Is the Counter Terrorism Act really necessary?

 Sunday, February 24, 2019

For several years the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) has troubled Human Rights (HR) activists as one of the most draconian pieces of Legislation on the Statute Books of the country. The Legislation which was hurriedly passed by the Legislature, included many provisions that were clearly problematic from the perspective of the Fundamental Rights of individuals, guaranteed by the Constitution.

The experience of the LTTE-inspired insurrection, as well as that of the JVP-led revolt of the late 1980s, confirmed the apprehensions expressed during the passage of the PTA, with large scale abuses that infringed the rights and freedoms of individuals taking place during such troubled times.

With the Counter Terrorism Act (CTA), which will replace the PTA, likely to be taken up for debate in Parliament soon, it would be an opportune time to reflect on whether anti-terrorism Legislation is in fact required in Sri Lanka, at this point of time.

While the world is currently facing the phenomenon of terrorism in various forms and hues, the perennial debate about balancing national security interests and the freedoms of individual members of society, engages the attention of policymakers worldwide.

In Sri Lanka, with the end of the armed conflict in May 2009, the danger of terrorism has receded. Post-January 2015, with the opening up of democratic space for civilised discourse, the likelihood of violence in pursuit of political goals becomes an even more unlikely scenario.

Many initiatives of the Government and Civil Society, designed to build good relations between communities and to heal the wounds of the past, have given rise to optimism that the country is unlikely to repeat the mistakes of the past, by a resort to violence to solve its problems.

Although progress in this field is painfully slow, there is no denying that movement towards National Reconciliation is taking place despite obstacles.

If this be the case, what is the need for the country to replace the obnoxious PTA with a CTA, which is in some respects an improvement on the PTA. Many HR organisations, both here and abroad, including Human Rights Watch, have conceded that the latest draft of the CTA contains some provisions that provide safeguards to individual suspects.

However, concerns have been raised with regard to the conditional approval given by the Cabinet to this piece of Legislation. According to newspaper reports, Cabinet approved the draft CTA Bill with the proviso that further changes could be made at the Committee stage of proceedings in Parliament.

Based on the disastrous experience of the legislative process relating to the enacting of the Law relating to Local Government & Provincial Council Elections, where the nature and content of the original Bills was distorted through Committee stage amendments, these are not unfounded fears.

This is a fear that can extend to other Legislation in the future too. The remedy may be to create provisions in the Law for post-legislative review of Committee stage amendments within a stipulated period of time.

In the PTA-CTA debate, the existence of the Public Security Ordinance (PSO) under which a State of Emergency can be declared and Emergency Regulations (ER) promulgated to meet any eventuality, have been lost sight of. In the unlikely event of another ‘terrorist’ situation arising, the State can always resort to the declaration of an Emergency and take consequential action.

The advantage of such an approach is that, such executive action will be continuously subject to Parliamentary oversight, as the regulations under the PSO have to be presented to Parliament and debated every month. In the case of permanent Legislation like the PTA and CTA, implementation of the Laws is by officials who act below the radar of Parliamentary and public scrutiny, thus giving rise to greater opportunity for abuse.

Another advantage of acting under the PSO is that, once such an emergency ceases to exist the ER can be withdrawn.

The ER that have been used in the past are far from perfect and need to be modified, to ensure democratic safeguards. Some of the positive features of the CTA can be embodied in the ER where necessary. Parliamentary debates in the late 1950s contain valuable suggestions by Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, S. Nadesan Q.C. and others, with regard to improvements that can be made to the ER, and these too can be taken on board.

One the most important safeguards that have to be kept in mind, when enacting ‘terrorist’ related Legislation, is to ensure a robust system of justice that will minimise and prevent the abuse of the system by officials or other interested parties.

The recent case of Kamar Nizamdeen, a Sri Lankan student who was arrested in Sydney, on suspicion of what was described as ‘terror’ offences, highlights the need for fair and speedy justice. The Australian Police authorities conducted their investigations expeditiously and once the evidence that was forthcoming revealed that Nizamdeen was innocent, he was released.

In Sri Lanka, there are reports of several suspects detained without trial for many years, under the provisions of the PTA. If the authorities have not found evidence after all these years to indict these suspects, they are best released without further delay.

Subsequently, the Australian Police found that Nizamdeen had been framed and arrested another suspect who was suspected to have framed him. This brings to light another real danger to individual freedom, where it is very easy to frame an individual using the bogey of terrorism. The Law has to be designed to ensure that the damage caused by being subject to the making of such false allegations is minimised, by expeditious and fair investigations.

Another important aspect that those suspected of terrorism related offences face is the denial of access to family and lawyers. In the case of Nizamdeen, his family and friends did not really fear his involvement in any terrorist activity. Those who knew him personally, never doubted his innocence and were certain that his nature and character would not allow him to be involved in heinous crimes of such a nature.

What concerned them most was his safety and conditions of detention. The inability for friends and family to access him and be certain that he was safe was what mattered most.

This is the concern of the near and dear of those who are arrested on suspicion of terrorist activity. If the family have access and are aware of the safety of such suspects, they will be saved much heartburn and unease, if they are faced with such an unfortunate situation.

The Government should think twice before placing the CTA on our Statute books. Instead, it should pursue its efforts in the direction of National Reconciliation with renewed vigour, which will be more beneficial for the future of the country and its people. (javidyusuf@gmail.com)

Brig. Fernando’s matter raised in British parliament

23 February 2019

The matters involving Brigadier Priyanka Fernando and the nature of the role the British Government played in his departure to Sri Lanka has been raised in the British Parliament last Thursday.

MP Stephen Morgan asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what role his Department played in the departure of Brigadier Priyanka Fernando from Britain.

The MP also asked what discussions his Department has had with the Sri Lankan High Commission on the conduct of Brigadier Priyanka Fernando since January 21, 2019.

In response, British Minister of State for Asia and the Pacific, Mark Field said the British Government which was deeply concerned by the incident involving the Sri Lankan Defence Attaché last year, made immediate representations to the Sri Lankan Government.

“I called Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana on February 8, 2018 about the matter to raise his concerns. The Defence Attaché was recalled by his government soon after. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), which is not a party to the legal proceedings referred to, was contacted by Westminster Magistrate's Court seeking clarification of the Brigadier's diplomatic status in the UK at the time of the incident. The FCO has provided documentation to assist the court,” he said.

He said Britain was committed to upholding the rule of law including the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations.

Meanwhile, Mr. Field said the British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka met th Sri Lankan Foreign Affairs Ministry Secretary on January 24, at the Secretary's request.

“At this meeting, the Secretary communicated his government's view that the Brigadier enjoyed diplomatic immunity at the time of the incident. The Sri Lankan High Commissioner to Britain met the Head of South Asia Department of FCO on February 1 to discuss a range of bilateral issues. He confirmed that the FCO was not party to the legal proceedings, but had offered clarification of the Brigadier's diplomatic status at the request of the court,” he said. (Lahiru Pothmulla)

Spat between the executive and the legislature to continue

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GAGANI WEERAKOON -GAGANI WEERAKOON-FEB 24 2019

Though the two main parties – the SLFP and the SLPP - in much spoken about future political coalition are practically far from ironing out their differences and reaching a final agreement on a Presidential candidate, a crucial meeting took place on Friday (22) between the two groups led by President Maithripala Sirisena and Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa at President’s official residence at Paget Road. The notable absentee once again was SLPP organiser Basil Rajapaksa. Following the meeting, former Secretary of the SLFP Professor Rohana Lakshman Piyadasa told media that the new Joint Opposition that would be formed in the future would have a new name and a logo.

The contradicting and confrontational views of several SLFP and SLPP leaders regarding the party contesting the upcoming election and the logo of this alliance had been expressed over the past several months.

The latest being Basil Rajapaksa last week declaring that the SLPP would only back a future presidential candidate who will be contesting under the ‘Lotus Bud’ symbol.

The disagreements were not only witnessed between the SLFP and the SLPP, but within the so-called Joint Opposition as well.

It is not a secret that there is an undercurrent between party leaders in the Joint Opposition on certain political decisions, mainly executed by Basil Rajapaksa. This long prevailing cold war between Rajapaksa and other leaders, especially National Freedom Front Leader Wimal Weerawansa and leader of Pivithuru Hela Urumaya reached explosive levels last week when Gammanpila and Basil engaged in a heated argument.

This occurred during the Joint Opposition Party Leaders’ meeting held at Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa’s official residence at Wijerama Mawatha.

Fireworks started when Gammanpila suggested that a proper mechanism should be implemented to fill the positions that have fallen vacant in the provincial and local government institutions. “We cannot work the way you want. The SLPP is ours and things should be done the way we want,” Basil Rajapaksa had said. In response Gammanpila is said to have said, “We are not prepared to dance to your tune. Remember that we are here today because of Mahinda. If not for Mahinda, we won’t even contest under the SLPP.”

President Rajapaksa who attempted to bring the two under control several times had in what appeared like putting Gammanpila in his right place has said, “If you contested alone, it would not have been possible to get members elected.” A clearly agitated Gammanpila had then said, “You remember that Maithri Gunaratne’s Banana party got 21 and Srinath’s Bulb received 10 seats. Did you think we were weaker than them?”

Even thereafter there had been a heated exchange of words between Basil Rajapaksa and Udaya Gammanpila, but Mahinda Rajapaksa had intervened and controlled the situation.

Maithri’s grudge

Ahead of Chief Justice Nalin Perera’s impending retirement next month President Sirisena once again took the Constitutional Council (CC) to task.

The conduct of the Constitutional Council once again came under attack within a span of two weeks when President Maithripala Sirisena who arrived in Parliament to take part in the adjournment debate, on the same topic that it should not overpower the Executive.

“It seems that today the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary are being controlled by the CC. The CC should not overpower the Executive,” he said.

The President said that the 19th Amendment to the Constitution is the child he created.

“I created that child with the pure intention of establishing a good and clean society. We established independent commissions as we promised through this Amendment. I was able to gain 215 votes out of 225 MPs in favour of the Amendment. But now there is something wrong with my child. I think it has been molested by those who are there to guide this child.”

While making it clear that he has no protest against the judges who were promoted to the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal, President Sirisena noted that, he, as the head of the country, has a right to know why his nominations were rejected.

“I have no problem with them. My only concern is as to why my nominations got rejected by the CC. Even a labourer can seek a clarification if he loses a promotion. The Judges who were rejected by the CC also have that right. But so far no one knows as to why they got rejected. That is why I spoke about the conduct of the CC. Otherwise those Judges would be disappointed and it would badly impact the Court. I spoke on behalf of them.”

But some people tried to mislead the public about me speaking about the conduct of the CC by twisting facts I mentioned. That was very unfortunate, he added.

“As the President of the country I also have a right to know as to why my nominations got rejected by the CC. But I have not received any detailed clarification on that so far. The CC sends me reports once in three months. Even those reports do not consist of such details and clarifications.”

“As far as I know, the method adopted by the CC in appointing the Attorney General and the Inspector General of Police was not just and moral. At that time, large number of civil society members was not present. We do not know whether they had been asked not to come, whether they had not been informed of the meeting, or the council decided to make those appointments even there were many absentees. Nobody knows. Those appointments have led to serious questions in the country especially with regard to the appointment of the IGP. I have stated that on an earlier occasion, too.”

Karu determined

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya on Friday (22) shot down a call by Opposition legislators, led by Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa, to stop Police investigations into the unruly incidents that took place in the Chamber on 14, 15 and 16 November 2018.

They argued on the basis that Parliamentarians are protected by Parliamentary privileges. However, Speaker Jayasuriya declined to adhere to the request as he does not intend to interfere with investigations.

He tabled the report of the Special Parliamentary Committee that investigated the unruly behaviour of MPs and forwarded the same to the Parliament Ethics and Privileges Committee.

The United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) MPs, taking the floor, expressed their displeasure at the handing over of investigations on the incident to the Police. However, Leader of the House and Minister Lakshman Kiriella, dismissing those arguments, stressed that the country’s law is supreme and that it cannot be suppressed by Parliamentary privileges.

Speaker Jayasuriya, while saying that the content of the report would be discussed at a Party Leaders’ Meeting, said that Police investigations are related to the attacks on the MPs and that he cannot interfere with them.

UPFA MP Dinesh Gunawardena, taking the floor, soon after the report was tabled, said that a UPFA team, led by Rajapaksa had met Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on 21 February to discuss this matter.

“We are interested in the rights of the MPs. The Premier agreed that we should not allow our privileges to be handed over to the Police. Our MPs are being summoned by the Police in relation to the report of the Deputy Speaker.
 We are protected by the Parliament (Powers and Privileges) Act. If you say our MPs can be summoned by the Police for an incident within the Chamber of the House, then our privileges have no meaning. You have to protect the privileges and rights that have been enshrined for the MPs and the Parliament. You have to make a very clear decision. You should have a special Party Leaders’ Meeting on this,” MP Gunawardena told the Speaker.

The Speaker replied that Wickremesinghe too had agreed when pointed out by him that Police investigations should not be interfered with. “There is a separate Police investigation. I have no role in that. That happened because two of your MPs have complained against me to the Police and they recorded a statement from me too,” the Speaker commented.

Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa said that it is not proper that external parties such as the Police conduct investigations on incidents inside the Chamber. “The Speaker has the power even to punish. The Parliament’s powers should not be passed to the Police,” he claimed.

UPFA MP Bandula Gunawardena observed that previous instances of brawls in Parliament had never been taken to the Police or the Court. “The Parliament is supreme and we must solve our own problems,” he said.

UPFA MP S.B. Dissanayake urged the Speaker to deal with the report within the provisions of the aforesaid Act. UNP backbench MPs strongly counter-argued the claims by the UPFA MPs, while urging the Speaker to take stern actions against the MPs who misbehaved in the House without letting them hide behind Parliamentary privileges.

“We are happy that the unruly conduct of MPs has been controlled to some extent now due to the stern actions taken by the Speaker,” said MP Chaminda Wijesiri.      

“Parliament has been belittled and the public viewed the unruly incidents in the Chamber with disdain. This institution must be accountable to the people. The people have a good impression on the Speaker as a clean and disciplined leader. We urge you to do everything in your capacity to take stern action against the MPs who were responsible for the unruly incidents,” said Deputy Minister Ajith Mannaperuma.

“The Police officers were attacked with chilli powder. If you undermine this incident, the next day the MPs may resort to acid attacks inside the Chamber. This incident happened in the presence of Rajapaksa. He did not do anything to prevent the unruly attacks. He too had a responsibility to control his group,” said UNP MP Sidney Jayaratne.

“The country’s law must be implemented against the MPs who attacked the Police officers. The public servants should not be harassed using Parliamentary privileges,” said UNP MP Hesha Vithanage.

“The MPs should not be allowed to break the civil laws of the country in the name of privileges. If anybody says that there should only be an internal inquiry, we condemn that statement. There must be a comprehensive investigation and the wrongdoers must be punished. Otherwise the public would curse Parliament,” said UNP MP Professor Ashu Marasinghe.

The Speaker, while observing that he does not intend to drag this issue unnecessarily, said, “We will take a decision after a Parliamentary inquiry based on the committee report. But what if someone died inside the Chamber after getting hit by the chair which was thrown at the Police officers? The Speaker cannot take the responsibility for that. Therefore, the Police are investigating it and we cannot interfere with it,” he added.

Power Ministry’s negligence to cost Rs. 750 b over 5 years

When the existing Kerawalapitiya combined cycle power-plant was established in 2006, it had the capability of running on diesel or gas, but possibility of running on gas and resulting savings was not explored

Monday, 25 February 2019 

The much-awaited, long overdue decision on Kerawalapitiya LNG plant was taken by the Cabinet, but in a completely unexpected manner.

The Cabinet accepted: 1. Authorise CEB to award the tender, issue a Letter of Intent (LOI) and enter into agreement to build the 300MW Kerawalapitiya LNG plant to GCL Windforce and RenewGen at a price of Rs.15.97 per unit of electricity. 2. Authorise CEB to issue a LOI and enter into agreement with Lakdhanavi Ltd. for a 300MW LNG plant, which is planned for construction in 2021, based on the proposal submitted to tender, also considering Lakdhanavi as a subsidiary of CEB. 3. In addition, both power-plants are expected to operate on LNG from day one. Above power prices are based on LNG being available at $ 10/MMBtu, a price much higher than the market.

Minister Ravi Karunanayake explained to the Cabinet that the Fundamental Rights petition against the earlier tender award had been withdrawn, as such award could be carried forward.
The tender

Awarding of Kerawalapitiya tender dragged on nearly three years, finally contestants came down to two, when State-owned Lakdhanavi Ltd. offered the lowest tariff rate of Rs. 14.98 per unit, China’s GCL offered a tariff of Rs. 15.97. One rupee difference between the two tenderers generating 300MW power at 75% capacity would result a potential loss of Rs. 2 billion per year. In 2016 the dollar was around Rs. 150, but with the dollar trading around Rs. 180, the loss becomes nearly Rs. 2.4 billion a year or Rs. 48 billion over the 20-year contract period.

In the tender specification, the 300MW Kerawalapitiya power plant was to operate first three years on liquid fuel (diesel), and thereafter on LNG when becoming available at the plant boundary. Now, the power-plants would run exclusively on LNG.
Discrepancies in tender award 

Some of the discrepancies are:

1. Tender was called for a plant running on liquid fuel (diesel) for three years and be converted to LNG when made available. The supply of LNG is not with the tenderer. 2. When the plant runs on LNG alone, some machinery in the plant becomes redundant lowering costs, not taken into account. 3. The tender was not awarded to lowest tenderer. 4. The award of tender to Lakdhanavi is based on requirement of a 300MW LNG plant planned for construction in 2021, would contravene the Electricity Act. Also, the Minister’s Cabinet paper Sinhala and English versions are different. The Sinhala version says the award to Lakdhanavi is considering same being an associate of CEB. The English version does not mention such.

Failure to prepare the LNG Policy and Implementation Mechanism due to negligence of Suren Batagoda will cost the country Rs. 750 billion over the next five years; it is the biggest blunder by any administrative officer in the country’s history and the citizens will be forced to pay

Observations of Minister Patali Champika
“The tender was awarded in spite of protests by Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka at the Cabinet meeting and subsequently the Minister submitted his Cabinet Observations. Extracts from the Observations:

“Project implementation process ran into problems due to Ministry’s own inefficiency and bad practices. Secretary to the Ministry sits as a member of SCAPC and influences the decisions which ultimately get successfully challenged in Courts. We must note the strictures placed by the Supreme Court in SCFR 394/15 Noble Resources International Ltd. vs. Hon. Ranjith Siyambalapitiya on 24 June 2016, in another procurement, particular in regard to the Secretary to the Ministry concerned.


“Cabinet decided to award the project to Consortium of GCL, Windforce and Renewgen at Rs.15.97/kWh on ‘LNG only’ basis. This shall be considered as a fraud as ‘LNG only’ tariff shall be cheaper than a tariff quoted for ‘dual-fuel’.

“The entire process adopted by the Ministry is illegal and violated the provisions of the Electricity Act No. 20 of 2009. As per Electricity Act, Ministry should refer the final recommendation to the PUCSL for its final approval and not been done by the Ministry.

“This Cabinet is guilty of recommending two different prices for the same project awarded on the same day, thus causing Rs. 90 billion loss to the country. It is not clear what guidelines of procurement does the Ministry followed to award another LNG project of 300MW to Lakdhanavi Ltd. If Lakdhanavi is selected based on the tender invited for one LNG project, how can the Ministry recommend two bidders for two different prices for one project?

“Officials of Ministry of Power and Renewable Energy during the last three-year period have done serious damage to our country due to lack of proper planning and execution capabilities at the Ministry.” End of quote.
LNG import 

Both powerplants would require LNG; they need be imported, unloaded and delivered to the power plants. The unloading could be 1. Through a FSRU located in the sea, 2. In a less sophisticated FSRU located in a small harbour, safe-guarding the ship from currents, typhoons and tsunami and 3. Alongside of a jetty in an especially-built LNG port. This LNG unloading procedure, storage, regasification and power generation should have been discussed, planned and finalised over a decade ago.

When the existing Kerawalapitiya combined cycle power-plant was established in 2006, it had the capability of running on diesel or gas, but possibility of running on gas and resulting savings was not explored.

When the Indian company Caine was awarded the responsibility of exploring oil/gas in Mannar basin, country’s Engineering associations, professionals, politicians and general public should have discussed the possible steps and agree on an agenda for using the available oil or gas.

When Caine discovered gas in Mannar, proposed to supply gas from Dorado well to the mainland. But the CEB, Ministry of Power and the Cabinet were caught unprepared. Although Lakdhanavi operating Kerawalapitiya powerplant was prepared to accept gas, their request fell on deaf ears.
Energy Sector Development Plan

In January 2015, the new Government appointed Patali Champika Ranawaka, an Engineer, as the Minister of Power and Energy who held the position until August 2015. He presented the ‘Sri Lanka Energy Sector Development Plan for a Knowledge-based Economy, 2015-2025’ on 31 March. The plan proposes to increase country’s electricity power generation capacity to 6,400MW by 2020, generate 1000MW of electricity using gas discovered in Mannar and convert existing thermal plants to natural gas. The plan expects achieving self-sufficiency in energy and produce entire petroleum requirement by 2025, based on gas from Mannar becoming available by 2020.

In emphasising above the Minister would have been mindful that gas discovered by Caine in Dorado well, estimated to have 350 billion cubic feet of natural gas sufficient to power a 300MW power plant for 20 years.

The Minister’s Plan envisaged “’ormulation of a policy framework and infrastructure investment plan for the use of Natural Gas’ and Dr. Suren Batagoda was the Secretary during the preparation of Plan and would have been familiar with the Plan. According to the Plan, responsibility of policy implementation was placed with the Ministry of Power and Energy.

Dr. Batagoda, although familiar with the Plan, failed to produce the ‘Policy Framework and Infrastructure Investment Plan’ for the development of natural gas as envisaged in the energy plan. Ranjith Siyambalapitiya took over the Ministry in August 2015, had little interest on policy matters, and was silent on the former Minister’s energy policy. His only qualification seems to be that he was a Royalist, a fact appreciated by Ranil.
Electrical power situation

After Norochcholai power plant in 2014, the country failed to implement a single major electricity generating power plant. Meanwhile, country’s electricity demand increases by 70-80 MW per year, creating a major energy crisis by 2020.

The CEB Engineers Union is interested only on coal and refused to consider alternatives. The country has exhausted major hydro-power potential and environmental issues will not allow future coal plants. Which leaves only solar, wind-power, dendro, small hydro and LNG; but only LNG could supply high volumes of power. Thus LNG would be the major source of future power.

Since the 1990s CEB continued to purchase power from Private Power Producers (PPPs) at high prices and although contracts have expired, continue to extend contracts due to power shortage. Kerawalapitiya tender exposed that LNG based power could be delivered around Rs.15 a unit, whereas power from PPPs are purchased from Rs. 25 to 40 a unit.

Cabinet approved the award of the contract to build Kerawalapitiya 300MW LNG plant to China’s GCL in spite of the State-owned Lakdhanavi being the lowest tenderer. The tender was evaluated six times and tender-boards decided on 4 occasions to award the tender to Lakdhanavi. It was reported that Secretary Suren Batagoda interfered on number of occasions against the tender being awarded to Lakdhanavi. When the President brought the tender award to Cabinet, UNP members refused to agree, but the following week President was able get Cabinet acceptance, indicating his personal involvement. But the award was challenged in Court. Cabinet approval in February is a modification of the former tender

Cost of power
The country’s thermal power generating capacity is around 2,230MW. Currently, power production barely meets the demand and until LNG power plants come into stream, satisfying the demand would be a challenge. The cost of power generated by thermal plants vary from Rs. 25 to 40 per unit vs. Rs. 15 from LNG. Thus, if thermal power plants work at 60% capacity due to power shortage and purchased at Rs.28 (lower price) would result a loss of Rs.12.5 billion a month, showing the urgency in moving over to LNG.
Dedicated LNG harbour 

Moving into LNG would require a dedicated harbour to unload imported LNG. Such harbour would be smaller than a normal harbour, be around 10m deep and located north of Colombo harbour mouth. First the breakwaters need be constructed, normally rock-filled under Stage I. Under Stage II, jetties for alongside berthing could be provided.

With completion of Stage I, vessels will not be exposed to rough seas, and a lower quality FSRU be acceptable. With Stage 2, LNG carriers could unload directly to inland built infrastructure, doing away with the FSRU completely.

Today, even the concept of a LNG harbour has not been accepted. The acceptance of the concept by politicians and cabinet approval, harbour design considering sea depth, shape, sea-sand movement would require model analysis, environmental approval, funding, award of contracts and finally construction, would take minimum five years.

Cost-wise, break-waters for Colombo Harbour expansion cost $375 million, a smaller LNG harbour would cost much less. With thermal power costing additional Rs. 12.5 billion or $70 million a month, LNG harbour is an urgent need, with contracts awarded on negotiated basis.

There are number of local engineers who left the country in the 1970s and ’80s who were engaged in the oil and gas industry. They are now retired and are willing to give their knowledge free to the country. Most urgent is the preparation of ‘LNG Import and Infrastructure Plan’ with their assistance.
Implementation

The Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) already has sea-bed data for selecting the harbour site. With its long experience, SLPA would be the most suitable organisation for constructing the harbour. It would also be responsible for maintaining the entrance channel at the required depth. When the harbour is in operation the ships in and out would be under their guidance.
Operation 

The harbour built with Government funding by SLPA, operational aspects could be handed over to a new company formed under Lanka Transformer Holdings, the most experienced State-owned organisation in the country for the purpose.
LTL Holdings 

LTL Holdings Ltd., along with affiliate companies such as Lakdhanavi under its wings, is the largest power sector engineering company in Sri Lanka. The organisation started three decades ago as Lanka Transformers Ltd. to produce transformers for CEB, today 60% of its production is exported.

The company is also engaged in rural electrification projects in East Africa since 2010, having constructed more than 2,000km of power transmission lines in Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania. They have constructed three 100MW power plants in Bangladesh and is currently constructing its own 114MW plant.

The company started with Rs. 5 million investment from CEB and contribution increased to Rs. 97 million over the years. The company, having made profits every year, has paid CEB over Rs. 13 billion as dividends.

Kerawalapitiya Powerplant producing 300MW of power completed in 2010 costing $300 million, is owned by Lakdhanavi, a subsidiary of LTL, with shares owned by CEB, ETF and the Treasury. The plant was built with a 50% loan from a foreign bank guaranteed by the Treasury, and the loan payment is nearing completion.
Political involvement with tender award

Currently there are two tenders pending award, the 300MW Kerawalapitiya power-plant, earmarked to China’s Golden Concord Holdings (GCL) and the FSRU contract earmarked to SK E&S Company Ltd. of Korea.

Cabinet approved the award of the contract to build Kerawalapitiya 300MW LNG plant to China’s GCL in spite of the State-owned Lakdhanavi being the lowest tenderer. The tender was evaluated six times and tender-boards decided on 4 occasions to award the tender to Lakdhanavi. It was reported that Secretary Suren Batagoda interfered on number of occasions against the tender being awarded to Lakdhanavi. When the President brought the tender award to Cabinet, UNP members refused to agree, but the following week President was able get Cabinet acceptance, indicating his personal involvement. But the award was challenged in Court. Cabinet approval in February is a modification of the former tender.

Lakdhanavi over the decades has proved its abilities and paid back the capital investments made by State organisations many times over. Oil and gas technologies are extremely complicated and if Sri Lanka to benefit from Mannar gas resources, local organisations should be given every assistance to acquire such knowledge.

Minister Patali Champika envisaged ‘Formulation of a policy framework and infrastructure investment plan for the use of Natural Gas’ or in simple terms a ‘LNG policy and Infrastructure Investment Plan’ and the responsibility was placed with Ministry of Power and Energy Secretary Dr. Suren Batagoda. He failed miserably, dragging down the country to the current situation. Even today, the country lacks a LNG policy. Proposed LNG power plants need supplies, policies should have been finalised four years ago.

As for attempted award of Floating Storage and Regasification Unit (FSRU) to Korean SK E&S Company, a Swiss Challenge is open. The proposal envisages supply of one million tons of LNG a year on take-or-pay basis for 20 years. Meaning, even if one million tons are not consumed, the country will have to pay. India signed such an agreement with RasGas of Qatar, had to face a penalty of $ 1 billion when it violated the contract. Can Sri Lanka afford such penalty payments? The Swiss Challenge originated in the 50-day Government, which the Court ruled as illegal. Also CEB engineers are against the project and it may never get off ground.

In the award of two tenders for LNG power plants, one seems to have a sinister motive behind it. The two plants would each consume nearly 350,000 tons of LNG per year. Thus if the existing Kerawalapitiya plant too is be converted to run on LNG, the total requirement would satisfy SK E&S Company’s FSRU proposal. LNG would be supplied from the FSRU at an agreed price, much higher than open market, especially when the world is facing a LNG glut and prices are falling.

Using one million tons of LNG a year would require running the power-plants continuously for 20 years. If power plants were to be shut down for any reason, the country will be forced to pay heavy penalties. In addition, with LNG supplied by SK E&S, no investor would be interested in exploring gas reserves in Mannar.
Power cuts ahead for five years 

If the Energy Plan and the Infrastructure Plan was implemented as envisaged, by now the country’s power would be LNG based with thermal power plants discontinued. Current power problems are a result of non-preparation of a LNG policy for the country. Power shortage would require increased utilisation of thermal power, at 60% usage would cost additional Rs. 12.5 billion a month, increasing every year. Until the LNG import infrastructure and LNG power plants are in place, the citizens would be forced to face power-cuts.

As the Cabinet colleague pointed out in his Observations, the entire tender process is illegal and immoral. The award would be challenged in Court and contracts would not materialise during the tenure of this Government.

Failure to prepare the LNG Policy and Implementation Mechanism due to negligence of Suren Batagoda will cost the country Rs. 750 billion over the next five years; it is the biggest blunder by any administrative officer in the country’s history and the citizens will be forced to pay.

A Tale Of Two Diplomats

By Sanmugam Kanaga-Ratnam –FEBRUARY 23, 2019

“..It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us, we were all going direct to Heaven, we were all going direct the other way……” ~ from Charles Dickens’ Classic Novel, A Tale of Two Cities

Somasundaram Skandakumar

A Tale of Two Cities is a Charles Dickens fictional novel published in 1859 involving two cities, London and Paris during the period of the French Revolution.

There is nothing fictional about the story involving two Sri Lankan Diplomats, one about to retire as the High Commissioner for Sri Lanka to Australia, and concurrently accredited to Fiji, New Zealand, and Solomon Islands. Somasundaram Skandakumar was appointed in August 2015 and is getting ready to relinquish his post after serving his term and return back to his homeland, Sri Lanka.

The other Diplomat was appointed in 2008 as Sri Lankan Ambassador to the US and Mexico. He served as ambassador until the US government wanted his removal in 2014 pending charges being brought against him. Ambassador Jaliya Chitran Wickramasuriya stands indicted by the US Federal authorities of perpetrating serious financial crimes: money laundering; tax evasion; wire fraud. In addition this diplomat has also been charged with committing visa fraud in his application to the US authorities to become a permanent resident of the US. He is also considered a fugitive from justice in Sri Lanka.

So what went wrong?

Jaliya Wickramasuriya

Both were non-career diplomats at the time of their appointment; both were businessmen from the private sector of Sri Lankan commerce and industry with no prior government experience.

By all accounts, Somasundaram Skandakumar excelled during his tenure, put Sri Lanka on the map in the part of the world he served; made connections with industry leaders, politicians, charitable organizations, and sports organizations. He played a major role in Prime Minister Turnbull of Australia visiting Sri Lanka in November 2017. No one raised their eyebrows when Skandakumar was appointed as High Commissioner in 2015. He had impeccable credentials. Good family background with his father a preeminent civil servant who served in the Administrative Services of the Sri Lankan Government. Skandakumar was a cricket star from his high school days at Royal College, then at the University of Ceylon and finally The Tamil Union Cricket Club where he was President in 1998-2000, club’s Centenary year. 

In his professional career, Skandakumar started as an executive at one of the British agency houses and rose to the rank of Managing Director at George Stuarts Group and at retirement was the Group Chairman of the Board of Directors.

It was therefore no surprise that Skandakumar’s tenure as High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in Australia was nothing but brilliant.

When Jaliya Wickramasuriya was appointed Consul General to the Sri Lankan Mission in Los Angeles in 2005 no one paid much attention. Sri Lanka mission in Los Angeles was a small office located on Wilshire Blvd. This office was responsible for mostly signing documents and notarizing affidavits and issuing visas etc. But when Wickramasuriya was appointed in 2008 as the Ambassador to Sri Lanka in the US it sent shock waves within the diplomatic, political and community circles.  This office was previously held by Sri Lankan career diplomats and eminent academics and scientists including Jayantha Dhanapala (a former UN under Secretary General), Warnasena Rasaputra, Dr. Ananda Guruge, to name a few. Wickramasuriya with a high school education and limited business experience in the tea trade was clearly unsuited for the position at the time of his appointment. The only qualification, if you can call that, was his close connection to the then President Mahinda Rajapakse who appointed him to the position. Wickramasuriya is former President Rajapakse’s cousin Kamala Rajapakse’s son. 

Wickramasuriya’s appointment came at a crucial time for Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka was engaged in a bloody war against Tamil Tigers (LTTE) being watched by the international community with mounting criticisms and allegations of war crimes being committed by the government forces in the prosecution of the war. One is not certain if the Rajapakse administration was naïve or could care less about the international community in boldly forging ahead with the appointment of Wickramasuriya to the most vital diplomatic position in Sri Lanka’s international relations and foreign policy. US sponsored UNHCR resolutions have urged Sri Lanka to conduct independent credible investigation into alleged war crimes committed by Sri Lankan forces against the Tamil community. Wickramasuriya has very little to show by way of any contribution he made to appease the US and UNHCR charges against Sri Lanka. By all accounts, Wickramasuriya appears to have run his tea business from the embassy premises in Washington, DC. He was busy organizing junkets for investor groups and tour operators and agents from the US to Sri Lanka.

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RANJAN VERBALLY NAMES SEVERAL MPs

Disna Mudalige and Camelia Nathaniel-Saturday, February 23, 2019

The UNP Committee report on State Minister Ranjan Ramanayake’s allegation that 24 MPs and ministers use drugs including cocaine will be submitted to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Monday.

State Minister Ramanayake responding to queries by journalists said that he verbally mentioned several names of MPs to the committee in support of his allegation.He added that he sent some vital information to the CID by registered post in connection to his complaint. “I requested the CID to give a date to record my statement in that regard,” he said.

Leader of the House and Minister Lakshman Kiriella said Ramanayake appeared before the three-member committee headed by Kiriella when it convened at a parliament committee room yesterday.
Speaking to the media after the committee meeting, Kiriella however refused to reveal any names of MPs mentioned by Ramanayake. “This is an internal probe of the party. Ramanayake had also given information to the CID.The CID can commence an investigation,” he said.

State Minister Ramanayake responding to queries by journalists said that he verbally mentioned several names of MPs to the committee in support of his allegation.He added that he sent some vital information to the CID by registered post in connection to his complaint. “I requested the CID to give a date to record my statement in that regard,” he said.

He also said that he intends to request National Dangerous Drugs Control Board former Chairman Dr. Nilanga Samarasinghe to give him the list of 25 names of MPs in his possession.

“I would like to compare my list of names with the list in his possession. He exposed that he has such a list of names in 2015 and he is now in Norway due to the life threats he received. I was in contact with him even during the 100-day interim government period and facilitated him an appointment to meet the Prime Minister. However, Dr.Samarasinghe did not give the list of names to either the President or the Prime Minister because of the risks he faced.I hope he will support me in this struggle. I may lose this battle, but I am determined to continue it,” Ramanayake said.

Ramanayake said Speaker Karu Jayasuriya was not happy over the allegation made by Ramanayake. “I have the list with me.I can give it to the Speaker even tomorrow, but the Speaker is displeased that my allegation would tarnish the image of Sri Lanka’s Parliament,” the State Minister said.

State Minister Eran Wickramaratne, MP Prof. Ashu Marasinghe and Attorney Nissanka Nanayakkara are the other members of the committee.

MPs taking drugs allegation: Speaker denies receiving names from Ranjan

METHMALIE DISSANAYAKE & W.K. PRASAD MANJU-FEB 21 2019

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya today (21) informed Parliament that he has not heard anything yet from State Minister Ranjan Ramanayake, regarding a list of names of Ministers and Parliamentarians whom Ramanayake alleges were using cocaine.

Speaker Jayasuriya, at the commencement of the Sitting, noted, "Some MPs on 20 February queried whether Ramanayake has submitted a list of names of Cabinet Ministers and MPs who he claimed are using cocaine and other illegal narcotics, to me. Since I was absent on 20 February, Deputy Speaker Ananda Kumarasiri, on my behalf, told them that I had not received such a list from Ramanayake. I inform this House that Ramanayake has not given me any such list up to now."

Ramanayake, making a controversial statement following the arrest of underworld drug kingpin Makandure Madush in Dubai, alleged that 24 MPs including four Cabinet Ministers are using cocaine and other illegal narcotics.

Yesterday (20), the UNP appointed a four-member committee, headed by Leader of the House and Minister Lakshman Kiriella, to investigate Ramanayake's claims. The committee has ordered Ramanayake to appear before it at 10 a.m. tomorrow (22), to grill him regarding his allegations.

After questioning Ramanayake, the committee, which was formed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, is expected to submit a report to the Working Committee of the UNP.

The committee headed by Kiriella also comprises State Minister Eran Wickremaratna, UNP MP Professor Ashu Marasingha and Attorney-at-Law Nissanka Nanayakkara. 

Largest ever heroin haul worth Rs. 3.5 billion seized

24 February 2019

A mammoth heroin haul weighing 294.4 kilogrammes valued at more than Rs. 3,533 million, the largest heroin detection ever made in Sri Lanka, was seized by the Police Narcotic Bureau (PNB) and the Special Task Force (STF) officials this morning.

Police Spokesman SP Ruwan Gunasekera said the heroin haul was seized at a car park in Kollupitiya and two suspects were arrested along with the heroin. Meanwhile, PNB Director T.C.A. Dhanapala said the heroin haul was set to transport by two vehicles when the raid was carried out.

Police believed that the suspects, residents of Keselwatta in Panadura were planning to move the stock of heroin to a safe location.

Investigating officers suspect that the heroin haul was smuggled into the country via sea route.

The suspects would be detained for further questioning after being produced in the Fort Magistrate's Court today.

The second largest heroin haul of 261 kgs was recovered in Orugodawatta in 2017 by the Customs and PNB officials.

In December last year, the PNB also recovered a stock of heroin weighing 231.5 kilogrammes valued at more than Rs. 2,778 million in the seas off Beruwala. (Darshana Sanjeewa)


Video by Damith

A new wealth

Sanjana Hattotuwa-February 23, 2019, 7:44 pm 

Over lunch with Prof. Jayadeva Uyangoda last week, the conversation meandered into anecdotal capture of Sri Lanka’s new capitalism. We talked about snapshots of wealth and its generation, along with its public display through material goods, as distinct from even just a few years ago. Prof. Uyangoda spoke to what he thought were salient features of this new crass class, and their deep ties with higher echelons of political power. I shared a few stories with him, which inspired me to pen a column around what I’ve seen and heard in just over a month after returning to Sri Lanka briefly.

Going from Ratmalana to office on a working day, on average, takes around half an hour to just under forty minutes. Office is approximately twelve kilometers away, or slightly more if I choose to take a route that avoids the worst of the congestion at rush hour. Every day for the past month, I’ve kept a rough record of high-end luxury vehicles I’ve seen on the road, aside from the chance encounters – to the delight of my son – of two Aston Martins on weekends in Colombo. On average, I’ve seen eight Range Rover HSE or Sport models, 10 BMW 5-Series, four BMW 7-Series,five BMW X5, four BMW X3, eight Mercedes C-Class, seven Mercedes E-Class,eight Mercedes S-Class,five Audi A4s, four Audi Q2, four Audi Q5, four Audi A6, seven Toyota Land Cruisers and about the same number of Prados, six Mercedes S-Class and three Porsches (Macan or Panamera) in the 25 kilometers of my commute to and from work, plus around 10 kilometers of driving during the day within Colombo. The combined value of just these vehicles is closer to two billion rupees. There is a distinct and immediate correlation between the value and the perceived width of vehicle as well as the frequency of horning and flashing of powerful LED headlamps which even during the day, blind other drivers.

Several public accounts on Instagram are now devoted to photos of exotic, high-end luxury cars in Sri Lanka. The first screen of just one account – Sri Lanka Car Spotters – has at the time of writing, five Maybach S560s (selling for $170,750each in the US), a Bentley convertible (conservatively starting at around US$140,000), a classic Ferrari, two Brabus-Mercedes (around 69,000 Euros each), a Porsche 911 Turbo S (starting at $190,700 in the US) and two Aston Martin Vantages (around 1.64 - 3.27 crore each in India). That’s around two million dollars’ worth of vehicles, sold or registered in the country, in just a single screen of photos. The account had 6,529 posts at the time of writing. Scrolling down, there are photos of Lamborghini’s, more Bentley’s, a McLaren, an Aston Martin DB11 and even a Ferrari 488 GTB, all in Sri Lanka. These are cars considered exotic and high-end in the West.

Rich Kids of Sri Lanka, with 220 posts and 11,600 followers on Instagram, is another fascinating visual, social and political study. The general aesthetic is to have young people posing with brands or high end luxury vehicles, with their purebred dogs. One photo shows a hand holding a wad of 5,000 rupee notes, spread out like a fan. Another, possibly by the same photographer, shows an iPhone X surrounded by a circle of 5,000 rupee notes. Literally, stacks of 5,000 notes are shown in other photos adorning the interiors of luxury vehicles. There are dozens of photos featuring extremely high-end watches, gold and jewelry. Two photo show off handguns. Another an automatic rifle, sported by someone in a Rolex and their garage. Each photo with a gun has generated over 200 likes, and not a single word or comment with consternation. Depending on the gender of the young person and the brand, breed of dog or model of the car, the other photos generate thousands of likes.

A friend was recently shopping around for an apartment in Colombo – carefully inspecting what was on offer, comparing prices and floor space, negotiating the price and looking at the deeds. The day my friend was finalizing the purchase, another man had appeared, carrying two large bags. Putting them down, he had proceeded to just ask for two ("Mata dekak denna"). When inquired as to two of what he wanted, he had proceeded to say, with some annoyance as if it wasn’t immediately obvious, that he wanted two apartments. In each bag, he had brought with him around 35 million in cash, ready to make an instant purchase.

Another story was around how Volvo trucks are also bought with cash, by those who don’t once negotiate down the price first quoted to them. I was told of a leading maker of prefab houses and other buildings burying cash in the land they built on. I retorted that this was not unlike the Colombian drug cartels and Pablo Escobar’s shenanigans featured in Narcos on Netflix. One Aston Martin doing the rounds in Colombo, apparently, was a wedding gift. The stories got rather strange, with assurances that the owners of chicken farms (in and around the Puttalam area) were extremely cash rich, and along with other cash enterprises, were putting their money into luxury marques and apartments. Swank new cafes, hip bars and high-end restaurants were ways through which the children of politicians helped their parents clean black money. I was told that Range Rovers bought in Sri Lanka, were sent to the UK for bespoke modifications, and then shipped back into the country. At our neighborhood Keells, my son and I, admiring a beautiful Range Rover Sport were surprised to see the pot-bellied owner in chinos emerge from within, spit out a thick red wad of betel with a mini gurgle of saliva from throat, wipe the remaining scoff on mouth with forearm, get in and drive away with his family in tow.

There seems to be an economy in Sri Lanka that is vast, growing and unbanked. Economists may know of a way to determine how much currency is in circulation or in banks in comparison to the number of high denomination notes printed. But almost all the stories I’ve heard, and clearly, what’s openly on display on social media, is a grotesque display of wealth which includes, literally, showcasing cash. Going by the number of Premier branches for high net worth individuals present in Colombo and the Battaramulla area, there is clearly a lot of money in the formal banking system. But the popular visual imagery is not around platinum cards or unlimited credit. It is about the open display of loose money. Years ago, in conversation with renowned composer and classical musician Lakshman Joseph de Saram, he lamented that Colombo didn’t even have a concert hall – something he wished he could see come up in his lifetime. The value of vehicles on a single Instagram screen, or what I see going to and coming back home from office on any given day, can easily pay for de Saram’s dream. And yet, nothing of what I see in the frames of wealth that generate so much adoration, admiration and adulation capture the one thing that Sri Lankans never tire of saying they have in abundance but lack the most - Culture.

‘Thaala’ shows the way to enriching education through engagement

Monday, 25 February 2019

Education is in focus these days with much talk on revamping the existing practices with a futuristic outlook, amidst the debate of tablets vs. toilets for the schools. I thoroughly enjoyed watching the family movie, Thaala, the other day. Though it has not yet received wider publicity that it deserves, the theme is really appealing with a harsh critique of traditional education, introducing innovative and impactful approaches for learning. Today’s column is a reflection of the movie in the context of educational reforms highlighting the need to develop multiple intelligences.
Overview 

Thaala is a Sinhala movie directed by Paalitha Perera and produced by Nilan Weerasinghe, with Hemal Ranasinghe and Kalani Dodantenna playing the lead roles, along with Jayalath Manoratne and Kaushalya Fernando. Innovative music composed by Chinthaka Jayakody has added much glamour to the overall theme.

Education typically refers to development of knowledge, values and understanding required in all aspects of life rather than the knowledge and skills relating to particular areas of activity. The whole idea of education is to bring out what is within of an individual, in a true sense of unleashing his/her potential. Thaala shows how it is done in an eco-friendly setting.

The story revolves around a remote primary school in Sri Lanka. Asela, a young teacher comes to the Hatagalla Vidyalaya. He, in a short period of time, makes a dramatic change in the quality of education by way of raising the enthusiasm among the poor students with innovative and interactive learning methods. Despite the resistance to change from both parents and teachers, he guides the children to believe in themselves in dreaming big and achieving big. He in fact, stimulated the use of multiple intelligences in myriad ways.
Intelligence revisited

In the olden days someone was regarded as intelligence if he/she can “read, write and do arithmetic.” Is this the only way to assess a person’s intelligence? The answer is “no”, simply because there are more than one form of intelligence. The transformation of children in Hatagalla Vidyalaya is a classic example of multiple intelligences being developed.


Intelligence comes from the Latin verb “intellegere”, which means “to understand”. It is an umbrella term used to describe a property of the mind that encompasses many related abilities, such as the capacities to reason, to plan, to solve problems, to think abstractly, to comprehend ideas, to use language, and to learn. Among the many researchers on intelligence, Howard Gardener’s name appears prominently. He is a Professor of Education at Harvard Graduate School of Education. He is of the view that intelligence has multiple forms.

He defined the term intelligence in a much broader sense compared to the traditional ideas. He says, “Intelligence is a bio-psychological potential to process information that can be activated in a cultural setting to solve problems or create products that are of value in a culture”. In essence, he relates intelligence as a capacity to understand in a cultural setting.

Based on his research, Gardner asked a fundamental question: Is intelligence a single thing or various independent intellectual faculties? His suggestion was that each individual manifests varying levels of these different intelligences, and thus each person has a unique profile of capability. His ideas on intelligence were first laid out in a 1983 book, “Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences”.  Since then, the concept of multiple intelligences was further enhanced and refined. Gardner proposed eight different intelligences that people have. They are: verbal/ linguistic, logical-mathematical, visual/spatial, bodily / kinaesthetic, musical/rhythmic, interpersonal, intrapersonal and naturalistic.
Use of multiple intelligences for educational enhancement 

As the Thaala movie beautifully portrays, multiple intelligences can be creatively used for the enhancement of education. It in fact, confirms what Finland showed the world in producing what is known as the best education system in the world. Learning in a fun way in a relaxed atmosphere with individual potential is identified and enhanced.

We say, different strokes for different folks, highlighting the need to cater to the individual’s requirements. This applies to education and training as well. As the movie shows, different intelligences can be dynamically stimulated towards learning in order to ensure that the person with that particular intelligence as the dominant one can have a better impact. Let’s look into the ones that are less focused in the traditional streams. 

Musical / Rhythmic intelligence: The people herein associate with rhythm and music, displaying greater sensitivity to sounds, rhythms, tones, and music. They will often use songs or rhythms to learn and memorise information, and may work best with music playing in the background.

Playing of music in the classroom during reflection periods can be one activity to encourage those who are high with this intelligence. Showing of examples or create musical rhythms for students to remember things, facilitating students to create a song or melody with the key learning contents, using of well-known songs to memorise things can be other suitable activities in this respect. This goes closely with the overall theme of Thaala movie where the poor students won a major music award by defeating some well-to-do schools, simply by being authentic and innovative.

Bodily/ Kinaesthetic intelligence: Those with this type of intelligence are generally good at physical activities such as sports or dance and often prefer activities which use movement. They learn better by getting up and moving around.  They have “muscle memory” where they remember things through their body, rather than through words (verbal memory) or images (visual memory). It requires the skills and dexterity for fine motor movements such as those required for dancing, athletics, surgery, craft making, etc.

Thaala shows how the dynamic teacher engages the students enthusiastically to develop their bodily/kinaesthetic intelligence. In an educational setting, using of props during lecture such as requesting the students to have a standing discussion, engage in several dialogs by moving around can appeal to bodily/ kinaesthetic intelligence. I know one trainer who throws a ball to someone to answer a question, which is a classic demonstration of such an approach.

Interpersonal intelligence: Those who are high in interpersonal intelligence are characterised by their sensitivity to others’ moods, feelings, temperaments and motivations, and their ability to co-operate in order to work as part of a group. They typically learn best by working with others and often enjoy discussion and debate. Asela, the young urban teacher is portrayed as one having a high degree of interpersonal intelligence.

As Asela shows in action, teachers have to be aware of body language and facial expressions and offer assistance whenever needed, in order to demonstrate interpersonal intelligence. Encouraging classroom discussions, ensuring collaboration among peers and facilitating students giving feedback on one-another can be some actions appealing to this intelligence.

Intrapersonal intelligence: This has to do with learning about oneself and learning from oneself, with the key theme being self-reflection. Once again, the way Asela faced obstacles and the way he turned them into opportunities is a good demonstration of his intrapersonal intelligence. With his input, the students who were materially poor became mentally rich, with a high level of confidence.

In a classroom setting, creating a positive environment where self-reflection is encouraged can be a step towards strengthening intrapersonal intelligence. At the end of a corporate training session, a closed-eye process of allowing the participants to reflect on what they have captured appeals to this intelligence.

Naturalistic intelligence: Those with it are said to have greater sensitivity to nature and their place within it, the ability to nurture and grow things, and greater ease in caring for, taming and interacting with animals. They can discern changes in weather or similar fluctuations in their natural surroundings. They are also good at recognising and classifying different species. “Naturalists” learn best when the subject involves collecting and analysing, or is closely related to something prominent in nature. Martin Appuhamy, a close associate of Sinharaja Forest who knows the ins and outs of flora and fauna found there, is a classic example.

Students at Hatagalla Vidyalaya demonstrate this authentically. As true “Naturalists” they learnt to demonstrate the sounds of birds and animals, and expanded their knowledge. That was the major breakthrough in converting those who disliked traditional learning towards new way of learning.
The way forward 

Thaala amply highlights the multiple ways of making education an entertaining engagement for students. In richly capturing the economic as well as ecological aspects, the movie shows the awakening of a mentally backward group of students, with the much-needed guidance from a different kind of teacher. It effectively narrates how the systemic barriers can be tactfully overcome in experimenting towards progress. It reminds me of what Robert Frost said, “I am not a teacher, but an awakener.”

Such an awakening approach is acutely needed by the present education system in Sri Lanka. Whilst international examinations such as London Advance Level are increasingly becoming student-friendly, we still continue to assess what students do not know. A swift shift from exam-orientation to excellence-orientation is what is required. The heavy tuition burden on students and parents points us to examine how free our so called “free education” is.

(Prof. Ajantha Dharmasiri can be reached through director@pim.sjp.ac.lk, ajantha@ou.edu or www.ajanthadharmasiri.info.)

Students say Manchester university complicit in murder of Palestinians

Students protesting against Manchester university’s investment in Israeli war crimes.

 UoM BDS Campaign)

Asa Winstanley -21 February 2019

Students at the University of Manchester in the UK on Wednesday crashed a board meeting to demand governors divest from Caterpillar, a company involved in Israeli war crimes against Palestinians.

In this viral video, which has already had almost 14,000 views, the protestors object to their tuition fees being invested in the firm.

Caterpillar supplies many of the bulldozers the Israeli army frequently uses to demolish Palestinian homes, both in the West Bank and in present-day Israel.

In the video one of the activists says they have been asking the board to divest from Caterpillar for three years: “they are responsible for the demolition of Palestinian homes,” she says.

She asks the board if they will immediately commit to divestment.

But one of them replies by accusing the students of having “invaded” the room and says that “we’re already aware of the issue. We have to deal with that in our own processes,” claiming it would be “reviewed.”

But he refused to give an immediate answer.

The students later said in a statement it had been advertised as a “meet the governors” meeting.

Hypocrisy

Michael Crick, another of the board members, in the video lectures the protestors for having “a cheek asking for a response.”

But he was quickly silenced into apparent shame when one of the student activists retorts that “you’ve got a cheek investing in a company that is complicit in war crimes.”

Ironically, Crick is also a high-profile TV journalist for Channel 4 News, with a famously insistent style of journalism, as seen in the video below.

Crick’s response was “condescending and hypocritical,” Emilia Micunovic, chair of the student BDS campaign told The Electronic Intifada.

On their Facebook page, the students involved in the university’s boycott, divestment and sanctions campaign explained that “BDS activists at the university stormed into the board of governors meeting to force them to listen.”

They said that the board is complicit in Israeli apartheid.

“We fundamentally disagree that ‘going through the proper channels’ is the correct tactic,” they explain. “We have been working within these channels for over three years. They have not listened.”

At the conclusion of the video, the activists walk out, promising to come back every year until the university divests.

Students from the People and Planet group also made demands to the meeting, student news outlet the Mancunion reports.

The group insisted the university should divest from fossil fuels.

Alliances

BDS and climate change action groups like People and Planet have increasingly been working together on UK campuses over the past year.

In November, Leeds became the first UK university to divest from Israeli apartheid, as part of a new push by Palestine solidarity campaigners.

Conceding to long-held BDS demands, the university divested from three firms involved in the Israeli arms trade.

University spin doctors later downplayed the link to Israeli apartheid, claiming the divestment was part of their “climate active strategy.”

But – declaring their solidarity with the Palestinian BDS campaign - People and Planet in Leeds disputed this, pointing out that the university is still heavily invested in fossil fuels.

In violation of their own “socially responsible investment policy,” the University of Manchester remains invested in Caterpillar to the tune of more than $630,000, campaigners say.

The University of Manchester and Michael Crick have both been contacted for comment.