendation of the Prime Minister and the former Opposition Leader one is considered to be closer to the UNP than to the Mahinda faction or the Maithri faction of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA). The other member is Chamal Rajapaksa, the brother of Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The representative of the parties other than those of the Prime Minister and the former Opposition Leader is Bimal Ratnayake of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a party opposed to both the UNP and the UPFA.

"The 19A bridled the President; unbridled the PM"

"CC which was meant to be a tool to democratize key government institutions is under attack by some people who supported it earlier"

The three civil society members in the council may, in fact, be apolitical persons, but since they were appointed on the joint recommendation of leaders of the UNP and the TNA, UPFA might be treating them as their opponents or persons not preferable. Therefore, the UPFA seems to be assuming that seven out of ten members of the Constitutional Council are against them and they can rely only on President’s representative Mahinda Samarasinghe, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa and Chamal Rajapaksa.

In short, UPFA seems to believe that the council is anti-UPFA or at least pro-UNP. This situation is a direct outcome of the political crisis last October.

However, there is no provision in the 19th Amendment or in any other law to adjust the composition of the council according to the changes in the political alignments in Parliament. The 19th Amendment provides for the members of the council to hold office for a period of three years and the President as the appointing authority has no power to remove any of the members, whatever the good intentions he might have.

The only remedy for the incompatibility of the composition of the council to the new political alignments in Parliament is for the five members appointed on the agreement between the Prime Minister and the former Opposition Leader to resign so that the Prime Minister and the new Opposition Leader would be able to recommend five new members.

Yet, nobody can press them to do so as they were appointed legally and their continuation as members of the council is also still legally valid. Their continuation as members of the council is purely a matter of morality.

Here, the law has not been breached, but the purpose of the law has not been fulfilled, in the light of the law providing for the Opposition Leader to have a say in appointing the members of the council.

"Law has not been breached, but the purpose of the law has not been fulfilled"

An interesting point is that the President who criticized the Constitutional Council for not giving reasons for its rejection of his nominations did not criticize the approvals given by the Council. Therefore, one can argue he had accepted the legitimacy of the council. On the other hand, he had not challenged the council as a mechanism that reins in the executive Presidency.

The council indeed has proved to be a good bridle on the possible highhandedness of presidents, in spite of the current council having certain issues with the change of the Opposition Leader. The seeming attempts to rid the whole mechanism are like attempting to throw the baby with the water.  

Death Penalty: Sirisena Will Do Great Damage To Sri Lanka’s Human Rights Leadership In The Region: Lawyers For Democracy


“By lifting a 43-year moratorium on the death penalty, the President will do great damage to Sri Lanka’s human rights leadership in the region, its compliance with its international obligations and reputation,” says the Lawyers for Democracy.
Issuing a statement, the Lawyers for democracy (LfD) has urged President Maithripala Sirisena to reconsider his decision on implementation of the death penalty.
We publish below the statement in full:

Sirisena
Lawyers for Democracy notes, with grave concern that President Maithripala Sirisena plans to execute at least 13 death row prisoners. By lifting a 43-year moratorium on the death penalty, the President will do great damage to Sri Lanka’s human rights leadership in the region, its compliance with its international obligations and reputation. This arbitrary and ill-advised move is both regressive and offers no guarantees of effectively tackling drug-related crimes, as he predicts.
There is no empirical evidence that the death penalty is an effective deterrent. For example, studies demonstrate that the crime rates across States within the USA do not appear to be drastically different, or affected, based on the classification of such States as those that (1) do not impose the death penalty; (2) impose but do not execute; and (3) impose and execute.
More alarming still is that President Sirisena is unilaterally breaking with Sri Lanka’s consistent voting record in favor of a moratorium on the implementation of the death penalty at the United Nations General Assembly, as it voted in as recently as in December 2018. Sri Lanka’s international legal obligations must be given their due weight and not be subject to the whims of the Executive. Failure to do so will signal to the world that Sri Lanka does not take its commitments to uphold international human rights law seriously, discrediting the hard work of our foreign service.

Read More