EU REITERATED THE NEED TO REPEAL AND REPLACE THE PREVENTION OF TERRORISM ACT (PTA)

Joint Press Release following the 22nd session of the European Union – Sri Lanka Joint Commission.
Bruxelles, 14/02/2019.

15/02/2019

The European Union (EU) and Sri Lanka held their 22nd meeting of the Joint Commission on Thursday, 14 February 2019, in Brussels. The meeting was held in an open and constructive spirit. Developments in both the EU and in Sri Lanka were discussed.

Bearing in mind the resilience of the democratic institutions which had prevailed during the political events in Sri Lanka late 2018, the EU reiterated its full support for the Government’s efforts to improve governance, human rights and reconciliation, fight against corruption, and strengthen economic growth. The EU and Sri Lanka agreed on the importance to continue working closely together on human rights and reconciliation, issues which figured prominently on the agenda of the meeting.

Preferential access to the EU market granted to Sri Lanka under the GSP+ scheme has clearly benefitted Sri Lanka since the reintroduction in May 2017, with over €2.2 billion of exports under GSP+ during the period June 2017–May 2018. Both sides acknowledged that there was room to make even better use of the concessions granted.

Sri Lanka reaffirmed the commitments made to implement 27 conventions on human and labour rights, environment and good governance in order to benefit from the GSP+ scheme. In this context, while acknowledging that the new draft legislation was now being considered by Parliament, the EU reiterated the need to repeal and replace the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in order to bring counterterrorism legislation in line with international standards.

The EU also reiterated its opposition to the use of the death penalty in all circumstances and encouraged Sri Lanka to maintain its moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty.

The meeting provided an opportunity to exchange views on the implementation of the UN Human Rights Council Resolution of 1 October 2015, co-sponsored by Sri Lanka. The important steps taken by Sri Lanka with regard to establishing an Office on Missing Persons and passing legislation to set up an Office for Reparations were welcomed. Sri Lanka’s continued commitment to the implementation of the resolution was acknowledged and the EU stressed the need for further progress in the advancement of national reconciliation. The EU expressed its continued readiness to support Sri Lanka in these efforts.

The Joint Commission was informed about the proceedings of the third EU-Sri Lanka Working Group on Development Cooperation held in Brussels on 13 February 2019. The EU and Sri Lanka committed to work jointly during 2019-2020 on the preparation of new actions aiming at fostering integrated rural development, democratic governance, investments and economic growth.

The EU and Sri Lanka discussed the EU strategy on Connecting Europe and Asia, which aims to better connect Europe and Asia through transport links, energy networks, digital networks and people-to-people connections, and agreed to deepen their contacts in this field, including in view of the Indian Ocean Ministerial conference to be held in Colombo this year.

In this context, the Joint Commission noted that the European Investment Bank agrees to enhance its lending activities in Sri Lanka in the field of climate change mitigation and adaptation, particularly in support of renewable energy, energy efficiency, urban transport, and other investments which reduce CO2 emissions and/or strengthen resilience to climate change. The support extended to develop the SME sector was welcomed.

Discussions also focused on issues related to mobility and migration. Ways to enhance cooperation on higher education, with a particular reference to the Horizon 2020, the EU framework programme for research and innovation, were also discussed.

Ways to engage on security issues were also explored, and the EU referred to areas for deeper security engagement in and with Asia as listed in the Conclusions of the May 2018 Foreign Affairs Council, notably maritime security, cyber security, counter terrorism, hybrid threats, conflict prevention, the proliferation of Chemical Biological Radiological and Nuclear weapons, and the development of regional cooperative orders.

Cooperation in the framework of the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission (IOTC) and towards the common goals of preservation of healthy oceans, conservation and sustainable use of marine living resources was discussed.

The EU and Sri Lanka agreed on a series of actions for follow-up before the next Joint Commission meeting in Colombo in 2020.

The meeting was co-chaired by Ms Paola Pampaloni, Deputy Managing Director for Asia and the Pacific at the European External Action Service, and Mr. Ravinatha Aryasinha, Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka.

https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/58159/joint-press-release-following-22nd-session-european-union-sri-lanka-joint-commission_en

The Joint Commission, which oversees the 1995 EU-Sri Lanka Cooperation Agreement on Partnership and Development, deals with a broad range of bilateral and multilateral issues of mutual interest. Its tasks are to: ensure the proper functioning and implementation of the Agreement; set priorities; and make recommendations.

All three Working Groups established under the terms of the Joint Commission reported back from their respective meetings held in June 2018 (the Working Group on Governance, Rule of Law and Human Rights) and in July 2018 (the Working Group on Trade and Economic Cooperation Issues, and on 13 February 2019 (the Working Group on Development Cooperation).

EEAS

Ministers acting like headless chickens and/or crooked shysters

FLNG: Floating Liquification of Natural Gas FSRU: Floating Storage and Regasification Unit https://spmpdpu.wordpress.com/2018/02/27/revolutionary-lng-technologies-flng-and-fsru/

Kumar David-February 16, 2019, 8:53 pm 

No reasonable person will accuse this column of a pro-Rajapaksa or pro-SLPP bias, I am on record calling them financially corrupt proto-fascists. But it is not possible to refrain from calling a spade a spade, and when necessary a bloody shovel. This government is so adept at self-destruction that it no longer needs an opposition. A public outcry and trade union action by Customs personnel forced Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera and the Cabinet to tuck their tails between their legs and reinstate Mrs. Sarojini Charles, Director General of Customs. But as we have little knowledge of what really happened the public must assume the worst; rogues to the right of us, rogues to the left of us, inept and insane, they volley and thunder. An exemplary public servant of high integrity, on the tail of crooked businessmen and smugglers with high political connections, she is the kind of person much needed in public life; Samaraweera to judge by his somersaults on this occasion is not.

This column has often spoken well of Samaraweera, his broadminded attitudes and his sensible approach to Sinhala-Tamil problems. Up to now I have had no reason to doubt his financial integrity. But what now? Was Mrs. Charles sidelined to scuttle investigations she was spearheading against smugglers and corrupt businessmen? What’s in it for him? One version is that high officials in the Finance Ministry were on the take, but can officials trigger a huge crisis unless the Minister gave them a nod and a wink? Or are there bigger fish and the Minister a mere (but ready and willing) cog in the wheel? The last question arises because the whole blithering Cabinet partook in the decision to dump Mrs. Charles. The electronic media carry stories about which businesses and smugglers are likely being protected by the Cabinet or people higher up.

And curiously, why has the lady been reinstated for three months only? Is it reckoned that the miscreants can endure pressure for a short period and then laugh all the way to the bank after bequeathing their ‘hard-earned’ share to their political overlords? The public must insist that Mrs. Charles’ reappointment has no time limit other than her normal retirement from the public service. Temporary "reinstatement" is a pyrrhic victory, a sham.

After the stink he created Samaraweera had the gall to shower Mrs. Charles with praise upon her reinstatement. He expressed "Full confidence in her abilities to bring the business mafia operating in the Port to book; she is an iron lady." Is this man who fired her now suffering from schizophrenia? Does politics drive its practitioners to insanity? And he went on to say: "I saw that even for her who faced Prabhakaran fearlessly the Mafia in the Ports was a challenge. That is why I decided to take her into the Ministry and appoint a former Navy Officer". The Minister should go tell this to the Marines! Does he think we were all born yesterday? And a sailor with a background in gunboats, however competent at that job he may have been but without experience in the Public Service and without the support of Customs personnel would be a gift to the crooks.

Samaraweera has acted in bad faith in: (a) removing Mrs. Charles, (b) his hypocritical adlib when reinstating her which surely snarled his tongue in knots, and (c) worst of all, reinstating her for the shortest possible time merely to placate howls of protest. He has fallen under a pall of suspicion for which he has none but himself to blame.

Gigantic blunders loom in the power sector

Two issues undermine the electric power (CEB) expansion outlook; hence there will be power shortages and a spike in the price at which the CEB is compelled to buy electricity from private power producers for resale to consumers. The issues are the proposed Kerawalpitiya 300MW gas-fired plant and the proposal to build LNG landing terminals at Hambantota and Colombo together with two or three 500MW combined-cycle generators. Both are very disturbing as government ministries are forcing through contracts in a manner that is technically unsound and ethically inappropriate. The two ministries involved in awarding power and energy contracts are Malik Samarwickrama’s International Trade Ministry and Ravi Karunanayake’s Power Ministry.

I will pass over Kerawalpitiya quickly as plaint has been filed alleging bad practice and multi-million-dollar corruption. As the matter is subjudice I can say little. Initially the lowest cost bidder, a local company Lakdhanavi was selected, but China GCL appealed and despite the recommendation of the technical committee was awarded the contract. The Movement for the Protection of Consumer Rights then filed a petition and the Courts held that the Power Ministry Secretary had failed to follow proper tender procedures. The case is continuing. Observe that the power shortages I warned about at the time the government peremptorily cancelled the Sampur project have arrived. The net loss from this bad decision, as I then pointed out, will pile up to Rs 200 billion.

The proposal for an offshore Floating Storage and Regasification Unit (FSRU) to supply natural gas to two or three new 500MW (each) power plants is a huge scheme. I have no access to project documents and can only estimate prices from international experiences. Each FSRU terminal will cost about $150 million, and at a guess, at present-value converted prices, the Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) used over the 20 year project lifespan will cost in the region of $5 billion. (The 3x500MW generators will require about $1.2 billion but is a separate matter). The consequence of bad decisions will be horrendous and will sink Lanka deep into debt. The original offer was an unsolicited bid from Korea’s SK E&S company but was redesigned as a Request for Proposals to open it to international bidding as a "Swiss Challenge". This procedure compels the government to invite third parties to match or better the original bid. The original bidder, in this case SK E&S, will be given an opportunity to better the best which comes out of the challenge process.

For nearly two years the terms and conditions were negotiated but the CEB says technical details of the generators were not made available. This is an impediment to ensuring integration of new plant into the system and planning transmission expansion. The biggest bombshell then exploded. The Korean proposal that Malik Samarawickrema’s Ministry champions, integrates infrastructure and "take or pay" gas purchase. In simple words this means Lanka will contract for the LNG terminals and simultaneously commit to take the full quota of gas each year over the project lifetime at then prevailing market prices. The down side for a country rich in hydro is that even if we need less gas in some years we will be obliged to pay as though we had taken all the gas. Weighed against $5 billion for fuel, the offer to furnish the two FSRU terminals (say $300 million) free of charge is trivial. The Trade Ministry championing the SK E&S offer is suspicious; you don’t have to lift the lid to know what’s cooking in the pot.

It was in these circumstances that the Board of the CEB decided to opt for "Separate", not an "Integrated" plan – two separate contracts, one for infrastructure (FSRU, pipelines and installation) and another for fuel purchase on flexible terms. The latter will be open to LNG suppliers other than SK E&S. The Board communicated its decision to the Ministry; the CEB Engineers Union supported the Board. Three CEB personnel put by government on a committee to negotiate an "Integrated" plan with the Koreans had no option but to quit since the committee’s mandate contradicted the Board’s stand. The last I heard was that things are deadlocked. Will Minister Karunanayake be emboldened by Samarawickrama and Wickremesinghe to fire the Board and replace it with quislings?

Tilak Siyambalapitiya, an independent power expert, says "take-or-pay would be a disaster as hydropower availability varies significantly from year to year". This is correct and furthermore I am concerned that neither of the ministries involved nor the Public Utilities Commission has the necessary depth of understanding or the essential flexibility of approach to resolve the crisis after CEB planners are side-lined. The smell of cash percolates this multi-billion dollar contract!

The Laws Delays – Possible Remedies 

By Upatissa Pethiyagoda –FEBRUARY 15, 2019

Dr. Upatissa Pethiyagoda

 Kadirgamar was assassinated thirteen years ago – and a suspect was arrested in Germany, just the other day. Here, by all accounts was a “high Profile “case. If it took so long to even apprehend a possible suspect, what can an ordinary citizen expect? A partial answer comes from another report that a man is just been sentenced for a murder committed at the end of the last century (1998 ?). Will the murders of Lasantha Wickrematunge and of Wasim Thajudeen ever be solved and the killers punished? When will the “disappearance” of Ekneligoda be explained? Not much hope, as judged by current form. 

These are terrible indictments on our law enforcement authorities. “Justice delayed” someone said, “is justice denied”.

The Police are charged with tardiness, evidence “doctored” to ensure failure in Court, The Attorney-General’s Department where files are said to remain unattended for months on end. The over-worked Courts that seem ever willing to allow postponements for the most trivial of excuses. As editorially expressed many years ago that “Lawyers like Bedouin Arabs, live on dates”. When a case coming up in February is fixed for the next calling in December is strange!  By then, one or both, the litigating parties may be dead and brought before other “Higher Courts”. Then, the worldly verdicts are of no possible interest. There is also the flattering implication that Judges plan their programmes months ahead. In many legislatures (eg. Crown Courts) the whole process is impressively much more prompt. There must be some differences in their processes and ours from which we could draw lessons. In some instances, protracted delays in our Courts could mean that if a judge has retired, been transferred or promoted, some of the cumbersome formal preliminaries have to start afresh. Surely there must be some remedies waiting to be implemented. The recent case of the Bond Scam, where there were continuous daily sittings, which allowed speedy and smart conclusion, shows that given the will, there is a way! It may be noted that The Commission, which included two retired Supreme Court Judges, clearly indicated the persons who should be brought before the Courts (The Commission itself not having powers to go beyond recommending actions). The necessary indictments have still not happened for nearly an year after the Commission Report was made public!

Any reform has to deal with two aspects, the physical and the procedural. The former being simpler than the latter. Both the Police and the Attorney-General’s Department plead a case for more staff, space and office equipment. But more staff, clerks, typewriters and Computers which alone may not necessarily improve efficiency and speed, will no doubt help.    

Two other points are relevant. One is the great number of “Defamation” cases, mostly filed by politicians claiming astronomical amounts as “damages”. It is more than likely that few of these “penalties” are imposed or respected. They are however, a handy means of hiding illegal payments such as “commissions” or bribes! The second demand on judicial time, is the alacrity in seeking the “advice” of the Supreme Court on proposed actions which, to any reasonable person, are clearly illegal! There is also, the readiness with which complainants are challenged to “go to Courts” for the most trivial of reasons. All these involve judicial time, robbing it of attention to more worthy judicial responsibilities.                     

Regarding the Judicial Process, one learns that there are broadly two Systems. The “adversarial ” and the “Inquisitorial”. In the former (which we follow) the whole process occurs in Court, where lawyers promote their case by argument, references and forensic skill. This however results in much time being spent. In the “Inquisitorial” form, the lawyers of the two contending parties, sit together, get through the formalities quickly  and then proceed to presenting their legal positions, in the presence of the client parties. They try to reach agreement, and present to Court only those points where agreement could not be reached, and require the intervention of a third party – the Judge. The necessary legal provisions and details of process are for the relevant specialists to consider.

Hasty actions may be impractical or unwise, but maintaining the “status quo” is not a satisfactory option. Under the present system, it has been declared that over many thousands of cases are “pending”, mainly in the AG’s Department. Quick expansion of the numbers of Court Houses, increased staff in the AG’s Department would be needed. The increase in the number of Judges is more complex as the delivery of justice should remain paramount. Quality, and not mere increase of quantity should be the guiding principle. As the late Mr S.L. Gunasekara stated in one of his books, “Judges” have to be born and not merely “created”.  

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The importance of the 2019 Government Budget

Rural infrastructure needs investment

Friday, 15 February 2019

The tension between the SLFP and the UNP was largely triggered after the defeat of the UNP and the President’s SLFP faction at the Local Government polls last year, resulting in a blame game on the two sides. Thereafter no side made a real effort to boost economic growth, create more jobs, and add any new wealth to the stock market.

Unemployment may be low, but hardworking Sri Lankans want to see an increase in their take home pay because of the tax reform enacted last year has reduced their purchasing power. They want the government to expand the tax net without landing more and more taxes on the converted. We need a great spirit of optimism to sweep across our nation. So that our young people can truly be confident that our brightest days are ahead of us.

Therefore the 2019 Budget must rests on the following pillars of reform:
Ending wasteful spending
Sri Lanka is drowning under the highest level of debt held by the public. The current fiscal path is unsustainable, and future generations deserve better. The Budget needs to make the hard choices needed to stop wasteful spending, lower the national debt, and focus Government on what matters most to the majority of the people.
Create opportunity
That is more opportunity for affordable education and better-paying jobs. The Budget must take important steps to expand opportunities for the youth to access affordable, employment-relevant education that puts them on the path to better-paying job and, ultimately, a rewarding career.

The Budget should promote formal apprenticeships that allow individuals to “earn while they learn.” The Budget also should make important investments in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education in schools, and supports career and technical education in schools and postsecondary institutions.

Nation brand

The Budget must continue our efforts to grow the economy, create new jobs, and lower rates for productive investments. To accompany the effort to cut spending and implement decent tax cuts to families, workers, and businesses, we should continue to relentlessly target unnecessary regulation.

The Budget also must redefine what is possible, by putting the economy on a path to long-term economic growth that will help strengthen our battered nation brand. This will then infuse the required additional dollars into our starved economy.
Task cut out
Prime Minister Wickremesinghe recently said the Government has a duty to fulfil the responsibilities expected by the country on 8 January 2015. Therefore we now have to start a new journey. The PM added that the United National Party (UNP) also needs to undergo a complete change and that they need to bring new teams forward. The United National Front needs to be strengthened, he said, adding, that they would look to win the support of the majority of the country and move forward.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe now has his task cut out. Firstly, he needs to win the confidence of the Public. And secondly, he has to heal the cracks in the coalition. The Government position has been weakened by the rift at the highest levels of the current ruling coalition between the UNP and the President.

Government reforms for Wickremesinghe is also now a must. He needs to re-energise the Government by injecting new blood into the veins of the Government and clean up his administration by getting rid of all the nonperforming and corrupt bureaucrats.
Way forward
Going forward many are now urging Wickremesinghe to implement proper economic policies. The Government needs to implement a transparent economic program unfettered so that they have an opportunity to go before the people with a less cluttered and confusing track record.

The new tax structure implemented on 1 April also needs to be revisited and changed where possible. Taxes that hurt the poor needs to be revisited immediately. Many ministers in the current Government don’t really know what is going on in the villages.

Rural infrastructure needs urgent repair in many districts, especially after two disasters last year. Therefore the Government certainly needs tone down its pro-Western and cosmopolitan outlook if it is to win the hearts of the rural poor.

In the final analysis, the Government should not let the 8 January 2015 victory to go waste; safeguarding and protecting that 8 January mandate is of utmost importance; its value cannot be overstated. That is why the 2019 Budget and the next eight months would be their last hope to stem Sri Lanka’s roller coaster ride.  This is certainly doable with a bit of common sense and strong leadership.

(The writer is a thought leader.)

Lanka adopts policies to address high debt level

Launch of Sri Lanka Development Update

Pace of key structural reforms slow

 

Friday, February 15, 2019

The World Bank Launched the Sri Lanka Development Update with a special focus on ‘Demographic Change in Sri Lanka’ in Colombo yesterday. State Minister of Finance Eran Wickremaratne with officials at the event

•  Despite regional disparities, poverty in Sri Lanka continues to decline in line with strong economic growth.
•  Sri Lanka has adopted policies to address its high level of debt, but the pace of key structural reforms is slow.
• The shrinking working-age population will impact growth and affect pensions. Promoting entrepreneurship, education, and female labour force participation can buffer this demographic change.

The latest edition of the World Bank’s Sri Lanka Development Update (SLDU) finds the island in a challenging macroeconomic landscape. The post-conflict high growth momentum has decelerated. A volatile global environment and structurally weak competitiveness continue to weaken growth and external sector performance. High interest costs mask limited fiscal improvement.

The report’s special focus examines the challenges associated with a change in demographic composition and suggests that a multi-year program of policy reforms and institutional strengthening could help prepare Sri Lanka for the decades ahead.

The SLDU, which analyses key developments in Sri Lanka’s economy over the past six months, notes that while post-conflict growth has decelerated, the outlook remains stable, conditional on political stability and reform implementation.

Sri Lanka is stepping up to the plate at a time when the global environment remains turbulent. Key reforms, such as the implementation of the Inland Revenue Law, passing of the Active Liability Management Act, are helping to prepare for heightened external debt refinancing risks in 2019 and beyond.

“It is important to consolidate on previous reforms to ensure maximum benefits,” says Fernando Im, an author of the SLDU and the senior country economist for Sri Lanka-Maldives. He explains that future reforms could yield high development impacts, such as further strengthening public finance management and supporting the implementation of a social registry to improve coverage and targeting of social safety nets.

Below are some of the recent developments highlighted in the report: Sri Lanka’s debt portfolio carries significant risks. At an estimated 83 percent of its Gross Domestic Product, Sri Lanka’s central government debt level is high. As the country approached upper middle-income status, it has been borrowing on more commercial terms with increased cost and risk.

The majority of foreign currency denominated debt is now largely made up of market borrowings including International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs) and Sri Lanka Development Bonds (SLDBs), which in 2017 accounted for 53 percent, up from just 3 percent of total foreign currency denominated debt in 2000.

In total, maturities of bullet repayments on Eurobonds from 2019 to 2023 and from 2025 to 2028 alone amount to USD 12.15 billion. The SLDU notes that this is new territory for the country and could expose the island nation to refinancing risks.

In response, the government has adopted policies designed to address these risks, however, the slow progress of key structural reforms remains a cause for concern. It is hoped that improvements in debt management will help manage costs and risks of the portfolio, develop the domestic financial market and improve access to finance.

Despite the fast poverty reduction, there remain areas with significant poverty Over the past two decades, Sri Lanka’s economy expanded at a rapid pace and the country has done much to address extreme poverty with a decline from 15.4 percent in 2013 to 9.7 percent in 2016, as measured against the World Bank’s international poverty line of $3.20 per day for lower middle-income countries.
 Measures, such as the expansion of the Samurdhi programme in 2015, offered dividends although better targeting of social assistance would have resulted in larger gains. However, it is vital to note that a large number of people remain just a small shock away from falling back into poverty, says the report, noting that adverse weather conditions have become increasingly influential in recent years.

Critically, there is a disparity between various districts, with the highest poverty headcount being reported in the Northern and Eastern provinces, where regions like Ratnapura, Kandy and Badulla account for more than a quarter of the poor population combined. It is clear, Sri Lanka must design different strategies to address the varied issues around human capital, basic services, the availability of jobs and access to markets.

Sri Lanka is undergoing profound demographic change – the country needs to do more to prepare
Like many other countries in the world, Sri Lanka is staring down a dramatic demographic shift - Sri Lanka’s share of working-age population peaked in 2005 and it is expected to gradually decline over time. This has implications for labor supply, service delivery in sectors such as health and education, and of course for pensions, employment and public finances overall.

A particular concern is the limited savings and instructional support mechanisms in place to support this rapidly expanding elderly population. Increasing costs mean that programs such as the Public Servants Pension Scheme (PSPS) could struggle to deliver on their benefit promises over the long run, while the EPF – the employer-based defined contribution saving scheme for formal private sector workers – appears inadequate to meet the costs associated with over two decades of retirement.

As can be expected formidable challenges exist, but improving various aspects of delivery systems will prove critical to broadening worker coverage. By prioritising educational attainment, addressing the skills mismatch that hurts new graduates in the market, and nurturing entrepreneurship, younger people could be encouraged to participate in the workforce. Finally, improving female labour force participation could also help buffer the adverse impacts of demographic factors on growth.

Can Dubai teach Sri Lanka lessons on drugs? - EDITORIAL

 2019-02-15

he drug issue in Sri Lanka made everybody look beyond drug lord Makandure Madush because a leading musician and his son were also among those arrested in Dubai. Now the focus is on singer Amal Perera who is said to have been at a party where, according to Sri Lankan media, drugs had been used by some of the guests.  
Perera’s involvement blows the drug related issue out of proportion and we now even see that much money is spent to hire lawyers and get the artiste released. If Madush’s arrest warranted media attention, a star like Perera being among those arrested made patrons read stories about them in their favourite daily newspapers like browsing through detective thrillers. 
A Sri Lankan lawyer appearing for the release of Perera and such a fuss being made to even approach the Consulate in Dubai to facilitate this arrangement, shows the clout those moving in a drug ring have when there is a brush against the law. 

While we do sympathize with the family members of Perera, who are in Sri Lanka who see their mental peace being disturbed, it is logical to reason that renowned artistes like Perera should have known with whom they are dealing before attending such parties thrown at overseas locations. It is a little alarming to know that Perera, who is a father, had accompanied his son, also a singer, to the party; exposing his offspring to a crowd which probably was dependent on substance use. 
If we are to campaign for the release of Perera then what about other Sri Lankans who are languishing in Dubai prisons for similar offences? It is reported that the Sri Lankan Consulate in Dubai had not shown any willingness to appeal for the release of the singer stating that such a move would be unfair because there are as many as 6000 Sri Lankans who have been sentenced and are in the custody of Dubai Police. 
As for Madush, the authorities have caught a big fish. There is great significance in Madush being captured overseas, especially in a country where there is zero tolerance for drug trafficking. We hear reports of drug related cases in Dubai excessively dragging on and the penalty could be as harsh as the wrongdoer being beheaded. 

In this wake we also get to hear the Sri Lanka Police complaining to the Prime Minister that the law enforcement officers can’t eradicate the drug menace from society because of interference by politicians. Premier Wickremesinghe in his response to the complaint by the Police had said that the Independent Commission is essential in ridding the society of drugs. 
Critics maintain that those trafficking drugs and those who use them expose their loved ones to untold troubles. Now we hear of some vehicles parked at the residence of an individual who is a relation of someone Madush closely associates with being seized. Drug related issue are not only complicated when arrests are made we also see wheels within wheels! For the record a senior police officer has confirmed that plans are afoot to confiscate the properties of as many as 50 underworld gang leaders, including those of Madush. These investigations are to be carried out to determine whether such assets were used in earnings which came through drug trafficking. 

Right now only the United National Party has been bold in making a statement in favour of eradicating drugs from the society. UNP MP Hector Appuhamy had said at a recent press conference that the Green Party would fully back the eradicating of narcotics from the society. It is common knowledge that drug lords do move closely with a large number of politicians and fund their election campaigns. It is this link drug lords have with the Politicians which makes the iradicating this menace from the society a herculean task. 
It seems that Madush’s capture would jolt the drug business in this island from the perspective of unsuspecting refined individuals. But from the perspective of those dealing with drugs the perishing of Madush would only give rise to a new drug king till he too is nabbed. 

Sri Lanka Seeks Executioner With ‘Excellent Moral Character’

Sri Lanka, whose president is determined to bring back the death penalty, turned to the want ads to find a hangman.CreditCreditDinuka Liyanawatte/Reuters

By Dharisha Bastians and Daniel Victor-Feb. 15, 2019

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — Sri Lanka, intent on reviving the death penalty after a 42-year moratorium, first has to find a hangman.

To that end, the government has placed advertisements in local newspapers, seeking male candidates between 18 and 45 years old with “excellent moral character” and “a very good mind and mental strength.”

The recently intensified search comes as President Maithripala Sirisena has vowed to re-establish hangings for drug traffickers as part of a broader antidrug push. Mr. Sirisena, who is seeking re-election this year, told Parliament recently that the hangings would resume within months.

The president’s antidrug overtures have proved popular, but critics have expressed concern about what could come next. During a state visit to the Philippines in January, Mr. Sirisena hailed President Rodrigo Duterte’s brutal war on drugs there, which has left thousands dead at the hands of the police and vigilantes, calling it an “example to the world.”

Historically in Sri Lanka, the job of executioner has been difficult to fill.

Since 1976, when the government placed its moratorium on executions, the government has regularly advertised the hangman job, hoping to have a candidate trained and ready in case executions resumed. Before then, the post of hangman passed from father to son.

But since the moratorium, just three men have held the post, and all of them abandoned it before carrying out a single execution.

The last one, P.S.U. Premasinghe, 45, landed the job five years ago but resigned in shock at the first sight of the gallows at the main prison in the capital, Colombo, days after he began training. The prison authorities gave him a month to reconsider; he did not. The position has remained open since.

After Mr. Sirisena’s announcement this month that hangings would resume, prison officials began compiling lists of drug offenders on death row. And the Ministry of Justice and Prison Reforms decided this week to import a new noose; the one at the gallows now was brought in from Pakistan 12 years ago and has never been used in an execution.

Despite the 1976 moratorium, judges in this majority-Buddhist country have continued to hand down death sentences, none of which have been carried out. About 1,300 people are on death row, 48 of whom were convicted of drug crimes.

Under Sri Lankan law, murder and drug trafficking carry possible death sentences. Possession of more than two grams of pure heroin, known as diacetylmorphine, is punishable by death.

A few days after Mr. Sirisena’s visit, the Philippine government pledged to send a team of “specialists” to provide technical expertise for Sri Lanka’s battle against drugs.

Death penalty opponents saw the recent advertisements for an executioner as a distressing development.

“This is one job advert that should never have been put out,” Biraj Patnaik, Amnesty International’s regional director for South Asia, who lives in Colombo, said in a Twitter post. “There is no place for the death penalty in a civilized society.”

C.T. Jansz, a commissioner general of prisons in the 1950s, oversaw some executions during his tenure. He said even prison officials found them gory and gut-wrenching, and the environment inside the prison would become oppressive afterward.

“The whole prison mourns,” he said.

Correction: Feb. 16, 2019

An earlier version of this article referred incorrectly to the Sri Lankan government’s decision to obtain a new noose. The noose currently at the gallows in Colombo was imported from Pakistan 12 years ago; the government is not planning to import a 12-year-old noose from Pakistan.

Dharisha Bastians reported from Colombo and Daniel Victor from Hong Kong.

Badurdeen demands Rs.1 billion compensation from Hiru TV

“Contents of the telecast/ broadcast published by you maliciously”- Rishad’s Attorney - Claims Rs One Billon in damages by Letter of Demand

(Lanka e News -15.Feb.2019, 11.00PM)  The Minister of Industry and Commerce has claimed Rs One Billion compensation with regard to a statement broadcast on a local TV channel that allegedly damaged his image, reputation and good will.

In a letter of demand sent by Minister of Industry and Commerce, Resettlement of Protracted Displaced Persons & Cooperative Development Rishad Bathiudeen through the Attorney at Law Shandheepa Gamaathige, Minister Bathiudeen said that a statement by the Secretary of Association of Information Technology Professionals Mr. Lasantha Wickramasinghe, on a prime TV news telecasted on February 6, was false and defamatory.

The Letter of Demand sent by Attorney at Law Shandheepa Gamaathige is reproduced below in full:

“I act for and write on the instructions of my client Hon Minister Rishad Bathiudeen of No 73/1, Galle Road, Colombo 03, the Honorable Minister of Industries and Commerce, Resettlement of Protracted Displaced Persons and Co-operative Development of Sri Lanka. I am instructed to state that my client is the leader of All Ceylon Makkal Congress a recognized political party and a Cabinet Minister. He is held in high esteem and dignity by the general public and this has been reflected in him being repeatedly elected by the people of the Wanni District as their representative in Parliament. I am instructed that on or around 06/02/2019 in the Hiru TV channel prime news telecasted by you along with Mr. Lasantha Wickramasinghe, the Secretary of Association of Information Technology Professionals on this date which contains the false and defamatory statements.

The transcript of the said telecasted video as follows 

"ඉන්දු ලංකා නිදහස් වෙළඳ ගිවිසුම යටතේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ගම්මිරිස් වලට තියෙනවා බදු සහනයක්. මේකෙන් වාසිය ගන්න බලාගෙන රිෂාඩ් බදුර්දීන් මහත්තයාගේ සහෝදරයෙක් මේ ඍජුවම සම්බන්ධ වෙලා වියට්නාමයෙන් ගම්මිරිස් ගෙන්නල මේඩ් ඉන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා කියලා සහතික කරලා ඒවා යවනවා ඉන්දියාවට කිලෝ එක රුපියල් එක්දහස් අටසීයට තිබිච්ච ගම්මිරිස් රුපියල් හයසීයට කිලෝ එක දක්වා මේ ජාවාරම නිසා පහතට වැටිලා තිබෙනවා.  පසුගිය මාස 8 තුල කන්ටේනර් එකසිය තිස් හතරක් යවලා තියෙනවා. ටොන් දෙදාස් පන්සීයට තමයි අපේ කෝටා එක තියෙන්නේ. රිෂාඩ් බදුර්දීන් අමාත්‍යවරයා යටතේ තමයි වානිජ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව තිබුනේ. මල්ලි ගෙන්වනවා, අයියා දෙනවා සහතිකය. මේවා ගෙනාවේ ලංකාවෙන් කියලා. ඊට පස්සෙ ආයි මල්ලි යවනවා. මේ සඳහා රේගුවෙන් නිලධාරියෙක් යොදාගෙන තිබෙනවා. මේ සඳහා සම්බන්ධ පුද්ගලයන්ගෙ නම් ගම් මාධ්‍යයේ පළ වෙන්න ඔ්නෙ. මේ රජය පත්වුනේ මේ වංචාවට දූෂනයට එරෙහිව නමුත් මේ රජයේ ඇමැතිවරුන් මැදිහත් වෙලා කරන දූෂණ වලට එරෙහි වන පුද්ගලයන්ට දඬුවම් දෙන්න, ඔවුන් මාරු කරන්න රජයේ ඇමැතිවරුන් ක්‍රියා කරනවා. මේ වර්ජනය හරහා සිද්ධ වෙච්ච ඉතාම හොඳ දෙයක් තමයි මෙය වැරදියි කියලා හැමෝම දැනගෙන හැමෝම ඔවුන් සමග එකතු වුනා. ඍණාත්මක විවේචන කෙළේ නෑ. ඒක නිසා තමයි රජයට සිද්ධ වුනේ කකුල පස්සට අරගෙන මාස තුනකට හරි තාවකාලිකව පත් කරන්න."

“Therefore, I am instructed to state that the contents of the said telecasting/ broadcasting is fundamentally false, wrong and have been published by you maliciously, and/or with reckless disregard for the truth and with the knowledge that the said publication will lower my client's esteem in the eyes of the general public. As a result my client has been defamed and brought into disrepute.

Thereby I am instructed to state that in the said telecasting and/or broadcasting you have damaged and/or caused damage to the reputation and good will of my client who is a reputed and respected leader of the public.

I am instructed to state that my client has suffered immense and tremendous damage to his image, reputation and good will and my client estimates the damage caused at Rupee One Billion (Rs. 1,000,000,000).

Therefore I have been instructed to demand and I hereby demand the payment of the said sum of Rupees One Billion within fourteen days from the date of this letter. On your failure to comply with this demand I have been instructed to institute legal action against you for the recovery of the said sum of Rupee One Billion together with costs and to assert all rights available to my client under the Law.

Signed - Attorney at Law Shandheepa Gamaathige“

---------------------------
by     (2019-02-15 19:39:10)

Gramasevakata Pissu: Political censorship and popular culture

Featured image courtesy ITNtv.lk

ANNEMARI DE SILVA-02/15/2019

‘The book that is suppressed gets more attention as a ghost than it would have had alive; the writer who is gagged today is famous tomorrow for having been gagged’ – J.M. Coetzee

Kopi Kade is arguably one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic television series, certainly its longest-running, having started out in the late 1980s and now numbering at over 1600 episodes. I remember watching Kopi Kade, seated at the foot of my father’s easy-chair, not understanding (as a nine, ten, eleven-year-old) the incisive commentary the show was making. Soon enough as a teen, I was glued to other forms of popular culture and left this one behind. At least, until a few days ago when a journalist’s tweet caught my eye:

Roel Raymond@kataclysmichaos

The state-run ITN has reportedly banned an episode of Kopikade titled "Gramasevekata Pissu". The episode features a manic 'Gramasevaka' wielding a sword. Kopikade is the longest-running Teledrama in the country's television history. #lka

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The tweet was followed by comments rapidly connecting this fictional gramasevaka to the real-life gramasevaka-turned-president, Maithripala Sirisena. Some articles published a day later explicitly connected the gist of the episode with (a) Sirisena famously starting out as a gramasevaka in Polonnaruwa earlier in his political career and (b) his remarks about wielding a sword to fight corruption. These connections are made, of course, in the context of the recent constitutional crisis and the chaos and ‘madness’ that ensued from Sirisena’s (mis)use of executive power on October 26th 2018.

There are no official details on why the episode what shut down nor who took the decision and as these things generally go, we will probably never know. What we do know, however, is that these incidents are not uncommon in Sri Lanka. We have an unfortunately rich history of arbitrary political censorship of cultural production. It has affected theatre, film, music, political cartoons, and now teledramas.

In the world of theatre, the popular English-language play series Pusswedilla was subject to arbitrary censorship due to its easily-made connection to contemporary politics. Pusswedillawas a satire centred on the eponymous bumbling, corrupt politician, produced during the regime of Mahinda Rajapakse. The Public Performances Board, commonly known as the Censor Board, stepped in to demand changes to the play before it was allowed to be performed. The changes requested seem quite arbitrary. Initially they requested the location name to be changed from Sri Lanka to something else; creator Feroze Kamardeen came up with ‘Arsik Land’ which is an almost-anagram of Sri Lanka. Later, the PPB requested the show be performed on some days but not others, without clear reason as to why. The PPB’s final intervention was to ban Pusswedilla outright because it was critical of the imminent meeting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government.

Music has also suffered similar arbitrary silencing. In ‘Censorship: A World Encyclopedia’, Derek Jones notes how the classic film song ‘Rajina Mamai Ape Rajye‘ (I’m the queen of our kingdom), sung by Latha Walpola, was banned from public broadcast while women candidates Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika Kumaratunge led opposition parties. Once Kumaratunga won the elections in 1994, it was broadcast immediately after she was sworn in.

Notably, neither of these examples occurred legally through a state mechanism that was actually empowered to censor for political reasons. The only such mechanism that existed was during times of Emergency, when censorial powers were granted to a separate, temporary competent authority. The emergency censor of the early 2000s was also exposed for its arbitrary decisions and partisanship through the clever use of political cartoons by the former editor of the Sunday Leader, Lasantha Wickrematunge.

On May 9th 2000, Wickrematunge sent in a cartoon drawn by S. C. Opatha that reproduced a cartoon published by a government newspaper that showed Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, leader of the United National Party (UNP), as a waiter serving LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran at the ‘UNP Hotel’. He also sent in some fictitious articles blaming the war situation on the former UNP government’s policies. The articles and cartoon all passed the censor but on 10th May, Wickrematunge sent the same items but replacing Wickremesinghe with President Kumaratunga and the ‘UNP’ with ‘PA’ (i.e. People’s Alliance, President Kumaratunga’s party) in both the cartoons and the article. They were rejected immediately, revealing the censor’s obvious partisanship for the PA. On May 14th, The Sunday Leaderpublished a full page exposé entitled ‘Censor exposed’ under the authorship of Ariya Borusinghe, a pseudonym that plays on the name of the censor, Ariya Rubasinghe.

There are numerous other examples of this kind of censorship in other art forms. However, at this juncture, it is important to note two facets of censorship that decision-makers ought to be wary of when choosing to silence cultural production.

Firstly, as the opening quote by Coetzee articulates, censored items get more attention by the sheer fact of being censored. One need only look to recent examples like the novel Budunge Rasthiyaduwa or the film Silence in the Courts (Usaviya Nihadai) to understand the attractive power of censorship. The court injunction on Silence in the Courts only served to drive more crowds to it in theatres: it was the first locally-made documentary to have screenings in major theatres and successfully attract crowds. The social media outrage and consequent arrest of those involved in the novel, Budunge Rasthiyaduwa, ensured that the book was on everyone’s lips, online and in offline literary forums. In the buzz, it soon became available as a pdf document online and widely shared. In fact, the author is accused of manipulating the anticipated outrage and social censorship to market his book. Artists appear to be well aware of this attractive quality of censorship. Authorities, on the other hand, fall prey to the temptation of forced silencing, which works against their interests in the end.

The second facet of censorship dynamics is that of ‘imagined outrage’.

The censor acts, or believes he acts, in the interest of a community. In practice he often acts out the outrage of that community, or imagines its outrage and acts it out; sometimes he imagines both the community and its outrage – J.M. Coetzee

In the case of Pusswedilla, Mahinda Rajapakse intervened and allowed the show to be staged after the PPB had banned it. The PPB had effectively ‘imagined’ the outrage of the then-President, which proved not to be the case. In Opatha’s cartoon, Ariya Rubasinghe and his team were the ones making a decision about what to censor: they too had to ‘imagine’ the outrage of the incumbent People’s Alliance party. This imagining is partly the inherent nature of the censor: they must act on behalf of a community, person, or set of principles. The problem arises when this backfires and draws excess attention to the very thing that was meant to be silenced. The intermediary remains responsible for the decision while the people on behalf of whom action was taken would have the liberty of taking a tolerant stance towards the censored item. The censor is caught between the public and the protected person(s).

What, then, of the Kopi Kade incident? It is unlikely that the President himself would have vetted the episode; rather, other individuals privy to the production process would have halted it in anticipation of yet another ‘imagined’ outrage. Rather than allowing the public to laugh at the usual jokes of Kopi Kade and simply move on, we are left instead with the (possibly wrong) impression of a leadership that cannot take a joke. Moreover, those who took the decision to halt the episode are now faced with the unwarranted attention for this singular episode guaranteed by the attention caused by censorship. Indeed, which other episode of Kopi Kadedo you remember by its title alone?