Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, January 24, 2019

Meet Colombia’s trans coffee pickers: Uncovered, episode 1

Watch the first episode of Uncovered – a new Facebook Watch series by Channel 4 News.


23 Jan 2019

Colombia’s indigenous transgender women are finding an unlikely place of refuge.

It’s one of the most dangerous countries in the world to be transgender, but they’ve become a critical part of the country’s coffee picking workforce.


Watch the first episode of Uncovered – a new Facebook Watch series by Channel 4 News.

Exclusive: Aid curbs in Myanmar's Rakhine impact 'at least 50,000 people' - U.N.

Rohingya Muslims wait to cross the border to Bangladesh, in a temporary camp outside Maungdaw, northern Rakhine state, Myanmar November 12, 2017. REUTERS/Wa Lone/Files

JANUARY 24, 2019 

YANGON (Reuters) - New government curbs on aid activities in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State “are affecting at least 50,000 people”, the United Nations has said in an internal note, highlighting the growing impact of recent fighting on the civilian population.

The Rakhine State government this month blocked non-governmental organisations and U.N. agencies from travelling to rural areas in five townships in northern and central parts of the state affected by conflict.

The International Committee of the Red Cross and U.N. World Food Programme were exempted from the ban on aid activity in the region, where fighting between government troops and autonomy-seeking ethnic Rakhine rebels has displaced thousands.

The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) summarized recent information gathered from aid organisations on the impact of the restrictions in the two central Rakhine townships of Kyauktaw and Ponnagyun.

UNOCHA circulated a note on the findings late on Wednesday to some U.N. officials and non-governmental organisations seeking comments and updates on the situation. Reuters obtained the note independently and reviewed it on Thursday.

It said that the restrictions forced aid organisations to reduce or stop pre-existing programmes, including the provision of healthcare, clean water, school construction and teacher training, among other activities.

For example, the agency said that in Kyauktaw “mobile health services were to be provided in 15 villages, totalling around 17,000 people, involving around 1,600 people to be treated on average each month ... the provision of these services has now been put on hold”.

The affected activities included primary health care and malnutrition screening and treatment, it said.
“In Ponnagyun, around 220 health consultations in rural areas of the township have been stopped, including emergency referral services,” the agency said in the note.

Fighting has forced about 5,000 people to flee from their homes and to take shelter in monasteries and communal areas across the region since early January, according to UNOCHA.

Myanmar’s president, speaking in a rare meeting with the commander-in-chief this month, urged the military to “crush” the rebels of the Arakan Army. The president, Win Myint, is a loyalist of the de facto government leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

Last week, the United Nations called on the government to allow “rapid and unimpeded” humanitarian access to the area.

“We are currently working to assess the impact that recent access restrictions could have on the delivery of pre-existing and ongoing humanitarian programmes in the affected townships,” said Pierre Peron, UNOCHA’s spokesman in Myanmar in response to an email seeking comment on the internal note.

“This is an evolving assessment.”

He said the United Nations was “liaising closely with the authorities in Rakhine State, who have now invited humanitarian organizations to individually apply for travel authorisations for specific activities”, adding he hoped authorities would respond “quickly and positively” to such applications.
Myanmar government spokesman Zaw Htay did not respond to calls seeking comment.


 
Aerial view of a burnt Rohingya village near Maungdaw in Rakhine state, Myanmar, September 20, 2018. Ye Aung Thu/Pool via REUTERS/Files

Rakhine State

‘READY TO RESPOND’


The Rakhine municipal affairs minister, Win Myint, could not be reached for comment. He told Reuters earlier the restrictions had been put in place for “security reasons” and he did not know when they would be lifted.

Reuters contacted several affected NGOs seeking comment on the situation. One of them, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), said: “Along with most other organisations we do not currently have access to respond to the needs of the conflict-affected and displaced populations”.

“We have emergency supplies prepositioned and remain ready to respond if this situation changes,” said Laura Marshall, the NRC’s acting country director.

The affected aid groups published a statement on Tuesday expressing “deep concern” about the restrictions.

Rakhine State has been roiled by successive rounds of violence in recent years.
 
In 2017, an extensive military crackdown, following attacks by Rohingya Muslim insurgents, prompted about 730,000 Rohingya to flee westwards into neighbouring Bangladesh.

The Arakan Army, the group behind the recent fighting, is demanding greater autonomy from the central government for the state, where the mostly Buddhist ethnic Rakhine people form the majority of the population.

Arakan Army fighters killed 13 policemen and wounded nine in attacks on four police posts in early January, state media reported.

An Arakan Army spokesman outside Myanmar told Reuters the group attacked the security forces in response to a broad military offensive in the north of Rakhine that also targeted civilians.

Reporting by Yangon bureau; Editing by Robert Birsel

Does gum disease have a key role in Alzheimer's?


A man flossing

Does gum disease play a key role in the development of Alzheimer's?
24 January 2019
Scientists believe this may be the case after their study found further evidence of the link between bacteria in a common type of gum disease and people with dementia.
Researchers say their findings offer hope for a new way of tackling the illness, for which there is no cure and no effective treatments.
But does it mean people should be more worried about their oral health?

What did the research find?

Scientists analysed brain tissue, spinal fluid, and saliva from dead and living patients with diagnosed and suspected Alzheimer's.
Their study, published in the journal Science Advances, found bacteria associated with chronic gum disease, Porphyromonas gingivalis, in the brains of people with Alzheimer's.
Tests on mice confirmed the bacteria could travel from the mouth to the brain and showed the toxic protein they secrete, called gingipain, destroyed brain neurons.
The bacteria also increased production of amyloid beta, a component of the amyloid plaques commonly associated with Alzheimer's.
Following this, scientists tested drugs in mice aimed at blocking the toxic proteins and found they were able to halt degeneration in the brain.
The authors of the study concluded: "The findings of this study offer evidence that Porphyromonas gingivalis and gingipains in the brain play a central role in the pathogenesis [development] of AD [Alzheimer's disease], providing a new conceptual framework for disease treatment."
The team has now developed a new drug they hope could form the basis of a human treatment and plan to test it in people with mild to moderate Alzheimer's, in a clinical trial, later this year.
Toothpastes

What do other scientists say about the study?

Scientists not involved in the research said it added to the evidence of the link between gum disease and dementia, the umbrella term for brain conditions that include Alzheimer's.
But they say it is still not clear whether gum disease bacteria is driving the development of Alzheimer's.
People with Alzheimer's are more susceptible to getting infections in their brains, so it may be that the gum disease bacteria and the toxic proteins they secrete are a by-product of Alzheimer's rather than a cause.
There was also caution about the fact the drug tests had been in mice.
Prof Tara Spires-Jones, from the UK Dementia Research Institute, at the University of Edinburgh, said it was "great news" that the study provided evidence these drugs may affect Alzheimer's-related proteins.
"However, we will have to await the larger clinical trial to see if it will be beneficial to people living with Alzheimer's disease," she said.

What was the previous evidence?

Studies have previously linked gum disease and dementia.
Last year, a Taiwanese study found that people with a 10-year or longer history of chronic periodontitis (CP) were 70% more likely than people without the condition to develop Alzheimer's.
The researchers of this new study say one explanation for the link is that bacteria from gum disease may access the brain by infecting immune system cells or spreading through cranial nerves passing through the head and jaw.
Older people brushing their teeth
One expert says oral health should be more of a priority - particularly for older people
But, alternatively, it may be that people with Alzheimer's have poorer oral hygiene, perhaps because the condition makes them less able to look after their teeth and gums.

So where does this leave us?

The charity Alzheimer's Society, responding to this study, said the research it had been involved in had not found gum disease to be a key risk factor for Alzheimer's.
And Alzheimer's Research UK said the presence of a single type of bacteria was "extremely unlikely to be the only cause of the condition".
But given that the condition of teeth and gums is important for overall health anyway, Prof Clive Ballard, from the University of Exeter, said the study suggested oral health should be a "much higher public health priority, especially in older people".

GENEVA PROCESS ON SRI LANKA SHOULD BE KEPT ALIVE, A TIME BOUND IMPLEMENTATION PLAN NECESSARY – TNA



Sri Lanka Brief23/01/2019

In a discussion with Mr Fergus Auld, Head of South Asia Department , UK and India Coordinator TNA has insisted that  the process outlined by the United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution in Geneva should be kept alive, and tall  necessary action  should be taken to ensure its implementation within a given time frame.

Full statement issued by the TNA  follows:

TNA Press Release/23.01.19.

A meeting was held between Mr Fergus Auld, Head of South Asia Department and India Coordinator, and Mr Sampanthan the Leader of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) yesterday (22.01.2019) at the Westminster House in Colombo. The meeting was also attended by Mr M.A. Sumanthiran Member of Parliament and the Spokesperson of the Tamil National Alliance.

Briefing on the current political situation Mr Sampanthan recalled the mandate given by the people in 2015 January and August elections to both President and Prime Minister and emphasized the need for both of them to work together in order to fulfil the promises given. Further briefing on the recent political crisis Mr Sampanthan said, “we will stand against anything unconstitutional and illegal. We may have not satisfied everyone in this process, but we had to make certain decisions based on principles without giving much attention to other matters.

Explaining the new Constitutional making process Jaffna District parliamentarian and TNA Spokesperson Mr Sumanthiran explained the amount of work that has been carried out in framing a new Constitution from 2016 to date. He further stated that there is a very lethargic approach from the leaders representing the two major parties in explaining the purpose and the substance of the proposed Constitution to their parties and the people.

Speaking further Mr Sampanthan pointed out that the devolution of power needs to be genuine and people should be able to exercise powers over their day to day matters. He further stated that the real problem in taking this process forward is that there is a lack of will on the part of the politicians. He stressed that certain politicians are afraid to share powers with the people as it will leave little room for corruption and waste. He further cautioned that if there is no political solution found for the longstanding national issue, the country will not have a future. He further pointed out that this is the only opportunity in the history of this country to achieve a substantial consensus of all political parties represented in Parliament for a Constitution. Mr Sampanthan said we are seeking a solution within a United Undivided Indivisible country, and if the solution is reasonable we will take it our people and I am confident that our people will extend their support to enact a new Constitution.

Highlighting the role of the International Community Mr Sampanthan reminded the commitments made by the Government of Sri Lanka and said it is inevitable to hold the Government accountable for those commitments and ensure that those commitments are delivered.

Also discussed was the United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution in Geneva, and the need to keep the process alive, and take all action necessary to ensure its implementation within a given time frame.

The meeting lasted one hour and was attended by the High Commissioner for Great Britain His Excellency James Dauris and the Political Section Head Paul Green along with Mr Fergus Auld.

Families of disappeared threatened when protesting president's Vanni visit

Families of the disappeared in Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu protested against the Sri Lankan president's visit to the Vanni. 
23 January 2019
On Monday, protesters demonstrated outside the Vidyananda College in Mullaitivu as President Sirisena visited to highlight the commencement of 'Drugs Eradication Week', where they were threatened by men claiming to be intelligence officers, who warned they would be arrested if they protested. 
Intelligence officers and security forces gathered nearby, photographing families as they demanded justice for their disappeared loved ones and condemned what they described as Sirisena's false promises. 
In Kilinochchi, protesting mothers of the disappeared were stopped from protesting close to where the president was visiting by Sri Lankan police officers. 
"The president promised us he would resolve this issue within 100 days, but he has failed to do so," one of the mothers told the Tamil Guardian. 

17 Million Fraud At J’ Pura Hospital: Susitha Senaratne Pays Himself Via Wife’s Proxy Company!

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The fake director of Sri Jayewardenepura General Hospital (SJGH) Susitha Senaratne’s wife Ancy Senaratne’s proxy company has been awarded a mega deal ensuring that Susitha Senaratne and Ancy Senaratne have paid themselves Rs 17 679 747 of public money between the time period of November 2015 to December 2018. These facts have been revealed by Government Auditor’s audit query in to this massive fraud dated 10.01.2019.
As soon as he was illegally appointed by Rajitha Senaratne to the post of director SJGH in March 2015, Susitha Senaratne, the infamous political stooge of the minister lost no time in venturing in a series of financial frauds that have been repeatedly exposed in Colombo Telegraph and other main stream Sri Lankan print media.
Sri Lanka Administrative Service: Prostituting Administration
Kahandaliyanage and Rajitha Senaratne
The Ministry of Health, the Presidential Secretariat, the Prime Minister’s Office and the Auditor General of Sri Lanka have not taken any action regarding the alleged financial and administrative crimes surrounding the illegal appointment and the financial frauds committed by Susitha Senaratne since 2015. In spite of repeated revelations, and strict instructions by the COPE, successive Secretaries to the Ministry of Health, namely, Anura Jayawickrama, Janaka Sugathadasa, AMKK Aththanayake, Wasantha Perera have not taken any step to rectify this illegal appointment by appointing a qualified public servant to this position. Those Secretaries to the Ministry of Health have only proven that the Sri Lanka Administrative Service is nothing but a collection of professionally naked men and women who are prostituting the SLAS. 
Athula Kahandaliyanage: The Core Protector of Susitha Senaratne
Ancy Senaratne and Susitha
The chairman of J’ Pura Hospital Dr Athula Kahandaliyanage has been the consistent protector of the illegal appointment of Susitha Senaratne. He, along with Rajitha Senaratne’s political stooges at the Board of Directors of SJGH misinformed the COPE, the Ministry of Health and the judiciary, in a series of administrative manipulations that lead to the perpetuation of Susitha Senaratne’s illegal appointment as director SJGH. The only gentlemen of the Board of Directors to oppose these serious crimes were Dr Kanishka Indraratne, Dr Madhava Karunaratne and Dr Prabhath Ambawatte who, through an independent submission have informed the courts that official and moral stance differs from the rest of the Board. All other members of the Board have been complicit in these crimes.
Athula Kahandaliyanage was and is the Chairman of the Procurement Committee of SJGH. However Colombo Telegraph learns that on 10.01.2019 when this Audit Query was made by the Government Audit, it was Dr Anil Jasinghe who was the Acting Chairman of SJGH. Susitha Senaratne has also been a member of the Procurement Committee since 2015.
Ancy Senarante: The Core Player Of Fraud

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Keppapulavu: Land Struggle Reaches Boiling Point after 700 days of protest


“We want to sleep, cook, eat in our own house and farm our own land”
RUKI FERNANDO-01/22/2019
700 days is a long time for a day and night protest outside an Army camp. Since March 1, 2017, the people of Keppapulavu, located in the Mullaitheevu district in Northern Sri Lanka, have been doing just that. They have had to brave intimidation and harassment from the Army, Police and intelligence agencies, and also brave the sun, rain, heat, cold and dust. They have faced challenges in continuing their livelihoods, sending children to school and caring for their elderly. It is the longest running community-led day and night continuous protest for land in Sri Lanka. They have also engaged in protests in Colombo and elsewhere, and have participated in meetings with government politicians, local Tamil politicians, government officials, the media, religious clergy, representatives of international community and others.
Their stand inspired similar protests. They tasted some success, when a part of the Army occupied Keppapulavu was released in December 2017. But the protest for the release of the full extent of their lands continued.
Last year, President Sirisena promised to return occupied lands in the North and East by December 31, 2018. When this promise was broken, Keppapulavu residents marched to the Army camp and demanded their land. The Army refused to speak to them. In subsequent discussions with government officials, an Assistant Government Agent (AGA) had promised them their land would be released by January 25, 2019.
Soon after, one of the staff officers of the newly appointed Northern Governor had met some members of the Keppalulavu community. Afterwards, on Sunday, (January 20) the Governor also met them. Both had requested more time, but the community members, who had seen so many similar “time-buying” exercises, insisted that January 25 be the final day when all the land would be returned to them. One lady had asked the Governor whether he was going to ensure release of land by January 25, or whether he wished to see the guns of the Army turned on her and other villagers.
“If our lands are not released by 25th January, we will go and reclaim our lands” is what the villagers told me, and what they had told the Army, the Governor of the Northern Province and government officials in meetings they had had the last few days and weeks.
The occupied land sits between the main road between Puthukudiyiruppu and Vattrapalai and borders the Nanthikadal lagoon. It’s very fertile agricultural land and the lagoon has plenty of fish, prawns and crabs. “We can cross our legs and sit in the garden and still have enough food” one man told me. In addition to the houses, most of the community buildings such as the community hall, school, Rural Development Society (RDS) and places with strong emotional attachments such as the church and cemetery remain occupied by the Army. The community life in this village, woven around agriculture and fishing, and the traditional and rich cultural and religious practices, was destroyed first by the war and then by the Army occupation.
Indrani, a vocal community leader, says the local Army Headquarters is now in her garden and house. Last week, she had seen a Neem tree in her garden cut down. She described how she had marched to the camp and demanded to know why the Army had cut down the tree in hergarden. A senior officer had apologized, and at her insistence, had sent the tree that had been felled to her relative’s house, which she showed to us. She says she had insisted the Army first ask her if they need anything from her garden.
“We work hard, fish, farm, and the Army which gets government salaries, enjoys the fruits of trees in our gardens, lives in our houses, and use our community buildings” says Vivekanandan, a villager from Kepapulavu. He goes on, “Why can’t they at least allow us to enjoy the fruits of trees in our gardens?”
His home, as well as the land and homes of other Keppapulavu residents’, now Army-occupied, was visible from across the road, with the beautiful view of Nanthikadal lagoon beyond it. Listening to them was heart breaking as well as making me angry.
“Why are they (the Army) in our houses, our lands, when there is so much forest land around the area?”
“We want to live peacefully with Sinhalese. Why are they (Army) obstructing this by occupying our land? Do they want Prabhakaran (the late leader of the LTTE) to come back?” was another question that was raised.
I recalled similar sentiments heard during my previous visits spanning several years. “Every year our land changes more and more. Some houses have been destroyed. The wells have been closed. Other buildings have been put up. Boundaries have been demarcated differently. But the jak and coconut trees which we planted have started bearing fruit.”
“When I enter my home, it feels as fondly familiar to me as the love of my mother and father…”
I had known some of these community members for around 10 years, when they were being detained in “Menik Farm”. Even then, they always talked about the richness and beauty of their lands and their yearning to return. Even when I met them after they had been compelled to accept alternative lands in a nearby jungle area, they insisted on the right to return to their own land.
The day I visited Keppapulavu was also the day President Sirisena had visited nearby Mulliyawalai, around 10 kilometres away from the protest site. But the long suffering and struggling Keppapulavu people were clearly not of concern to the President who is the son of a farmer, and from an agricultural area.
It is now nearly 10 years since the end of the war. And it is more than 10 years since the Army had forcibly occupied Keppapulavu. For the people of Keppapulavu, justice, peace and reconciliation remain empty words – until and unless they are able to return to their houses, lands, and way of life.
As they said, “We have survived the war but, now we have to die for our lands!”

‘Release our land, or we’ll occupy it’

A protest in Mullaitivu’s Keppapilavu village last year.

Protesting villagers meet PM, seek release of military-held land in Mullaitivu

Meera Srinivasan
- JANUARY 23, 2019

Return to frontpageAs Sri Lanka’s longest road-side protest nears the 700-day mark, agitating residents of Keppapilavu village in the northern Mullaitivu district say they will soon reclaim and occupy their lands, currently held by the military, if the authorities fail to ensure their return by Friday.

“Why must we live in model villages like refugees, when we can live on land that belongs to us? Why must the Army hold our land for a decade after the war has ended?” asked resident-activist Selvi Sivapragasam Ariyakala, at a media conference in Colombo on Tuesday.

Facilitated by the NGO People’s Alliance for Right to Land (PARL), the press briefing was part of the Keppapilavu people’s efforts to “reach out to the people of the island’s south” on their ongoing struggle to take possession of ancestral lands from where they were displaced during the civil war years.

Families’ resistance

The families have been resisting incessantly from March 1, 2017, right beside their ancestral lands, under a road-side tent, resolving to return to the plots they grew up on and built their lives, until the war displaced them. Some of the resident-activists met Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe — also the Minister for Resettlement — on Tuesday, and leaders of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), and voiced their concern. “The PM told us he will speak to the Army and give us an answer in one week. We are hopeful, because we cannot just give up,” Kamalavalli, one of the activists, told The Hindu after meeting Mr. Wickremesinghe.
The residents’ have decided to “just go and occupy” their lands, should the authorities fail them this time. “It is not just about our homes, but also about our livelihoods. Our ancestral land was conducive for both agriculture and fisheries. Returning there gives us a chance to make a living. Moreover, our schools, community halls, multipurpose cooperative centre were all located there,” Ms. Ariyakala said, echoing the concerns of 104 families like hers. According to PARL, nearly 350 acres in Keppapilavu, including residential land, is yet to be released.
Military-held land, along with enforced disappearances, has remained a key issue in Sri Lanka’s war-affected north and east, sparking a battery of people’s protests since 2015.

Relentless struggle

Pressured by their relentless struggle, the government gradually began releasing military-held lands in the former war zone.

According to data from the government-run Secretariat for Coordinating Reconciliation Mechanisms (SCRM), 46,322.50 acres of military-occupied land was released to the people from January 2015 — when the Maithripala Sirisena-Ranil Wickremeisnghe combine rose to power on the promise of reconciliation — up to December 2018. This data, based on information provided by the Ministry of Defence to the Secretariat, includes both state and private land. Further, President Sirisena earlier promised to ensure the release of all people’s land by December 31, 2018, but going by the Keppapilavu residents’ experience, the promise is yet to be fulfilled.

Government data also shows that in the decade since the war ended, authorities returned some 88,000 acres, or 71% of the land earlier occupied by the military, by December 2018, while 29% was still being used by the Army, Navy and the Air Force. The release of land came at a considerable cost — the SCRM points to a total LKR 866.71 million budgetary allocation to the Army, and LKR 128 million to the Navy, prompting concern over why funds meant for rehabilitation were being used for compensating the Army to vacate people’s lands.

Even in cases of land being released, and its original occupants gradually returning, their resettlement has been anything but smooth, according to residents.

Many of their homes and wells are found bulldozed after years of Army occupation, and there are few toilets for the recently-resettled communities — a stark reminder of the many steps before the process is complete. They live in temporary sheds and huts, relieved “at least we are back”.

Lasantha, journalists and diplomats


There was tragedy within tragedy when Lasantha Wickrematunge’s 10th death anniversary was commemorated at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Centre – Pic by Ruwan Walpola
logoWednesday, 23 January 2019

We find scarce little to celebrate in a sullied land, marking our days remembering the tragedies that tell our blood-soaked history.

In the troubled decades preceding, many, from the highest in the land to average citizens, have met with violent ends at the hands of assassins. The reason for their deaths is attributed to direct, indirect or even borderline connections to the internecine conflicts that scar our post- independence evolution.

Not all were war makers. Among the targets were politicians, opinion makers, journalists, public servants and even pacifists. In addition to these high profile victims, thousands of others, soldiers, policemen, civilians, priests and even school children have fallen victim to the madness of war.

There was tragedy within tragedy when Lasantha Wickrematunge’s 10th death anniversary was commemorated at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Centre. The urbane Kadirgamar, coming from the minority Tamil community, was a popular and respected Foreign Minister.

By training and culture, Kadirgamar was essentially an outsider to the seamy politics of the country. Although he eventually succumbed to its seductions, he was not of politics as understood in this country. As Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar endeavoured to raise the standards of our diplomatic service, arguing that we needed able, cultivated and dignified persons; true ambassadors, to represent us.
For a small and troubled country, to win friends and influence people it is vital to put a good face on, as the phrase goes. He knew that political operatives and relatives of politicians were not necessarily endowed with these qualities, hence attempted to keep them away from the service.

Alas, Kadirgamar’s tenure at the Foreign Ministry was only a short interim; both before and after, our representatives by and large have only distinguished themselves by their inappropriateness and corruption. It is no surprise that the world often identifies Sri Lankan goings on with the bizarre; they have seen our ambassadors.

In the mind of the LTTE, a member of the Tamil community advocating a united country had forfeited his right to live; Kadirgamar had to go. The closely-guarded Foreign Minister was no easy target.

Eventually, in August 2005, the LTTE stalkers had their chance, when the Minister was taking a swim in the private pool at his Colombo 7 residence. A sniper concealed in a building nearby had him in his gun sights. After the shooting the assassins made a quick getaway and were not apprehended, although much later it was claimed that some of the culprits perished in 2009, the last days of the war.

Kadirgamar was truly mourned and the State established the Centre in his memory. He was one of the very few, perhaps the last among our politicians, to have enriched politics by his participation, and not got enriched by politics.

If Kadirgamar was a hesitant late comer to politics, Lasantha could not wait to plunge in. Where the former was eclectic in opinion and taste, the latter was very much bound to the particular, the homespun. Nurtured very differently, for lawyer journalist Lasantha Wickrematunge the rough and tumble of Sri Lankan politics was the essence of his being.

As a young man he offered his services to Sirima Bandaranaike, the former Prime Minister; Lasantha was her private secretary for a time. Although a political career was never out of his mind, it was journalism that had the greater pull on Lasantha.

In a democracy, reporting, interpreting and opinion forming are as good as doing politics. Besides, these are parallel paths, make an impact in one field and the other will open up naturally. After short stints at various English newspapers, he set up his own – The Sunday Leader.

His style of journalism, brave, hard-hitting, soon propelled Lasantha to national eminence, at least among the English readers. Unlike the staid mainstream, The Sunday Leader was trenchant, even scandalous. Many took the paper to court, Lasantha hit back even harder. Investigative journalism is not for the fainthearted. At the minimum, an investigative reporter must have contacts in the right places, a good grasp of the subject, a sound knowledge of how systems work, and a lot of pluck.

Unlike an investigation by a State institution, an investigative reporter has no compulsion nor the resources to look at all aspects of a matter or follow all leads. He is not free of political biases nor personal obligations, and may investigate one and not the other. Sometimes an investigative reporter may highlight a corrupt accountant at an institution, while the chairman of that institution who is more corrupt, may escape scrutiny.

Nevertheless, an investigative reporter plays an important role in a democratic system. His investigations open up a subject, encourage other whistle blowers, create public concern; drawing the attention of the investigative arm of the government who may conduct more comprehensive investigations.

It is obvious that effective investigative reporting can be founded only on a responsive public. If a society on the whole are indifferent to corruption, or have a doubtful attitude towards public transgressions, reporting on such things will be like complaining about theft to a band of pirates or meditating ascetics.

Equally, investigative reporting is of no avail if the government agencies enforcing law and order are unresponsive, politicised or inefficient. A journalist can only blow the whistle; it is these government institutions that can commence prosecutions.

Three years after Kadirgamar’s assassination, Lasantha too fell victim to an assassin. In the case of Kadirgamar, it is more or less certain that the assailants were LTTE terrorists. Lasantha’s killing is shrouded with controversy.

We do not want to repeat the sequence of events preceding as well as subsequent to the assassination which have been referred to many times before; suffice it to say that the overall circumstances and the manner the hit was carried out, point to overwhelming power and influence.

A rule of thumb in an investigation is to follow the money trail. The prevailing view is that Lasantha was writing about a case of war profiteering, an exposure that piqued the highest in the land. Anti-terrorist wars are often fought using terrorists’ methods; secret bank accounts, safe houses, hit men all playing a role.

Those fighting such wars against terrorism are in turn targets of the terrorists. They see themselves as protectors of law and order, resenting any suggestion of abuse of their powers. Countries that have to fight shadowy anti-terrorists’ wars, become militarised over time, their systems utterly warped by the ordeal, struggling for years to find normalcy again.

That January morning, on a busy public road, a team audacious hit men acting with impunity murdered Lasantha Wickrematunge. This was 10 years ago. Up to now, there is no clear suspect, no prosecution, and no explanation for the failure of the system to bring the assassins before the law.

It goes without saying that for the victims’ family and even the larger society, there must be closure. Governments that fight terrorism in the name of law and order, cannot ignore the law, even in the midst of strife. This Government came to power on a platform of justice and openness. There is this affront of a murder before it. Do we shrug off and downplay the crime because of the inconvenience of telling the truth?

Our politicians are inclined to appoint as diplomats, persons who are fit only to represent something warped, or even bizarre. Perhaps these politicians are wiser than we credit them. Given the nature of our State, who else can better represent our realities?