Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, February 27, 2019

Families of disappeared hold mass rally against resolution extension


Families of the disappeared from across the North-East held a mass rally in Kilinochchi today rejecting the prospect of Sri Lanka being given more time to deliver on its co-sponsored UN Human Rights Council resolution. 
25 February 2019
"UN! Do not give additional time to Sri Lanka for war crimes investigations," a large banner read. 
Families have been protesting for months, calling on the international community to deliver justice. 
Girl (centre) holds photograph and poster reading, "Where is my father? I want my father". 
The protest, which marks the opening day of the UNHRC's current session in Geneva, was supported across the North East with religious leaders and political figures joining the rally.
Hundreds of businesses across the North also held mass hartals in solidarity with the families of the disappeared. 
 

NOR CAN ANY SOCIETY BE FAIR WITHOUT JOURNALISTS WHO INVESTIGATE WRONGDOING AND SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER. – ANTÓNIO GUTERRES

Image : (c) S.Deshapriya.

REMARKS BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ON THE OCCASION OF THE 70TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE GENEVA ASSOCIATION OF UNITED NATIONS CORRESPONDENTS.
Sri Lanka Brief
(25 February 2019/ Geneva)

Your excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Dear journalists,

It is an honour and pleasure to be back here with you today to mark the 70th anniversary of the Geneva Association of United Nations Correspondents, ACANU. I congratulate you on reaching this milestone as an organization, and I wish you all the best for your future success.

I see familiar faces today, of journalists who covered humanitarian crises and refugee issues while I was working here in Geneva as the High Commissioner for Refugees. Many appalling humanitarian crises and issues would never gain international attention without your work.

I remember discussing the refugee situation in Europe with some of you long before it reached its climax, for example. I thank you for your consistent interest and engagement, and for reporting the facts, even when those facts may have made some people uncomfortable.

Some seventy years ago, most of the members of ACANU came from the countries of the Global North, and most were men. The Cold War was in full swing. Around the world, democracies were the exception rather than the norm. There were very few countries in which people were allowed to express themselves freely.

Seventy years on, the situation here at the Association of Correspondents, at the United Nations more generally, and indeed around the world, is fortunately very different.

ACANU itself is much more diverse. Decolonization, the end of the Cold War and other developments have transformed the United Nations and the world we live in. We’ve come a long way towards realizing freedom of expression, and other fundamental freedoms. The right to access to information is entrenched in law in over a hundred countries.

But despite these advances, in recent years, civic space has been shrinking worldwide at an alarming rate. In just over a decade, more than a thousand journalists have been killed while carrying out their indispensable work. And nine out of ten cases are unresolved, with no one held accountable.

Last year alone, UNESCO reports that at least 99 journalists were killed.

Many thousands more have been attacked, harassed, detained or imprisoned on spurious charges, without due process.

This is outrageous. This should not become the new normal.

When journalists are targeted, societies as a whole pay a price.

And I am deeply troubled by the growing number of attacks and the culture of impunity.

No democracy is complete without press freedom. Nor can any society be fair and impartial without journalists who investigate wrongdoing and speak truth to th

e power.

As the influential German intellectual Jurgen Habermas has said, a critical media that informs reliably and comments diligently is essential to a functioning public sphere. It stimulates and orients people’s opinions, while at the same time forcing the political system to adjust and to become more transparent.

Journalism and the media are essential to peace, justice, sustainable development and human rights for all – and to the work of the United Nations.

Dear friends,

During my ten years as High Commissioner for Refugees, I saw for myself many situations in which the rights of the most vulnerable were routinely trampled and the lives of women, children and men were viewed as bargaining chips at best, and collateral damage at worst.

Among the displaced and the desperate in war zones and refugee camps, I was deeply impressed by the work of two groups of people: humanitarian workers, including my own staff at UNHCR, who provided help and protection to people in need; and journalists, who often worked alongside them to make sure people’s stories were heard around the world. Unfortunately, as they work to protect others, both humanitarian workers and journalists put their lives on the line.

Media workers go to the most dangerous places on earth, to bring us important information, to give a voice to people who are being ignored and abused, and to hold the powerful to account.

And like everyone here, I rely on the work of journalists on a daily basis to do my job.

In the two years since I became Secretary-General, the media has brought to light dramatic human suffering in conflict zones, major cases of corruption and nepotism, ethnic cleansing, premeditated sexual and gender-based violence and more, from every corner of the globe.

In some cases, these reports were the basis for further investigations by independent observers and human rights reporters. But journalists are on the front lines, sounding the first alarm, questioning official accounts, looking into difficult and dangerous issues and – at their best – asking questions that demand an answer and telling truths that must be heard.

In many cases, they risk their personal safety and freedom, and even their lives, to do so.

To single out just one example, I remember Anja Niedringhaus, a photojournalist and member of this Association, who was killed in Afghanistan in 2014 while covering the presidential election. I pay tribute to her and to all journalists and media professionals who have paid the ultimate price to keep us informed.

According to UNESCO and press freedom organizations, the media has become significantly less free in recent years, including unprecedented threats to journalists and media outlets, and attempts to control the media – strangely, not only in authoritarian states, but also in democracies. Women journalists are often at greater risk of being targeted, including through online threats of sexual violence.

The harassment, abuse, kidnapping, detention and even torture of hundreds of journalists every year is unfortunately becoming the new normal. Press freedom organizations report that more than 250 journalists were imprisoned in 2018. And while the harassment of international journalists tends to garner attention, the vast majority of those detained and attacked are local journalists working in their own countries and communities.

And the most dangerous subject for journalists to cover is not conflict. The number of journalists killed in combat or crossfire is low and falling. Most of the journalists and media workers killed, injured and detained were covering politics, crime, corruption and human rights. Those arrested and imprisoned often face charges of anti-state activity, while a growing number are accused of publishing false news.

In the face of this sustained campaign of harassment, intimidation and lack of accountability, we – the international community – cannot remain silent.

The news that is suppressed – reports about corruption, conflicts of interest, illegal trafficking and crimes and abuses of all kinds – is exactly the information the public needs to know.

I call on Governments and the international community to protect journalists and media workers, and to create the conditions they need to do their essential work, and to investigate and prosecute the perpetrators of attacks on them.

I am personally committed to defending press freedom and the safety of journalists. And I will continue to express my deep concern about this issue to Governments and leaders, both privately and in public, and to urge them to comply with their obligations.

We need leaders to defend a free media and to counter disinformation.

The United Nations General Assembly, the Security Council and the Human Rights Council have condemned attacks on journalists and expressed their support for media freedom through many different frameworks and processes.

The United Nations Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity is our system-wide strategy to support the environment journalists need to perform their vital work, and the General Assembly has designated 2 November as the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists.

I have mobilized a network of focal points throughout the UN system to propose specific steps to strengthen our efforts.

UNESCO and the United Nations Alliance of Civilisations are stepping up their work in Media and Information Literacy, to help people with the knowledge and skills they need to detect disinformation, counter hate-speech and defend media freedom.

Monitoring violence against journalists is another element of our work. It contributes to tracking freedom of expression and human rights violations more generally, and it is an important indicator for sustainable development.

I applaud the efforts of your Association, and of other civil society organizations that work to keep journalists safe, particularly through alert systems for those who travel to places where they fear for their safety.

The resplendent island; behind the curtain


Sri Lanka has so many positives, it hurts one to write about its negatives. However, one cannot have one’s head in the sand and pretend everything is shining brilliantly and glowing in splendour in this resplendent island. Some self-reflection is healthy for the country – Pic by Shehan Gunasekara

  • Shining brilliantly:  characterised by a glowing splendour
logoWednesday, 27 February 2019


Sri Lanka is undoubtedly a beautiful island. Its natural beauty is spellbinding. Its history mesmerising. Its multi ethnic and multi religious culture is mystic and rich. Its people its best assets. The country was rated as the top country for travel in 2019 by Lonely Planet. Those who have not been to Sri Lanka in the last ten years or so would see a remarkable transformation of a country moving well into the 21st century.

However, there are questions whether everything is shining brilliantly and whether there is real glowing splendour as one is made to believe. Or do we have issues that dampen the magnificence of this resplendent island? Is what you see what really is? 



Sri Lanka has so many positives, it hurts one to write about its negatives. However, one cannot have one’s head in the sand and pretend everything is shining brilliantly and glowing in splendour in this resplendent island. Some self-reflection is healthy for the country.

Sri Lanka’s negatives are not a unique phenomenon for a country. However, its negatives are or should be important matters for its citizens. It is true that virtually every country has these and the intensity of negatives and their impact on the country varies from country to country.

The terms like country, nation, etc. are man-made creations and the health of a country therefore rests on the health of its people. The term health is used here in a much broader context here, and it encompasses issues like the economic health of the country, the integrity, honesty of its people and the regard and respect people have for each other.

Sri Lankans should self-reflect to ascertain how healthy they are from such a wider perspective. Are we healthy from an economic perspective? Are we healthy from a societal point of view? Are we healthy from an integrity and honesty point of view? Are we healthy from the point of view of our regard and respect to each other?
Sri Lanka’s economy

Sri Lanka cannot be healthy economically if 60% of its GDP is foreign debt. Dinesh Weerakkody writing in the Daily FT (Sri Lanka’s debt-ridden independence, 1 February) said Sri Lanka, today, has an estimated $ 87 billion GDP, an economy which is much bigger than what the numbers really reflect.

However, the $ 87 billion economy is saddled with unbearable debt. It is estimated that loan repayments between 2019 and 2022 would be around $ 21 billion. The country’s foreign debt is estimated at $ 55 billion. Chinese hold 14% of this debt, Japan accounts for 12%, the Asian Development Bank 14% and the World Bank 11%. Sri Lanka’s debt is 78% of its GDP. This is one of the highest debt-to-GDP ratios in the SAARC and ASEAN region.

The above statement indicates that the country is living a credit card life, using one card to pay off another when a payment is due. The country’s own income is insufficient even for its recurrent expenditure let alone development expenditure. Hence the gigantic borrowings,

An expert is not needed to say that it is not the debt, if it is used for investments, that is the issue but whether the return on such investments is sufficient to service the debts without borrowing more to repay them.

Unfortunately, this is what Sri Lanka is doing and has been doing, making this economic model a highly unsustainable one. It would be hard to find an unbiased economist who will contest this.
FDI

From time to time, the Government has issued statements in regard to the scale of direct foreign investments.

It is unclear what these investments are and where such investments have actually been made, and what returns are accruing to the country as a consequence of such investments. While investment in infrastructure, particularly after decades of neglect, was necessary for the country, there are doubts whether the investment expenditure reflected actual costs. The gestation period for infrastructure investments is long, and besides, these also have a social bearing and therefore a social cost element besides material and labour costs. The returns on social costs cannot be measured with conventional methods.
Foreign earnings 

Sri Lanka derives its foreign earnings from agricultural produce like tea, rubber, coconut, spices, and primarily now from worker remittances. The garment industry also yields a substantial export income. Sri Lanka’s export value of garments has reportedly crossed the $ 5 billion mark. However, what is not clear is the net foreign exchange earnings from this figure as there is a substantial component of imported inputs that have to be deducted from this gross export value.

There have been several reports signalling the difficulties the tea and rubber industry in particular are facing and the projected decline in export earnings. Cost of production of tea and rubber and the general wage rise demands without a link to specific productivity targets, has put a strain on the industry. Wage rises are justifiable in an economy where the cost of living is a major issue for most Sri Lankans, but it needs to be linked to productivity targets if these industries are to survive in to the future as profitable ventures.
Integrity and honestly

What about integrity and honestly? In a scale of 1 to 10, with 10 being the highest level, where would we be in regard to integrity and honesty? Somewhere in the negative area well below 1?

Corruption is endemic in Sri Lanka and it pervades every level of the society. While no doubt there are many honest men and women, it is difficult to come across members of the public who have not had to oil someone’s palm to get even basic services done. At the higher levels, the Sharks roam free and they protect their own species. Sri Lanka is placed 89th amongst 180 countries in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index. Sri Lankans know this well with first-hand experience.
Drug menace

What about our society? In particular, our drug menace? If one goes by media report, Sri Lanka is a haven for drug peddlers and a transit point for exports from drug producing countries. Many school children, even in remote parts of the country are now drug users. Drugs are killing our society with the slow death of many young persons including children.

The President has vowed to hang drug peddlers. Hanging a few sprats will not address the drug issue. Disenfranchising all their rights and stripping drug barons and their families of all their assets might have some impact. Hanging these barons would be to merciful for them considering the damage they have done to many individuals and their families.

We read so much about foiling drug smuggling efforts at Customs and the discovery of various hidden items, but we hardly hear about what happens to these confiscated items. There is suspicion that what is confiscated finds its way back to the market.

The drug trade is closely linked to the underworld and there are plenty of Makandure Madushs freely roaming around in the country plying their business even though Madush is reportedly in custody in Dubai.  No doubt these underworld characters are in toe with political, police, and customs heavy weights as it is inconceivable how they could operate with impunity unless they had the right connections.
General discipline 

What of general discipline in the country? Discipline indicates a regard and respect to each other. This is so whether it is a religious or cultural matter, obtaining a service in a Government department or a bank, walking or cycling somewhere, driving around in car, trying to cross a road on a pedestrian crossing and other routine, at times mundane things.

Beginning with walking, cycling, motor cycling, driving, or trying to cross at a pedestrian crossing, your life is basically in your hands. The greatest offenders who have no regard or respect for others are bus drivers, three wheel drivers and motor cyclists. Bus drivers are hardly ever taken to task by the Police for their reckless and errant driving as they seem to be a protected species. Motor cyclists and three wheel drivers are a law on to themselves and they are hardly ever taken to task for their errant driving. Pedestrian crossers basically have to worship drivers of vehicles to allow them to cross.

National Council for Road Safety Chairman Sisira Kodagoda told the Sunday Times that most accidents caused during the past two weeks were due to drivers’ recklessness and negligence. “Falling asleep while driving, with no rest before the journey, has led to many accidents recently, while overtaking has also been a contributing factor,” he emphasised.

Kodagoda revealed that last year (2017) accidents resulted in 3,117 deaths, of which 1,735 occurred between 1 January and 31 August. The corresponding period this year has seen an increase by 54 deaths to 1,789 deaths (http://www.sundaytimes.lk/170910/news/road-deaths-in-sri-lanka-are-as-natural-as-they-are-tragic-258651.html).

If the jungle that is out there on roads is an indication as to how we regard and respect each other, then we are truly in a jungle where the only law is the law of survival (of the fittest). Horrendous bus accidents are reportedly on the increase. One wonders why!
Solution lies with ourselves

One could go on and on about the negatives of the nation and what is happening behind the curtain of the resplendent island. Suffice to say the solution lies with ourselves, and how we rate integrity honesty, regard and respect for each other, law and order obedience, and who we elect to the Parliament as they are the ones who are tasked with making economic and other policy decisions. If they become the opposite of who they should be and becomes the problem rather than the solution, and if these do not matter to us, then we will get what we deserve.

Protest in London in solidarity with Tamil families of disappeared

British Tamils protested in London on Monday, in solidarity with Tamil families of the disappeared protesting in Kilinochchi.
25 February 2019
The protest outside Downing Street drew attention to the mass demonstration, including widespread hartals, taking place in the Tamil homeland demanding justice for the disappeared and rejecting time extensions given to Sri Lanka to implement the UN Human Rights Council resolution it signed up for four years ago.

Harrow’s Mayor of Lankan origin urged to resign following military photos


  

Campaigners have called on the Mayor of Harrow to resign after she was pictured with senior military figures during a visit to Sri Lanka.
Councillor Kareema Marikar visited the Commander of the Sri Lankan Army, Mahesh Senanayake, and Brigadier Priyanka Fernando during a trip last year.
She posted pictures of her meetings – in which she is wearing the mayoral chain – on social media alongside messages praising the soldiers for their service.
But members of the Tamil community in Harrow are upset at this representation, given Senanayeke’s alleged involvement in the Sri Lankan civil war.
They were particularly disappointed given that Brig. Fernando was found guilty of violating the Public Order Act when he made a throat cutting gesture at protestors – many of whom were Tamil – outside the Sri Lankan High Commission in London.
A petition with 49 signatures was handed to Harrow Council calling on Councilor Marikar to step down from her role.
Councillor Marikar, who was elected as mayor in May, hails from Sri Lanka herself.
She has lived in Harrow for 28 years and has served as a Councilor since 2010.
The mayor’s office has been contacted for comment.

Tuesday, February 26, 2019

What the prime minister needed to make it clearer during his visit to the north


article_image
Prime Minister flanked by Bathiuddin (L) and Sumanthiran (R) addressing a gathering in the North

By Jehan Perera- 

The commencement of the UN Human Rights Council session this week has prompted the government to give renewed attention to post-war issues to which the international community has given its attention. President Maithripala Sirisena has said that Sri Lanka is considering withdrawing its co-sponsorship of the October 2015 resolution at the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council which wants the government to address accountability issues, including alleged violations of human rights during the final phase of the military operations to defeat the LTTE. The President had earlier promoted the idea prior to attending the UN General Assembly last September that Sri Lanka should withdraw from its commitments to the UNHRC resolution that was co-sponsored by the government. On the other side of the divide, a hartal and shutdown of Tamil areas in the North and East is taking place to protest against the government’s delay in implementing its Geneva commitments.

Among the key challenges to which the government has been giving its attention to since the co-signing of the UNHRC resolution are the return of land to the people, release of those held in custody for long periods without trial and the question of missing persons. In addition, the government is presently focusing on the replacement of the Prevention of Terrorism Act which was approved by the Parliament as a temporary measure in 1979, but which has remained on the law books to become the mainstay in the country’s national security arsenal. It was used in full measure to tackle both the Tamil and JVP rebellions. The government has come up with a draft Counter Terrorism Act (CTA) which has still to be presented to parliament for its consent, which will most likely be forthcoming without too much revision.

The CTA is a considerable improvement over the PTA, especially in terms of its human rights protections, which includes making confessions given to the security forces inadmissible for legal self-incrimination purposes. Although more palatable than its predecessor, the CTA itself has yet to be presented to Parliament which will be the ultimate authority of passing and implementing the law. There have been criticism from the various sides of the ethnic and political divides. On the one hand, those viewing the legislation from the perspective of human rights have been critical of its potential for abuse. On the other hand, proponents of national security, to whom the president has become increasingly deferential, are critical that it is too lenient to potential terrorists. The difficulty of reaching a decision is compounded by the fact that after the breakdown of the UNP-SLFP alliance, the government does not have a majority in parliament.

TRUTH COMMISSION

The other major legislation that the government is working on is the Truth and Reconciliation Commission which is one of the four mechanisms to ensure post-war justice in terms of the October 2015 UNHRC resolution. So far the government has fully established only one of these four mechanisms, the Office for Missing Persons, which has in recent weeks been playing an active role in ensuring that the mass grave in Mannar is properly investigated. This itself shows the controversial but yet important nature of this mechanisms. The remains of more than 300 persons have so far been recovered from this mass grave including those of nearly 30 children. Some of the remains have been sent to the US for laboratory testing with regard to the dates of their burial.

The government has also passed legislation to set up an Office for Reparations which is meant to compensate those who became victims during the past period of violence and repairing the damage to the extent possible. The law states that persons who have suffered damage as a result of loss of life or damage to their property or persons in four contexts are those who are entitled to reparations. These are in the context of the war that took place in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, in connection with political unrest of civil disturbances, in the course of systemic gross violations of the rights of individuals, groups or communities of people in Sri Lanka or due to an enforced disappearance. The closeness of the vote in Parliament, with just 59 of the 225 Parliamentarians voting for it, and 43 opposing it, reveals the wariness with which post-war reconciliation continues to be viewed. One of the controversial issues highlighted during the parliamentary debate was whether families of LTTE members would also be entitled to reparations.

The government has so far not publicly disclosed the content of the legislation regarding the proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In October 2015 when the government co-sponsored the UNHRC resolution it referred to a truth-seeking mechanism that would be accompanied by a compassionate council drawn from the religious clergy. This suggested a provision for amnesty along the lines of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission that functioned more than two decades ago. However, in the intervening years international law has grown more strict with regard to amnesties and certain types of offences, including war crimes, are not eligible for amnesty. While the draft legislation has been prepared, it is awaiting President’s Sirisena’s concurrence. In the context of the narrow vote in favour of the Office for Reparations, the president’s political support will be essential in mustering the required number of votes in parliament.

OVERARCHING GOAL

The most difficult mechanism for the government to deliver on in terms of its commitments to the UNHRC resolution of October 2015 would be the judicial accountability mechanism which would deal with the issue of war crimes. It is a difficult issue on because this would be seen by the general population as targeting those soldiers who won the war, and would be projected as such by those who are politically opposed to the government. Indeed, President Sirisena has gone on record several times saying that he will protect the armed forces. The UNHRC resolution also calls for the participation of international judges, prosecutors and investigators which is anathema to those who call for the protection of Sri Lankan sovereignty under all circumstances. In addition, the question of accountability has been challenged by members of the former government who are concerned that they will also be held to account through the international legal principle of command responsibility.

During his recent four day visit to the North, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe referred to the issue of past violations of human rights. Addressing a gathering in the former LTTE administrative capital of Kilinochchi, he said "It is time that Sri Lankan communities forget and forgive the past difficult history and move forward." He added that "We all must admit that mistakes were made, apologise to each other and moved forward to achieve reconciliation." In a reference to the proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission to deal with issues of the post-conflict reconciliation he also said legal action against those responsible may achieve nothing but a lot more could be achieved by forgiving and forgetting the past.

However, the indications are that the prime minister’s words did not have the positive and healing impact he may have intended them to have. There is much evidence from psychological studies that letting go of hatred and vengeance is the better way forward for those who have suffered violations of their rights and human dignity. But while individuals may forgive and forget, the state needs to hold every wrongdoer accountable for their actions, whether high or low, which is the rule of law. Former president Mahinda Rajapaksa has recently said both the security forces and the LTTE were responsible for crimes. He has also said that if those crimes were unrelated to the war, and such things actually happened and there should be punishment for the culprits. What he had objected to was a policy of pardoning one side and punishing the other. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe needs to make it known that his words did not mean that the Sri Lankan state would close the door on the past but it would continue to deal with the issues of crime and punishment in an overall context in which reconciliation is the goal.

Beyond The Green Revolution; How Humanity Needs Cutting-Edge Technology To Save Itself

Dr. Chandre Dharmawardana
logoSome technicians dressed like surgeons in an operating theatre are working in a vast tower sealed from the environment. It is full of hydroponic shelves, lights, pumps and small robots  controlled by  clusters of computers. This is  ultra high-tech  agriculture (UHTA). We are in a modern agro-factory tower that has replaced the farm with its soil, pests, pesticides, droughts and floods. Inspired by space agro-technology, it has no soil. It  uses  95% LESS WATER than conventional high-intensity agriculture (HIA) popularized by the “Green Revolution”.
This is not science fiction (see figure). Such commercial UHT plants supply the markets since 2004 in New Jersy, USA. Similar agro-plants are being set up right inside city centers, within minutes to local markets, cutting transportation and warehousing.  
When low-intensity agriculture (LIA), e.g.,organic agriculture (OA) or traditional agriculture  had reached the end of their tether, and when the world was at the brink of huge famines, HIA with its green revolution rescued the world. Now the green revolution itself is old technology, and a new UHT revolution is dawning, not only to feed the humans, but also to rescue the threat to the environment caused by the phenomenal  human assault on the ecosystem.
AVERTING THE HUMAN-MADE MASS EXTINCTION.
In a previous article (Colombo Telegraph) we examined how a menaced humanity facing a threatened environment foolishly turns to ludicrous remedies based on going back to an imagined “glorious past of plenty” using traditional farming or organic agriculture. In reality, such technologies failed to feed the masses even in ancient times, when the populations were small. In Sri lanka, even if all the tea, rubber and coconut could be converted to paddy, the OA harvests would still leave 75% starving. 
Populations in developing countries increased by a factor of five since WWII, vastly encroaching  wilderness habitat and  triggering a man-made mass extinction of species, further aggravated by agrochemical overuse. In this they merely joined the developed countries that pushed the industrial revolution using the wealth created  by slavery that set up  vast monoculture of crops that assaulted  the ecosystem.
In Sri Lanka, some 600K hectares are under tea, about 600K under paddy, and another 600K are used for rubber and coconut taken together. Forest cover had taken devastating hits with each giant irrigation and ‘colonization’ scheme starting from GalOya. The destruction of  Sri Lankan wild elephants by their loss of  habitat due to these ‘colonization schemes’ is merely the tip of the iceberg. Similarly, Europe is reeling from a rapid and disastrous loss of wild bees and other pollinating insects mainly due to habitat loss and possibly to to increased use of neo-nicotinoids.   
Given the magnitude of the problem, it is imperative to reclaim the wilderness habitat for Nature. The HIA-green-revolution  enabled us to use 1/5th the land and water for feeding compared to traditional agriculture (enabling us to feed fives times many mouths).  The new UHTA is already capable of reducing  the needed land extend to a mere 1/500 of HIA, and 1/2500 of organic agriculture.  All the 600,000 hectare of paddy can be eventually reduced to 1200 hectares of  grow towers. All the tea plantations can be replaced by  a few hundred grow towers clustered around an airport for direct export.  

Read More

While we wait for Budget 2019…




logo Wednesday, 27 February 2019

The national budget is the tool that a Government uses in order to structure its income and expenditure policies and also to give direction to the economy of the country. In a democratic country, each year the Government presents its budget in Parliament, in order to provide transparency and to obtain the people’s mandate for spending the people’s money.


Governments collect taxes to fund public services. Taxes are the principal source of recurring revenue under government control. In all countries tax policy is at the heart of the political debate on the level of public services that should be provided and who should pay for them.

Every year in Sri Lanka too, the business community eagerly awaits the reading of the budget in Parliament, to understand the macro economic factors as well as micro economic factors in the market. Taxation is a key element in the budget and imposition of taxes, introduction and removal of exemptions, tariffs, etc. are all much-anticipated phenomena. Taxation has either a direct or indirect effect on almost every aspect of production and distribution.

In recent years, there has been much discussion about the fact that the tax to GDP ratio is Sri Lanka has deteriorated over the years and that there is a need to increase tax revenues.

Is increase in the tax rates the answer?

If the Government were to increase the rate of tax applicable, will that always result in the increase of tax revenues? Maybe not always. Increase in the tax rates by itself will not increase the tax revenues of the Government and it may even be counter-productive in some cases. Increase in tax expenditure of the taxpayer creates a higher incentive for tax evasion and also demotivates investors and entrepreneurs. Winston Churchill has eloquently explained it – “For a nation to try to tax itself into prosperity is like a man standing in a bucket and trying to lift himself up by the handle.”


This brings us to then to the question of what is the optimum rate of tax. Let us hypothetically consider a situation, where the tax rate in the country is 0%. If there are no taxes, then the Government does not get any income and the citizens do not spend any time worrying about how to evade taxes. In such a society people would be quite productive as they get to keep all their earnings. However, without the Government being able to spend on the police force and other law enforcement agencies, it would be difficult for the people to protect anything that they have earned. Therefore, taxation at 0% is not optimal.

Let us now consider the other extreme. Taxes are imposed at 100% of income in which case everything you earn goes to the Government. This would undoubtedly increase Government revenue. If the citizens are not allowed to keep some part of what they earn, most people would rather spend their time doing some leisure activity. And there will also be a large movement to evade paying taxes. Society as a whole would not be very productive if everyone spent a large portion of their time trying to evade taxes. As a result the Government would still earn very little income from taxation. This has also been illustrated through the ‘Laffer Curve’ theory which implies that increasing tax rates beyond a certain point will be counter-productive for raising further tax revenue. 

If the Government were to increase the rate of tax applicable, will that always result in the increase of tax revenues? Maybe not always. Increase in the tax rates by itself will not increase the tax revenues of the Government and it may even be counter-productive in some cases. Increase in tax expenditure of the taxpayer creates a higher incentive for tax evasion and also demotivates investors and entrepreneurs
This clearly goes to show the importance of striking the correct balance. Tax rates should not be too high, where the taxpayers spend more time trying to evade taxes, and also it should be at an adequate rate in order for Government to cover its expenses.
The OECD in its research on Tax Policy Reforms 2018 has analysed the latest tax reforms across 35 OECD member countries. According to the results, many countries have eased their fiscal stance to stimulate the economy by lowering taxes, increasing government spending, or both. The focus has been on cutting taxes on businesses and individuals with a view to boosting investment, consumption and labour market participation. As such there is a trend to lower taxes in most countries in order to stimulate more production and investment.
Is it direct tax or indirect tax?

The proportion of tax revenue raised from direct and indirect taxes has important consequences for income distribution and economic growth. Direct and indirect taxes are defined according to the ability of the end taxpayer to shift the burden of taxes to someone else. Direct taxes allow the Government to collect taxes directly from the taxpayer, like in the case of income tax and is a progressive type of tax, which also allows for cooling down of inflationary pressures on the economy. Indirect taxes, like VAT and NBT allow the Government to expect stable and assured returns and brings into its fold almost every member of the society, irrespective of such person’s income level.



The redistributive properties of direct taxes have historically been the reason for the introduction and expansion of such taxes. A reduction in income tax coupled with an increase in VAT tends to reduce the tax burden on higher income earners while increasing the tax burden on poor or middle income earners.

Based on the performance report of the Department of Inland Revenue for 2017, the revenue collected from each type of tax in Sri Lanka is given in table 1 and chart 1. These statistics show a trend in decreasing revenue collected from Income Tax, whereas the income from indirect taxes like VAT and NBT has increased. 65% of the total revenue collected by the Department of Inland Revenue for 2017 was from VAT and NBT, while only 27% was from income tax. The significant increase in VAT revenue from 2016 to 2017 is due to the increase of the VAT rate in 2017.

The numbers clearly indicate that a high tax burden is borne by the low to middle income earners rather than the high income earners. When the indirect taxes are increased, the consumers are required to pay a higher price for goods and services. Reduction in consumer spending then reduces business revenue, thereby counterbalancing the advantages of economic growth.

In the recent past we have seen an increasing trend towards a higher percentage of tax revenue being from indirect taxes (see chart 2).

It is clear that more than half of the tax revenue is from indirect taxes. If the Government seeks to increase its tax revenues by imposing higher indirect taxes, the burden will be felt mainly by the low and middle income earners and the disposal income in their hands will reduce and they will find it hard to make ends meet.

So what is a good balance between direct and indirect tax? There is no simple answer. Overall it will be more beneficial to have a well-thought out strategy with long lasting impact, focusing on economic growth and sustainability.
Is tax a matter of numbers alone?

Speaking of taxation is generally limited to the numbers. However, taxation also has to take in to account the socio cultural dynamics in the society. Increasing Government revenue through tax cannot happen in isolation of these factors. For example, more citizens will be willing to pay their fair share of taxes, if they see benefits accruing to them and also to the society at large. Alternatively, taxpayers will shy their obligation of paying taxes if they feel that there is evident waste and excessive funding for un-productive ventures. 


In a recent study on Indirect taxes in South Asia, which covered the tax jurisdictions of India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, it was found that paying taxes in South Asia is often associated with corruption. Inadequate training of tax officials, low levels of professional qualifications, low salaries, lack of incentives, poor use of IT systems and numerous loopholes in the legislation are the leading factors contributing to corruption. If the people feel that the money they pay in taxes is used for only a certain section of the society, more people will try to evade paying taxes. Therefore, the mindset of the taxpayer and how they perceive the Government’s expenditure is also very important to achieve high tax revenues. 

The national budget is very important to the people in a democracy like Sri Lanka as it is an expression of public policy. Governments are governed by the budget and not by the marketplace. Revenue and expenditure are controlled through the budgetary process. As such it is an important tool in managing the finances of the Government. The budget determines which activities are supported and which ones are to be deterred. The force of law backs government budgets and officials use it to guide the spending of the people’s money
The discussion about taxation should also not be limited to tax rates, Government revenue and expenditure, appropriation of the funds, etc., which are all to do with facts and figures. The thinking behind the policy changes and the explanation on what the Government is doing and for what purpose is also very important. People will understand the rationale for the changes and will be more willing to buy-in to the Government’s budget proposals if they can relate to the reasons behind it.
For example, the Nation Building Tax (NBT) was introduced in 2009, post the war in order to contribute towards building the nation. However, almost a decade after that, we are still paying NBT. It is not to say that we are now not required to build our nation but rather, we find it difficult as taxpayers to relate to the reason for imposing such a tax.

Further, maintaining consistency in tax policies is also critical in achieving higher tax revenues. Most businesses make projections and budgets for the future. These strategic plans are for medium and long term investments, with the timeline spanning for over five years. It is necessary for these plans to factor in the tax implications. Therefore, consistency in tax policies are important to attract more people to make investments, because they are then comfortable in making investments which are projected to make a return. However, where there are inconsistencies there is always doubt as to whether a change in the policies may eat into their returns in the short term which in effect makes them take a more ‘wait and watch’ approach.

Therefore, taxation is definitely not all about the numbers. It is a more cognitive process where the taxpayers have to be convinced that tax is the price we pay to live in a civilised society.
Targeting for a better tomorrow

The focus of the policy makers should not be limited to the tax to GDP ratio and in finding ways and means of increasing this ‘number’. Policy makers should take a more holistic view of tax policy and tax administration. A lack of proper tax structures and issues in tax administration also contribute to the poor tax to GDP ratio.

Tax is more than a mere source of revenue and growth. It also plays a key role in building institutions, markets and democracy through making the Government accountable to its taxpayers. Tax evasion debilitates efforts to fight poverty, weakens the fiscal base needed for sustainable economic development and creates an over-reliance on aid and debt financing. Therefore, importance should also be given to maintaining strong systems supported by technology to ensure minimum tax evasion. This can be done through strengthening the internal organisation structures within the taxing agencies and training, as well as through the introduction of new technology. Improvement requires independent revenue services within an integrated administration.



The OECD Report on Tax reform Policy of 2018 identifies a number of common tax reforms trends across selected countries. One such trend is the personal income tax cuts on labour income, primarily to alleviate the tax burden on middle-income earners. Another mechanism has been to increase the earned income tax credits, which has the potential to improve labour market participation and enhance the progressivity of personal income tax. This is a relief provided to earned income which may take the form of salaries, wages, commission, etc.

The relief in some countries are linked to the number of dependent children that the taxpayer has. This allows more working people and their families to keep more of their hard-earned money. Basically, many countries provide special incentives/concessions on employment income. However, in Sri Lanka we have seen a trend where the maximum income tax rate applicable on employees where no deductions are allowed on such income has been removed recently.

Another trend has been to expand tax reliefs for some forms of financial income. Even in Sri Lanka we have a lower rate of tax on interest income earned by individuals, which will be considered as a final tax. This in turn encourages savings and provides relief for income which would have already suffered tax.

A properly organised, transparent tax system, with minimal complexities and ambiguities is now accepted as the engine for development. We need to strive to achieve this through correct policy formulation and better tax administration. This will also reduce the compliance costs of the taxpayer which will attract more voluntary compliance.

Leveraging on IT systems and data sharing is also important in order to optimise revenue collections for the Government. Data sharing among different Government departments, organisations, institutions, authorities and agencies as well as between different governments at regional and global level are important for broadening the tax base and to avoid tax evasion. Use of information technology and modern data tools will enhance the overall efficiency of the tax administration through better tax management, tax monitoring, taxpayer facilitation and dispute resolution.
The importance of getting it right

The national budget is very important to the people in a democracy like Sri Lanka as it is an expression of public policy. Governments are governed by the budget and not by the marketplace. Revenue and expenditure are controlled through the budgetary process. As such it is an important tool in managing the finances of the Government. The budget determines which activities are supported and which ones are to be deterred. The force of law backs government budgets and officials use it to guide the spending of the people’s money.

(The writer is the Associate Director – Tax Services at BDO Partners.)

Natural Justice Or the sorrow of a son


Shaveen Bandaranayake’s Natural Justice is a textbook summary of some of the darkest days this country’s judiciary encountered
  • Appointment of Shirani Banadaranayake as CJ was a contentious issue, and debate still continues
  • The stronger points are that the documentary opts to show, not tell
  • The documentary doesn’t pretend to give us answers; it instead asks us questions
On October 30, 1996, Shirani Bandaranayake was appointed as a Judge of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka. The Government had proposed a power-sharing package and was attempting to reach a settlement with the Tigers. It was at the height of the devolution debate, and Bandaranayake, who was supportive of decentralisation (Her Fulbright Research area was “Regional Devolution/Distribution of Power”), was selected in the light of these developments on a recommendation by G. L. Peiris.
26 February 2019 
Needless to say, the appointment generated controversy. Her critics argued, and not without reason, that her ascent to the Supreme Court was politically motivated.
A group of lawyers took their grievances to Courts and contended that the President had overstepped her powers in selecting Ms Bandaranayake. The Courts dismissed their case, however; among the arguments made by the Judges was that the Executive’s power of appointment, according to Article 107 of the Constitution, was “untrammelled.” It was a “sole discretion” that was unqualified, as long as it “promoted cooperation” between the Executive and Judiciary and was exercised “for the public good.”
The critics were unimpressed, and the lawyers who represented the petitioners in that case, Edward Silva v. Bandaranayake, took on her again 15 years later when the then President went on to appoint her as the country’s 43rd Chief Justice.

By then she had presided over several cases, ranging from land disputes, civil action, and homicide to a Z-score controversy. And yet, Uvindu Kurukulasuriya, who had left for England and was running the Colombo Telegraph, observed that “her upward trajectory” in the field was “unnaturally swift.”
Few disagreed.
At the time it was taken for granted that Mahinda Rajapaksa could do no wrong. Barely a year later, though, everything changed. Bandaranayake weighed in against a Bill which tried to curtail, if not override, the powers of the Provincial Councils. 
Informed by ideological persuasions, she argued that these powers should remain where they were.
The Government, incensed, began an impeachment process against her and, overnight, turned her into a tormented, passive victim.
Those who had been against her now shifted to her. In the end, what had been brushed off as a convenient appointment became the biggest thorn in the President’s side.
It was a contentious issue, and the debate still continues. But what’s curious to note is that beneath the flurry of Government propaganda and opposition opprobrium, there was a complex array of contradictory forces.
The questions these gave rise to, which I shall not discuss here, have still not been answered properly. Moreover, I am of the view that the Us/Them binaries that Bandaranayake’s impeachment provoked made an otherwise complicated affair as simplistic as it could get. So simplistic, in fact, that the Supreme Court premises were turned into, as one commentator sardonically observed, “A kattadiya’s Carnival.”
What lay beneath that carnival?
Shaveen Bandaranayake Kariyawasam doesn’t try to unearth that in Natural Justice, an 18-minute documentary he made recently on his mother’s ordeals.
But he lays bare everything immediately relevant to her impeachment. It doesn’t pretend to give us answers; it instead asks us questions.
Natural Justice may or may not be the award-winning masterpiece it aspires to be, but I don’t think Shaveen wants a “masterpiece”. The film, as I see it, is for those who took sides, for those who chose not to, and for those who feel there was something more to the impeachment.

I haven’t met Shirani Bandaranayake in person, and yet I know something about judges and academics. Natural Justice, in that regard, confirms my suspicions. What I come across in Sheen’s documentary is an image of a battered woman who, even with the storm she provokes, remains aloof. She is outspoken by her soft-spoken-ness, and this aspect to her character Shaveen intercuts with the haranguing of Government politicos, some of whom are now in the Yahalapanist brigade.
Shaveen does not let this deteriorate to a point where everyone opposed to her mother comes out as a villain. On the contrary, the picture we get of the drama is complex, yet deceptively simple. It’s hard to put a finger on anything.
But there is an underlying attitude of resentment at those who stood against her: the protestors who go on ranting about how she, “perhaps with her money or foreign-funded NGOs”, is “pointing fingers at democracy”; the Minister of Higher Education who claims that the Select Committee tasked with impeaching her is “extremely legal” and “impartial”; the Minister of Fisheries who asks whether someone with her record can “question our ethics”; the Minister of Housing who shoots down opponents of the impeachment as “dirtying the Judiciary”; and the jubilant rabble that light firecrackers after the results of the vote are announced.
One of the stronger points about Natural Justice is that it opts to show, not tell.
By letting these characters speak for themselves, it turns them into heroes or villains on their own right. This is the kind of documentary filmmaking I’ve seen lately, the kind that’s hard to sustain. There is also a stern, rigid flow, as though the director is asking us to stop congratulating ourselves; as though the ordeal his mother was forced to go through could never be rationalised in terms of her later vindication.
To the director’s credit, he does not let this eat too much into his narrative. In fact, the narrative lacks a proper voice; the only voice, and face, we get is that of the woman at the centre of the controversy. Ageing, weary, without as much as a momentary budge, Bandaranayake explains herself until the end. She doesn’t really try to justify what she did, letting television clips, sound bites, and newspaper snippets guide the trajectory of her story instead. It’s emotionally told, and clinically also.
The documentary touches on an aspect of Bandaranayake’s career that never got told in the press: her academic achievements 
The documentary touches on an aspect of Bandaranayake’s career that never got told in the press: her academic achievements. While the popular media virtually went to town glossing over those achievements after her appointment as the Chief Justice, no one bothered to trace them properly.
In Natural Justice Shaveen lets us into them, from the time she obtained the highest marks in her batch and graduated with Second Upper-Class Honours at the University of Colombo until she was awarded a Fulbright Scholarship 15 years later. She herself confesses in the documentary to have preferred an academic over a practical career; Shaveen put it very aptly when he told me that for someone with more than 30 years of experience as an academic, “it’s hard to stay still”, with or without impeachment, reinstatement, and/or subsequent retirement.
At the same time, unfortunately, Shaveen leaves quite a bit out from his work; we are not told, for instance, of the nature of the allegations levelled against her, or why the lawyers who took her side opposed her back in 1996.
The popular view is that these were trivial issues which were soon “resolved.” And yet, without knowing the “what” and “how” of these pre-impeachment controversies, we don’t get a proper portrait of the most controversial public figure to be ousted by the Rajapaksa regime. Yes, there’s just so much that you can squeeze into 20 minutes. But then, there’s so little that you can leave out.
Regardless of which stance you took, no one can deny that Bandaranayake’s doshabiyogaya became a rallying point for everyone: the legal experts and activists who opposed the Rajapaksa regime, as well as the more moderate sections of the legal fraternity who had stood with the regime.
It was the impeachment that enabled the Bar Association to mobilise popular opposition against the government. S. L. Gunasekara summed up the situation well:
“Rajapaksa and those around him seem totally drunk with power, and it doesn’t bode well for the country.”
The significance of this cannot be discounted whether or not you were/are against the impeachment. It finally proved that the Government could no longer count on populist sentiments, a point that was driven home even more aggressively just months after the impeachment when, in a hamlet called Weliweriya, a group of soldiers fired on, and killed, several residents who were demanding clean water.
Regardless of which stance you took, no one can deny that Ms.Bandaranayake’s doshabiyogaya became a rallying point for everyone: the legal experts and activists who opposed the Rajapaksa regime, as well as the more moderate sections of the legal fraternity who had stood with the regime
The results of the election a year or so later proved how badly the Rajapaksa regime had fared there, though the yahalapanist Government pathetically reversed the gains it won.
That, of course, is another story. For now what needs to be said is this: Shaveen Bandaranayake’s Natural Justice is a textbook summary of some of the darkest days this country’s judiciary encountered. 
It gives us less reason to celebrate than to reflect. Like Costa-Gavras’s Z, it gives us space for anger and frustration, not hope and relief. In that sense the film ends on an indecisive note: abruptly, soberly. Not unlike the lady at the centre of this seething controversy.
You can get more details about the film at www.naturaljusticefilm.com
UDAKDEV1@GMAIL.COM