Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, February 12, 2019

Sri Lanka to buy MI 17 from Russia ?


Sri Lanka is negotiating with Russia the purchase of a new batch of Russian Mi-17 helicopters, which the country will use in UN peacekeeping missions, Sri Lankan Ambassador to Russia Dayan Jayatilleka told pro-Russian government’s news portal, the Sputnik on Sunday.”There is a commission that discusses the purchase of Mi-17 helicopters,” Jayatilleka said, specifying that the country was going to purchase the helicopters for taking part in UN peacekeeping missions.
The ambassador recalled that Mi-17s were on the agenda of a Sri Lankan senior defence officials’ visit to Moscow in early September 2018.
While negotiations are underway, no specific document has been signed yet, and the number of helicopters that Sri Lanka is going to purchase has not been defined, Jayatilleka specified.
Sri Lanka has been purchasing Mi-17 helicopters since the early 1990s.
According to a pro-Russian government’s mouthpiece, Sputnik News, “The Mi-17 medium twin-turbine helicopter is manufactured in a variety of forms, including cargo, passenger, search and rescue, flying hospital and firefighting models. Over 100 countries worldwide have purchased Mi-17 helicopters.”

What promises?

The Sunday Times Sri Lanka Sunday, February 10, 2019

My dear Green Man,

I thought I must write to you when I heard that you were planning to set up another ‘national’ government with the help of a few others who wish to prop up the Greens. Considering what happened to the last national government you had with the Blues, I must say I was surprised.

I don’t know whether you remember, Green Man, you promised at the last election to limit the number of Cabinet ministers to 30. You argued that having dozens of ministers with ridiculous sounding portfolios did not help the country at all, and only cost the government more money.

You also said, along with Aiyo Sirisena, that the subjects assigned to ministries would be scientifically determined. So, we ended up with ministries such as Highways and Higher Education linked together, probably because many of our university students spend most of their time protesting on the roads!

Still, we had nearly four dozen ministers – and another four dozen deputy ministers, state ministers and ministers without portfolios – all in the name of a ‘national’ government that had a two-thirds majority which you said was necessary to push through constitutional changes that made us more democratic.

The only constitutional change that you managed to push through was the 19th Amendment. That may have its flaws, but it did bring in a few checks and balances such as the Constitutional Council. It also clipped the wings of Aiyo Sirisena who, in those days when he was sane, agreed to those changes.

If you care to look back, you will recall that around this time last year, Aiyo Sirisena was busy plotting your political demise. So, he did nothing to discourage a motion of no-confidence against you. Fortunately, the Greens – even those who didn’t like you that much – rallied around you. You survived.

At that time, you were full of remorse. You told us you will mend your ways. You said you will listen to what was said about you. You promised to change the way you conduct the affairs of government. You promised to address the grievances of people instead of trying to please the ‘tie coat’ gentry.

Unfortunately, you didn’t. After you overcame that crisis you forgot about even those in your own party who supported you. It was business as usual for you. You went back to governing the country in your own way, as if nothing had happened. You forgot the promises you made to change your ways.
Six months later, Aiyo Sirisena decided to take matters into his own hands and sacked you arbitrarily. You survived again only because everyone else in the opposition rallied around you and also because Karu and those sitting in the highest court in the land had the courage to do what was right.

Miraculously, you had been given another chance, despite not keeping your promises after surviving the no-confidence vote. Even those who were not Greens – such as the rathu sahodarayas – openly supported you not because they love you more, but because they didn’t want the Constitution violated.

Again, we heard a familiar tune: You wanted to make a fresh start with a new government. You said you will use the remaining year of your term for the benefit of the people. After getting a taste of Aiyo Sirisena and Mahinda maama’s shameless attempts to grab power, people still wanted to support you.

We thought you had learnt your lessons by then. Many wanted to see a new Cabinet with young faces and new ideas. Instead, we got one with the same old people desperately hanging on to their jobs, instead of going into retirement. You even gave Bond Ravi a place at the cabinet table again!
Now we hear you want to form another national government. To do so, you have to get together with a chap from Rauf’s party and, at most, a few rats deserting Aiyo Sirisena’s sinking Blue ship. All this jugglery is to enable more people to call themselves Cabinet ministers and enjoy the perks of office.

Do you really believe, Green Man, that the people will support this move, when they can hardly make ends meet? Do you think they will vote for you just because you have appointed 48 Cabinet ministers, 5 non-Cabinet ministers, 30 deputy ministers and 15 state ministers?

Do you honestly believe that your proposed mega-Cabinet will usher in unprecedented development in the next 10 months? Do you remember that your Uncle JR’s Cabinet 40 years ago which gave us ‘udaagam’ ‘mahapola’ and ‘mahaveli’ had just 20 ministers apart from JR and Preme?

Whenever Aiyo Sirisena makes a statement now, we take it with a pinch of salt because he speaks with forked tongue. Yet, when he used his Independence Day address to rubbish your proposal for a national government, most people agreed with him. So, think about that again, will you, Green Man?
Yours truly,

Punchi Putha

PS: The Greens with you in charge remind me of our cricketers in Australia. They had the best chance to beat the Aussies because their top men were disgraced and sacked for ball tampering. Yet, our chaps somehow ensured that we lost. You had the perfect chance to return because Aiyo Sirisena and Mahinda maama were disgraced for tampering with the Constitution. Yet, your latest actions are ensuring that one of them will return. Now, with our cricketers, we sacked Chandimal, didn’t we?

JVP will field presidential candidate if 20-A falls through – Lal K

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by Percy Kuruneru- 


The JVP would be compelled to field its own presidential candidate if it failed to secure the passage of the 20th Amendment to the Constitution, JVP politburo member and trade union wing leader KD Lalkantha said.

Addressing a meeting, at Medawachchiya, on Friday, Lalkantha said: "We have not given up our struggle to get the 20th Amendment to the Constitution passed in Parliament. It is our hope that there won’t be another presidential election.

"Both President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe promised, in 2015, that they would abolish the executive presidency. I do not think that people will believe in their promises any longer. Both the President and Prime Minister are planning to hold another presidential election and dreaming of securing the presidency. In the meantime, we are trying to get the 20th Amendment passed in Parliament. If this situation continues, then we will make the next Presidential polls a three-cornered fight by fielding our own candidate. There would be a JVP candidate against UNP and SLFP candidates.

"It is crystal clear that Prime Minister Wickremesinghe will never win a presidential election. Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa cannot contest.

"There are leading political characters are behind drug lords. The drug menace started in this country thanks to politicians. Since this is an election year, the politicians have started a pseudo-war against drugs. The ultimate goal of that war against drugs is to win votes."

From worms in food to jilted lovers, the first recourse is social media

 
 2019-02-13


Last week one of the Sri Lankan journalists, Rahul Samantha Hettiarchchi from Hambantota, whom I have worked with for a long time, had the worst type of experience in byline theft. Hettiarchchi, who is a pioneer in the use of the Right to Information Act for his reporting had just submitted a month-long investigative story on Minister Sajith Premadasa. When the story appeared, he was in for a rude shock – above his byline was that of a staffer from Colombo! 

A livid Hettiarchchi, called the newspaper editor and the journalist with whom now he reluctantly shared a byline. Both were conciliatory, the former apologized and the latter feigned ignorance on the double byline. 

  • What Facebook did was something that could not have been done without it
  • Social media allows for news, gossip, rumour, opinion, insults, almost anything to be posted

It is Hettiarchchi’s next step that is of interest to the gamut of this column. He took his grievances on to Facebook. His complaint was taken over by colleagues and friends. What Facebook did was something that could not have been done without it. If Hettiarchchi’s complaint had been limited to those phone calls and a letter, only those within those circles would have known about it. But with Facebook, not only did this unethical act became well-known; but so were the culprits – name and shame are now more effective. 

What mainstream legacy media generally holds back, sometimes due to a sense of archaic attitude but more often due to advertising and political pressure, social media outs without much fuss. 
Soon after the arrest of Makandure Madush, all kinds of rumours began swirling about his connections to politicians. Soon enough, Facebook posts and Instagram memes began to pop up on these. On at least one occasion, an MP thought it fit to counter those allegations on Facebook from the floor of the parliament. Now there is even a retort to his parliamentary speech. By week’s end, the original post had been shared over 1500 times and the rejoinder 900 times. Yesterday the lead story in an English newspaper was all on these allegations. 

Another example of how potent social media has become is when Minister Harsha de Silva posted a picture of a billboard of the opening of a new public swimming pool with his face on it. That post generated some major blowback and some hilarious memes. De Silva later ordered the billboard to be changed announcing that he had taken note of public criticism of his actions. His picture was taken off, but those memes have not vanished. Without social media and those reactions, it is unlikely that minister de Silva would have got to know about the deep felt public apathy for such stunts, in such a quick time or in such volume. One click, and anybody can now make anybody else, including ministers aware of how they feel. 
When worms were discovered in some food served at Colombo’s newest food court, the video went viral and the management was quick to take action. For such a complaint to get onto legacy media, it would have taken far longer
Another example, but this one showing the negative side of social media is the video of a young woman’s suicidal rant. This would never have been put on any legacy media, but has made it on to Facebook, posted by the woman herself. It has racked up over 473,000 views and 6,500 shares. Another video of similar strain by the same person had been watched over 65,000 times. That is half a million views and counting of a love story gone horribly wrong. 

Whether such videos should be allowed to circulate in public domain is the big question. And also, whether Facebook, which is by far the most accessed social media forum in Sri Lanka is capable of monitoring such content coming in Sinhala. All the above posts were in Sinhala, which goes on to show that part of the attraction and popularity of Facebook is linked to how easily it supports vernacular posts. 

Social media seems to be the first recourse now. When worms were discovered in some food served at Colombo’s newest food court, the video went viral and the management was quick to take action. For such a complaint to get onto legacy media, it would have taken far longer. There is also no guarantee that advertising or other pressures would have culled the video. 

Social media allows for news, gossip, rumour, opinion, insults, almost anything to be posted. On a positive note, it creates for divergent views that could otherwise be kept out of public domain and resists censorship.
 
On the other side, the same lack of gatekeepers allows for fake news, misinformation, rumour, innuendo and personal attacks to be made accessible to millions. User discretion is paramount. 
The author is the Asia-Pacific Coordinator for the DART Centre for Journalism and Trauma, a project of the Columbia Journalism School

The role of religion in conflict, peacebuilding and governance

Today, sadly, although nearly everyone in Sri Lanka claims to have a religious affiliation, religion and governance have

corrupted each other – Pic by Shehan Gunasekara 
Religious organisations and beliefs are potential

drivers of, or barriers to, social change - the transformation of social and political structures in pursuit of, for instance, democratisation, participation, human rights, social inclusion and gender equality. Social movements play an important role in achieving the deep-rooted changes needed for social development – University of Birmingham research project on religions, governance and development


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Wednesday, 13 February 2019 

The backdrop to this article is the Religion for Good Governance initiative launched by a group of socially conscious humanitarians and the meditation session led by the Ven. Galkande Dhammananda Thero, Swami Gunatitanada Sarawvati, Sheikh Siyad Ibrahim and Bishop Duleep de Chickera to collectively promote peacebuilding and good governance through adherence to the real teachings of the religions represented by these eminent individuals.

The second of a series of programs, this session conducted last Saturday, was aimed at focusing one’s mind through meditation, for removing barriers that human beings themselves have made to divide themselves, and calling for responsible, fair and just governance. The session was also an inner reflection for all responsible citizens, to collectively and spiritually evaluate where and how we have failed in achieving this goal of peaceful co-existence.

Those who were fortunate to attend the session were spiritually uplifted at the end the session. The message from all religious teachers was powerful, yet simple. It was a message for reflecting on one self before passing judgement on others. It was a message to separate the myth and mist from fact and to live the real teachings of the great religious teachers and to place qualities of humanity above what divides human beings

The relevance and timeliness of this initiative in Sri Lanka and the research work done by Dr. Rama Mani, Senior Research Associate who was associated with the University of Oxford Research Project on The Paradoxical Role of Religion and Spirituality in Conflict, Peacebuilding and Governance has great synonymity, and prompted the writer to pen this article.

Introduction (this is a direct citation from the above research project conducted by Dr. Mani):

“The projection in the mid-1980s that with modernity the world would undergo an inevitable secularisation has been proven largely wrong. As we have witnessed since 1989, religion has again become an increasingly important factor in shaping the lives and influencing the decisions of innumerable people across all continents. This includes the USA and much of Europe, which were believed till recently to be secular. Religion claims the hearts and minds of 90% of our population (Gallup Poll of 2000), with 75% of them belonging to the four major religions – outof the bewildering plethora over 10,000 religions or religious denominations that claim to exist with smaller bodies of faithful. All four major religions and many of the others, particularly those harking back to the earlier periods of human history – the cosmotheandric or so called ‘animist’ religions – preach notions of compassion, love for fellow beings, peace and harmony as normal and desirable goals, and exhort both the individual believer and religious leaders or teachers to pursue these tirelessly.

“Yet, religions continue to be more often associated by design or default, by intent or accident, with violence and conflict, and it is becoming increasingly important to understand why this is so and how it can be changed.

“The fields of International Relations and Political Science largely overlooked the role of religion for the last several decades. Huntingdon’s ‘Clash of Civilizations,’ and the terrorist attacks of 9.11 marginally increased attention to religion in politics. Since then, it has become less credible to ignore religion’s impact as political events have unfolded on national and global stages. Yet, despite a spattering of popular books examining religion and violence, and particularly examining the role of Islam – tapping into the 9.11 phenomena, there has not yet been sufficient attention afforded to the underlying reasons for religion’s violent potential across major religions, and to the levers to transform this violent nexus. It is well accepted that it is fallacious to only associate Islam with violence, as all major religions and several minor religions or sects have been associated with violence, oppression and conflict, and yet this dangerous presumption prevails unspoken and unchallenged. There is today an urgent need for IR and Political Science to reopen the doors to serious investigation of the role of religion and even seek the contribution of spiritual wisdom in dealing with imminent challenges and conundrums of governance.

“Today, it is of pressing importance to understand the underlying causes for the nexus between religion and violence, and to seek to transform it to a positive relationship between religion and peace. It is also essential to establish a healthy relationship between religious wisdom or spirituality and the foundations of governance. As existing institutions and processes of global governance are being challenged for both their legitimacy and their effectiveness, and are losing credibility due to their inability to predict, prevent or mitigate violence, there is an urgent need to examine how the time-tested wisdom of spirituality might contribute to enhanced peaceful governance of human societies.

“So far, despite some academic studies, neither policy makers responsible for decision making on governance and peace, nor the public has a deep understanding of the complex and contentious relationship between religion, violence and governance, and how it might be changed. The views of both public and policy makers are largely shaped by media reports, hearsay and generalisations, and this is hardly a sound basis for policy making. There is an urgent need to move towards a deeper understanding and begin the work of transformation.

“The upheavals in the Arab world demonstrate in good part the great changes are afoot in the world, whose dimensions, contours and consequences cannot be predicted. Relationships and assumptions, such as the role of religion in politics, once regarded as irrevocable are shattering. This is a ripe moment to conduct this research and undertake the seminar and conference proposed in this project, in order to contribute to the critical debate on the future role and contribution of religion and spirituality to peace and governance.”
Religion and governance in Sri Lanka
Religion and governance have been inseparably linked in Sri Lanka for centuries. Religion influenced, to a lesser or greater degree, the basis and justification, the mandate and limits of just and peaceful governance.

It is well recorded how Sovereigns of Sri Lanka turned to religion, mainly Buddhism, for its legitimacy and authority. And since one key objective of religions claimed to establish peace on earth and between men, there was a natural and legitimate role for religions in establishing the foundations of sound governance and just peace.

The doctrines of the major religions except Buddhism, believed in the good going to heaven and being one with God, while the doctrine of Buddha was different in the sense that it was about unsatisfactoriness associated with the cycle of life and how one could liberate oneself from it. The Buddha outlined how this could be done, but he was very clear that it had to be a journey that each individual had to undertake and realise for himself or herself. He was not a divine individual but another human being who had found a way for liberation from a cycle of life.

However, the Buddha also realised that most would find it difficult to comprehend his doctrine and he too preached about sound governance and just peace. Above all, he preached about humanitarianism which is about the value of human life. His point was that humanitarianism is a way of life, it is about compassion and understanding that what divides human beings comes after birth and not at the point of birth.

Today, sadly, although nearly everyone in Sri Lanka claims to have a religious affiliation, religion and governance have corrupted each other. The expectation for religions to unite and solve disputes has been overpowered by the capacity of religious institutions of various faiths and denominations to divide and oppress. The teachings of Buddha, Christ, Prophet Mohammed by and large have been taken over and corrupted to the advantages of the institutions associated with these teachings

Why is this so? Is this inevitable? And can it be changed? Can the latent potential of spirituality to act as a factor for peacebuilding be unleashed? Can the spiritual wisdom drawn from the world’s diverse religions contribute to deepening the foundations of sound and peaceful governance, rather than uprooting them? What has been done by the research project in examining critically the controversial and paradoxical role that religion has played in both fuelling conflict and feeding peacebuilding, and uncovering the largely untapped potential of spirituality to contribute to peaceful governance, is as valid for the research project as it is for Sri Lanka.

As an overriding comment, one can say that in Sri Lanka, religions, by default, and by their silence when violence and discord was rampant, have been complicit in fuelling more violence. Unlike in some countries, religions have been and continue to be more often associated not by design, but by default, with violence and conflict. In particular, the leaders of the religion of some 70% of Sri Lankans, Buddhism, have been conspicuous by their silence every time communal violence has erupted in Sri Lanka.

The notion that Buddhism has to be protected by the Sinhala Buddhists has contributed to developing schisms within the country as Buddha did not have any boundaries or restrictions and considered his philosophy universal and a way of life. Proponents of the theory that Buddhism has to be so protected, may be surprised to know that in Australia, Buddhism was the fastest growing religion in the country in 2018.

Venerable Galkande Dhammananda, the only Monk pupil of the scholar Venerable Walpola Rahula, is an exception to this generalisation, and has stood out as a Buddhist Monk who has spoken and worked for peace. He often refers to the fact that Sri Lanka has had violent communal clashes virtually every seven years since independence. Not a record to be proud of.

This article makes an attempt to relate the status quo as seen by many in Sri Lanka today to the three areas of investigation in the research project mentioned earlier. It needs to be said at the outset that this article is not a scholarly article and not based on research work done in the country. It is based on the observations, reports and topical interviews that are available in the internet. The writer would also wish to state that when referring to “religions role” below, what is actually meant is the role of religious institutions as the writer sees a very clear distinction between the two.

Religion’s role in contributing to peacebuilding and peaceful governance;

Underlying reasons why religions cause division and violent conflict; and

The potential of religion and spirituality to build peace and establish the foundations of just governance could be tapped.

These three components of Dr. Mani’s research project are briefly described below.
1. Religion and peacebuilding
The research project of Dr. Mani started with the positive side of the ledger.

It first examined religion’s peacebuilding record and performance. It uncovered the important role that religious leaders have often played in crystallising peace processes. It also highlighted ongoing but as yet unsuccessful initiatives which have nevertheless helped incrementally to build trust between opposing sides. It traced the growth of the interfaith movement, the impact of its charismatic leaders, and the influence of this movement on peace and governance. It noted that there was a general rise in the expressed desire and manifested attempts of religious groups of diverse denominations to contribute to peace, whether at local, national or global level, even if ‘success’ is hard to evaluate in each case.

Turning to Sri Lanka, the questions posed to readers are as follows:

To what extent have religions been involved in peace building?

What role have religious leaders played in advancing peace amongst communities?

Do we have an interfaith movement, and what role have they played in influencing peace and governance?

To what extent have religious groups of diverse denominations contributed to peace building?
2. Religion and conflict
The research project then moved to the more negative reality. Despite their ostensibly peaceful aims and potential, the world’s leading religions had ceased to serve as remedies for violent conflict, but had become a malady fuelling conflict.

Religion had become the instrument, a convenient crutch or cudgel, for belligerents of all faiths. The project examined the different kinds of violence fostered or tolerated by religions and the underlying reasons for the pernicious nexus between religion and conflict. Religions of all hues and shades, and especially the major religions which hold sway over the vast majority of the world’s faithful, have variously condoned, incited, financed, sanctioned, or exhorted violent conflict. Nor is religiously incited violence restricted only to violent armed conflict.

Beyond overt violent conflict lie all the other forms of violence within society associated with religions. There is violence within religions, between religions and between the religious and secular; between believers and heretics. There is the structural violence, the ‘negative peace’ of injustice, exclusion and discrimination that religions birth and breeds or fails to condemn and eliminate: the distinctions between ‘believer’ and ‘non-believer’, between high-caste and untouchable, between ‘saved’ and ‘heathen’ souls, between ‘pure’ and ‘infidel’.

Turning to Sri Lanka, Dr. Mani would have found that rather than there being conflict amongst religions, there has been a high level of co-existence amongst religions at most times, no doubt with periodic exceptions to this rule. Co-existence however has not produced collaborative efforts to promote peace and more just governance. One could say that we do have structural violence referred to by Dr. Mani or the ‘negative peace’ of injustice, exclusion and discrimination due to society stratification and caste, and the Sinhalisation of Buddhism, that religions have failed to condemn.

The fact that the Malwatta chapter of Sri Lanka’s Buddhist institution does not give higher ordination to Buddhist Monks unless they belong to the Govigama caste is both un-Buddhistic and unjust. It is a literal slap in the face of Buddha himself who preached against all forms of discrimination. The structural division by chapters within the Buddhist institution itself is anathema to the Buddha’s teachings.

The caste-based discriminatory practices within the Hindu religions are known although the degree of prevalence will be known only to Hindus themselves. To the best of the writer’s knowledge, while Islam too does not recognise a caste system, some form of social stratification exists amongst Muslims particularly in South Asia. Similar stratification exists amongst Christians in India. Christian denomination divisions such as Roman Catholicism, Eastern Orthodoxy, Oriental Orthodoxy, Anglicans, Protestants are well known, although whether these divisions are in conformity with the teachings of Christ is something for Christians to ponder.

What is relevant to this article is whether the major religions, along with their divisions, whether faith based or institution based, have played a role in advancing peace in Sri Lankaand influencing just governance, or whether, by their silence and lack of pro activity have indirectly contributed to violence and discord.
3. Transforming religion and tapping spirituality to establish peaceful governance
Dr. Mani says that despite his findings of component 2 above, the main thrust of this research is not to denigrate religions but rather to demonstrate that they have a tremendous largely untapped potential to serve as a bridge for peacebuilding and just governance, and to indicate how this transformation could be effected.

Turning to Sri Lanka, one cannot agree more with Dr. Mani’s assertion. The objective of his research and the assessment of the Sri Lankan situation is not to denigrate the religions or the religious institutions. Sri Lanka is steeped in culture and history associated with the major religions of the world. The challenge is to harness the enormous influence these religions have with the people of Sri Lanka and to bring them closer to the fundamental teachings of all the religions and through this, to promote humanitarianism, peace and just governance.

The question we should ask ourselves is about the extent to which we practice the teachings of Buddha, Christ and Prophet Mohamed, the philosophies of Hinduism or whether our practices are now what is promoted and supported by the institutions that have sprung up in the name of these religions. One should also ask whether there is a need to defend a particular religion and by appearing to defend, whether we are in fact defending the institutions rather than the religion.

A question does arise whether in fact there is a need to defend a religion as religions are basically a way of living. A person will lose his or her religion if that person fails to live in line with the teachings of the particular religion and in this context, external forces cannot destroy a religion. The next question is about the extent to which these institutions have contributed to peace building and good governance or whether by their inactivity and/or silence, they have in fact contributed to lack of harmony and unjust and corrupt governance.

In conclusion, it is timely for the Religion for Good Governance initiative to become more widespread and other similar minded individuals to emulate this initiative and promote peace building and good governance based on the real teachings of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Islam and not the contrived versions of these great religions.

This message needs to be shared at grass root level as that is where a majority of Sri Lankans live. No doubt initiatives at this level or for that matter at any level, could be and would be hi jacked by self-serving politicians and their supporters within religious institutions. This is a price we have to pay for allowing the politicisation of religious institutions. The only way is for the people to rise above politics and de politicise religions and take the country back to peace and harmony, and good governance through the fundamental teachings and tenets of the major religions.

Re-Visiting The Narcotics Issue 


Dr. Upatissa Pethiyagoda
logoThe arrests in Dubai of many celebrants, presumably Sri Lankans, in a joint operation by our Law Enforcement officials and the Dubai officials, has brought into focus many interesting issues.
1. Almost all the detainees have tested positive for narcotics and are to be brought before their Courts in Dubai.
2. Considering the UAE’s attitude towards, even alcohol and the heavy penalties that are imposed, it is probable that these arrestees may even invite execution.
3. This incident seems to have spurred our own authorities, (a Domino Effect?) with a catch of many local drug related operators. The links and operational details of how these kinds of criminal networks have functioned should be of obvious interest. How is it that the super-charged effort now had to await the Dubai operation? 
4. Will the pursuit of the local Drug Lords lead to more “juicy” disclosures?
5. What are the legal factors that will determine whether the prosecutions will take place in Dubai or Sri Lanka?
The unbelievably massive quantities of Heroin and the calculated Street Values of these seizures, is mind boggling. They may even exceed our annual budget! The detections probably represent only a very small fraction of the total amounts entering our country. When the hundreds of Kilograms of Heroin or similar drugs intercepted are converted to the average size of a “fix”, how do they match the number of addicts that we are supposed to harbor? It will most certainly outstrip by far, the amounts locally consumed. This would suggest that our estimate of addicts is abysmally low or that we are a trans-shipment point. Either does nothing to enhance our international reputation. It cannot escape our notice that only the small fry, who are caught peddling milligram amounts of drugs, are netted while the wholesale dealers escape attention.
The nexus between narcotic Drug Lords and politicians is obvious. A haul of some 200 odd Kilograms detected by Customs in containers, saw the office of the then Prime Minister (And Minister of Buddhasasana) intervening to get the Customs to release the suspect containers. There was also the case where a notorious kingpin was trapped by a carefully executed operation, when no less than the President of that time, arriving by helicopter to embrace the criminal, in a clear signal that the exercise be abandoned. In both instances, the public was not informed about ensuing actions – probably because there were none! How can a country so besmirched hope to command respect?    
Our President has recently repeated that the death penalty be imposed on the kingpins of the Drug menace. It is assumed that he will keep to his word, to sign the requisite papers to initiate action. Interestingly, we are reported to have ordered two new nooses because the ones we have perished through disuse. It is decades since the last hangings. Meanwhile, two new hangmen have been recruited (of whom one has resigned because he was bored through inaction). Here a distinction has to be made between derivatives of opium (the opiates that include heroin, morphine and cocaine) and Marijuana (Ganja) which has been de-criminalized in several countries – the latest being Canada. It is confidently expected that many may soon fall in line. There is considerable evidence of many health benefits (although this means that the claims are mostly anecdotal). This has to be so, because proper, rigorous trials could not be conducted as possession or cultivation were illegal.

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Palestinian-American author changes narrative of her life with debut novel

Etaf Rum’s powerful debut, A Woman is No Man, offers an unblemished view into the lives of three generations of Palestinian-American women in Brooklyn, New York
Etaf Rum says writing 'A Woman is No Man': gave her strength (Courtesy of Etaf Rum/Instagram)

Etaf Rum would not have become a celebrated Palestinian-American writer if she had listened to what she was told as a child about what a woman could hope to do with her life.
Rum teaches English and literature in North Carolina, and she is the blogger behind the successful Bookstagram account Books and Beans. But to achieve all this, she had to break free of family expectations and an arranged marriage.
“Growing up I was taught that there were limits to what women could do in society. Whenever I expressed a desire to step outside the prescribed path of marriage and motherhood, I was reminded over and over again: a woman is no man,” writes Rum, in a letter to prospective readers of her debut novel A Woman is No Man (AWINM). 
This powerful work of fiction, which will be published in March, has already been chosen for Book of the Month fiction review site's February list and is among Marie Claire and Cosmopolitan’s most exciting 2019 releases by women and people of colour.
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Rum says her intention was to represent things as honestly as possible in her book (Courtesy of Etaf Rum/Instagram)
The book tells the story of three generations of Palestinian-American women in Brooklyn. Fareeda is a grandmother who fled a refugee camp in Palestine following the Nakba (the Catastrophe) with her family and is portrayed as a conservative woman eager to keep her family and Arab traditions intact.
Isra is Fareeda’s daughter-in-law who is married to her son Adam. She is in an abusive relationship but doesn’t want to displease her family by separating from her husband. 
And Deya is Adam and Isra’s rebellious teenage daughter, who refuses to be sucked into the same cycle of oppression and abuse that her mother and grandmother have painfully and silently endured. 

A personal story

“A Woman Is No Man is based largely on my upbringing,” Rum tells MEE, saying she did not want to write a memoir since many of the issues were so sensitive. “I like fiction, so I thought I’d put a fictional spin on it.”
'Even though I had fought for my education, I was still, in a sense, repeating the patriarchal family expectations and lifestyle as my parents'
- Etaf Rum
In an Instagram post, Rum states that writing this book was a way for her to find her voice and rewrite the narrative of her own life. She tells MEE, “I wasn’t able, like Deya, to postpone an arranged marriage. I had to get married at a young age, and I thought I was still going to be able to not repeat my parents’ life, but I wasn’t, and I ended up in an arranged marriage at the age of 19.”
For Rum, the process of writing the book enabled her to confront the ways in which she was repeating the cycle of oppression and the cycle of domestication and abuse in her own life: “The book isn’t just to condemn arranged marriages but, as I had married so young, I was isolated from my family because I had to move away to where my husband lived.
"I started suffering emotional and physical abuse, and I realised that, even though I had fought for my education, I was still, in a sense, repeating the patriarchal family expectations and lifestyle as my parents … and nobody could help me.”
Writing the novel, according to Rum, is what saved her life.
“It helped me see clearly my position in this cycle, and I was able to break free from my marriage, from the strength that writing this book gave me.
"Writing A Woman Is No Man has given me strength, and allowed me to stand up for myself and rewrite the narrative of my own life.”
author, literature, interview
Today the author co-parents with her former husband (Courtesy of Etaf Rum/Instagram)
In the note to the reader, she writes that she was constantly swallowed by fear when she started writing the book and that she was afraid of “violating our code of silence”.
When asked to elaborate on this, she explains, “I was dealing with patriarchy, Arab culture and the dark aspects of it, and I was afraid because I felt like I was being a traitor to my community and making us look bad by stereotyping us into an oppressive culture.”
Rum cares deeply about the representation of Muslims and Arabs, and she was torn between telling a truth that she experienced herself, and the same old story of “our women being oppressed”.
She tells MEE that she always rolls her eyes at stereotypical representations of Arabs.
“I was afraid [to tell this story] because on the one hand, these stories are those of countless women I know, women who exist. I want to give these women a voice by speaking up for them. But on the other hand, all I kept worrying about was that I might be condemning my community.
"I felt like I was taking the white man’s side, which would never be my intention.”
'I want to give these women a voice by speaking up for them'
- Etaf Rum
She feared that she would “upset people and fuel further discrimination against a community that’s already stereotyped by a single story”. But ultimately she felt that she owed it to these women to tell their story.
She was afraid to speak but she was even more afraid to stay silent “because ultimately our silence never protected us. The more we stay silent, the more we empower injustice".

Complex characters

While this is primarily a story about oppressed Arab women told from their own perspective, this is also the story of oppressed Arab men.
The characters in the book are much more complex than one would expect. Most characters, whether man or woman, embody both oppressor and oppressed, making this a very realistic and nuanced representation of reality.
Rum agrees and says her intention was to represent things as honestly as possible, by making sure the reader understood that the women were not the only ones who were oppressed and the men were far from being the sole oppressors. The men in the story are the immediate victims of the 1948 Palestinian exodus, and as products of refugee camps they were forced to leave their country and were left deeply mentally disturbed.
Rum explains that the trauma the community endured during the Nakba has a trickle-down effect. In the story, the men are victims of this historical tragedy, and because they are powerless in their own lives, they transfer the abuse and violence that was bestowed upon them on the family unit.
The male characters in the book also often convey the message that they too cannot do whatever they please, and being a man does not turn out to be such a blessing in a patriarchal society. Rum chose to represent this because according to her, Arab culture is about the family and not the individual, where men are supposed to make sacrifices in order to make the family unit stronger.
Book Review: Night in Gaza by Dr Mads Gilbert
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“It is a patriarchal culture and the men have power in many ways, but they are also part of this cycle of keeping the culture rigid and not flexible, which they ultimately have to participate in. We differ from Americans in that we weren’t raised in the notion that everybody can do whatever they want.
"Rather, everybody has to do whatever they can to make the family happy, and if a man has to sacrifice his dreams and ambitions, then that’s what he will have to do. Both men and women are victims, although the women are more victimised, especially physically.”
In the book, the characters never refer to themselves as Americans. They consider themselves Arabs solely. This has, according to Rum, always been deeply ingrained. She calls herself Arab as a way of holding on to every last bit of their culture and values, in order not to lose their identity.
She adds, “to be claiming our identity as Americans would completely go against what we’re trying to accomplish. It’s not an identity crisis. We came to America so that we don’t die in refugee camps. We didn’t come so we would become Americans. We came to survive.”

Lack of Islamophobia

A striking element of the story is its refreshing lack of Islamophobia. Although Rum states she is not very religious and does not wear a headscarf, she did not feel the need to portray Islam and hijab as oppressive forces.
She makes it clear that her book is about a conservative, Arab family, and not a story about Islam. She only mentions religion when she wants to point out that “Islam gives women all their freedom and all their rights in the Quran and in the Hadeeth of Prophet Muhammad.”
'Islam gives women all their freedom and all their rights in the Quran and in the Hadeeth of Prophet Muhammad'
- Etaf Rum
She explains that she is a very spiritual person and she finds it crucial to maintain her relationship with God, which translates into her work as well, “asking him for guidance and making sure that I never go against the Quran or Islam in any negative way.”
A Woman Is No Man definitely passes the test in terms of representation of Arabs and Muslims, and unlike usual expectations, in this book, men lead tragic lives and women stand up for their rights. 
A Woman is Not a Man will be published on 5 March 2019 by Harper Books and is, for now, available for pre-order.

Palestine in Pictures: January 2019

A Palestinian protester is engulfed by tear gas during Great March of Return protests east of Gaza City on 4 January. Mohammed ZaanounActiveStills

2 February 2019

The new year in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip began as 2018 ended, with Israeli soldiers and settlers killing Palestinian men, women and children with impunity.

Nearly 300 Palestinians were killed by Israeli occupation forces last year, thanks to a “reckless open-fire policy” and a “profound disregard for the lives of Palestinians … broadly backed by senior policy makers in the military, the government and the judicial system,” as described by the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem.

“Given this sweeping support and the lack of accountability for these deaths, such incidents will continue,” B’Tselem warned at the close of 2018.

Eleven Palestinians were killed by soldiers and settlers during January, and an additional Palestinian died from his injuries after being shot during protests in Gaza the previous year.

Four of those killed in January were fatally injured during Great March of Return protests along Gaza’s eastern perimeter, including a child and an adult struck in the head with tear gas canisters.

Amal al-Taramasi, the first Palestinian fatality at the hands of Israel this year, became the third female to be shot and killed during the Great March of Return protests, which were launched on 30 March 2018. According to Al Mezan, a human rights group based in Gaza, 185 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces during the protests.

A fifth Palestinian in Gaza was killed by artillery fire when Israeli forces hit a Hamas observation post on 22 January.

Girl killed in West Bank

In the West Bank, two Palestinians, one of them a 16-year-old girl, were killed in what Israel claimed were attempted stabbing attacks. In both cases – one at Huwwara checkpoint near Nablus and the other near Jerusalem – no Israelis were injured.

Last year, Israeli forces and armed civilians killed 15 Palestinians who carried out or were alleged to have carried out attacks against Israelis in the West Bank.

Israeli settlers under the protection of the military shot and killed a Palestinian father in the central West Bank village of al-Mughayyir in late January. The village is frequently subjected to attacks from the residents of nearby settlements.

Also during January, Israeli forces shot and killed a 17-year-old boy near a highway used by settlers in the central West Bank. The teen was ambushed as he picnicked with friends, by Israeli soldiers who claimed the boy and his friends were suspected of throwing stones at cars traveling on the highway.

A fifth Palestinian was killed in the West Bank during the month when police in East Jerusalem opened fire at a vehicle suspected to be stolen after the driver reportedly did not obey an order to stop.

Egypt partly closes Rafah crossing

Also during the month, Egypt partially closed Rafah crossing – the sole point of exit and entry for most of Gaza’s more than two million residents – after the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank withdrew its personnel from the Palestinian side.

The crossing was open on 29 January for urgent departures from Gaza after three weeks during which Palestinians were allowed to enter Gaza from Egypt but not allowed into Egypt from Gaza.

More than 150 Palestinians were injured during confrontations with Israeli forces inside Ofer prison near Ramallah in January after raids in search of mobile phones and other banned items.

Israeli forces uprooted some 1,250 olive trees belonging to Palestinians in the Hebron area claiming that they were planted on “state land.”

An additional 1,000 trees in the West Bank were vandalized by Israeli settlers during the month.




The sun rises over Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, on New Years Day 2019.
Mahmoud KhattabAPA images

Palestinians in the West Bank city of Ramallah watch the 2019 AFC Asian Cup Group B football match between Palestine and Syria on 6 January. The match ended in a 0-0 draw.
Ahmad ArouriAPA images
An Israeli settler displays a photo of an injured Palestinian man after the latter was shot in what Israel claimed was an alleged stabbing attack at the entrance of Kiryat Arba settlement in the West Bank city of Hebron on 11 January.
 Wisam HashlamounAPA images
Protesters climb a fence along the Gaza-Israel boundary and hang Palestinian flags on it during Great March of Return protests east of Gaza City on 11 January. The Israeli army fatally injured a woman and a boy during the day’s demonstrations.
 Mohammed ZaanounActiveStills
A Palestinian family sits among their belongings after Israeli occupation forces demolished their residential structures in Fasayil al-Wusta, a Bedouin community in the West Bank’s Jordan Valley, 16 January. The structures were demolished on the pretext that they were built without a permit, which are very rarely granted to Palestinians living in the 60 percent of the West Bank under full control of the Israeli military.
 Ahmad Al-BazzActiveStills
Cabbage is sold at a market during a windy and rainy day in the West Bank city of Nablus, 16 January.
 Shadi Jarar’ahAPA images
A wounded demonstrator is evacuated during Great March of Return protests east of Khan Younis, southern Gaza, on 11 January.
 Ashraf AmraAPA images
Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Abd al-Raouf Salha, 14, during his funeral in Jabaliya, northern Gaza Strip, on 14 January. The child succumbed to his wounds days after being shot in the head with a tear gas canister during Great March of Return protests.
Mahmoud AjjourAPA images
A Palestinian walks down a street near the Old City of Hebron’s Ibrahimi mosque in the West Bank during a winter storm, 17 January.
 Wisam HashlamounAPA images
Construction work is seen at the Israeli settlement of Avnei Hefetz, near the West Bank town of Tulkarem, 18 January. All Israeli settlements are illegal under international law, which forbids an occupying power such as Israel from transferring its civilian population to the territory it occupies.
Ahmad Al-BazzAPA images
A Palestinian man speaks to Israeli occupation forces in front of the home of a teen accused of stabbing and killing an American settler in the West Bank last September, after the home was partially demolished by Israeli soldiers in the village of Yatta, southern West Bank, 18 January.
Wisam HashlamounAPA images


Palestinians evacuate an injured protester during Great March of Return demonstrations east of Gaza City on 18 January.
 Mohammed ZaanounActiveStills
A Palestinian baby receives medical care at al-Rantisi hospital in Gaza City on 19 January. Gaza’s health ministry warned that health services would be interrupted due to depletion of fuel stocks used to power hospital generators during Gaza’s regular power outages.
Ashraf AmraAPA images
Etihad al-Shujaiya team (green uniform) and Shabab Khan Younis compete at Gaza City’s Palestine Stadium on 20 January.
 Mahmoud AjjourAPA images
A Palestinian laborer works at a frozen food factory in Beit Hanoun, northern Gaza Strip, on 22 January. Potatoes have been washed, peeled and cut and are being checked for bruising and rot before being packaged.
 Ashraf AmraAPA images
An explosion is seen during an Israeli airstrike in Beit Lahia, northern Gaza Strip, on 22 January. An Israeli tank fired into Gaza, killing a Hamas fighter, in what the army said was retaliation for the wounding of a soldier by fire from Gaza.
 Dawoud Abo AlkasAPA images
A Palestinian vehicle drives on a newly opened road with an eight-meter-high wall segregating Palestinian traffic from a major Israeli roadway, al-Zaayyim village, West Bank, 23 January.
Ahmad Al-BazzActiveStills
Palestinian, Israeli and international activists block a newly opened road segregating Palestinian and Israeli motorists with an eight-meter-high wall, 23 January. Palestinians and human rights groups say this is part of Israel’s Greater Jerusalem plan, which includes the expansion of the Maaleh Adumim settlement into the highly contested E1 area, the annexation of the suburban Jerusalem settlements, and is directly connected to attempts at displacing local Bedouin communities.
 Haidi MotolaActiveStills
Israeli soldiers detain a Palestinian camera operator during confrontations with Palestinian protesters in the village of Tuqu near the West Bank city of Bethlehem, 25 January.
Wisam HashlamounAPA images
A Palestinian child waves his national flag towards an Israeli military jeep during Great March of Return protests east of Gaza City on 25 January.
 Mohammed ZaanounActiveStills
Relatives of Ihab Abed, 24, shot with a live bullet to the chest by Israeli troops during Great March of Return protests, mourn during his funeral in Rafah, southern Gaza Strip, on 26 January.
Ashraf AmraAPA images
Supporters of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a leftist faction, rally in support of the Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro in front of the Gaza City offices of UNSCO on 28 January. US President Donald Trump took the extraordinary step of recognizing Juan Guaido as the interim president in Venezuela.
 Ashraf AmraAPA images
A sparrow perches on a branch in the West Bank city of Nablus on 28 January.
Shadi Jarar’ahAPA images
Rami Hamdallah, de facto prime minister of the Palestinian Authority, offers condolences to the family of Hamdan al-Arda, a businessman killed by Israeli forces in December, after Israel transferred his remains, West Bank city of Ramallah, 29 January.
Prime Minister’s officeAPA images
Palestinians wait for permission to enter Egypt via Rafah crossing in the southern Gaza Strip on 29 January after it had been closed by Egypt for three weeks.
 Ashraf AmraAPA images