Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, January 19, 2019

Grave secrets from Sri Lanka's troubled past

“We haven’t finished excavating yet. We will continue until we get to what we call a bone-free margin, to rule out any more bones,” says W.R.A.S. Rajapaksa (Below), Consultant Judicial Medical Officer at Mannar District General Hospital.“We haven’t finished excavating yet. We will continue until we get to what we call a bone-free margin, to rule out any more bones,” says W.R.A.S. Rajapaksa (Below), Consultant Judicial Medical Officer at Mannar District General Hospital.   | Photo Credit: Picasa

The recent discovery of a mass grave in Mannar town in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province has raised fresh questions about the island nation’s history of violence. It has also reopened old wounds and triggered traumatic memories among the survivors of the deadly conflict that ended barely 10 years ago. Meera Srinivasan reports.

- JANUARY 19, 2019 

Return to frontpageFrom 10 feet away, it looked like a grin, the row of teeth stretching from ear to ear. Freshly dug out from many layers of soil, the mud-covered skeleton lay on its spine, awaiting a number.

“That would be 283,” says W.R.A.S. Rajapaksa. He is standing on an elevation inside the site, located at a busy junction in Mannar, an island town in Sri Lanka’s Tamil majority Northern Province. In his blue smock, the Consultant Judicial Medical Officer at Mannar District General Hospital looks like a surgeon, except that this operation is taking place under the sun, inside a messy soil pit. So he is also wearing a cap and rubber boots.

On a Monday morning earlier this month, at least four skeletons were clearly visible at the site, while parts of another were protruding from the soil. Where they lay — some piled one on top of the other and a couple to the side — it was at least two metres below ground level, says Mr. Rajapaksa, chief investigator of the latest mass grave to be found in Sri Lanka.

As of Friday (January 18), 300 skeletons, including those of 23 children below the age of 12, have been identified. Members of his team that comprised fellow judicial medical officers, forensic archaeologists and analysts had resumed excavating the skeletons after a break for Christmas and the New Year. Wetting their brushes in a cup of water, they gently pried aside the soil deposits over the bones, making them visible, little by little, to the world they had left behind.

‘Scene of crime’

“We consider this a scene of crime until proven otherwise,” says Mr. Rajapaksa on what happens to be the 125th day of the excavation, being undertaken following a directive from the Mannar magistrate court. The bodies had been found “dumped”, instead of being “laid to rest” beside each other, as would be the case in a cemetery.
 In March 2018, construction workers stumbled upon human remains while preparing to build a new outlet for the state-run cooperative Sathosa (in place of its old building that had been demolished). Little did they know that they would be uncovering one of Sri Lanka’s largest mass graves almost a decade after the civil war ended in 2009.

Says Mr. Rajapaksa, “Of the 283 skeletons identified here so far, we have excavated 277 and stored them at the court premises.”

Samples will be sent to a laboratory in Miami, Florida, possibly next week, for carbon dating analysis. The process, which is often used in archaeology and forensic study, would ascertain the amount of Carbon-14 in bone and teeth samples. This could help establish the approximate period in which the person lived, before it possibly leads the investigators to the likely year of their death or to those behind it.

Grave secrets from Sri Lanka's troubled pastAt 9.45 in the morning, the shops in the area are open and teeming with customers. With the post office, market and the bus terminus all in the same vicinity, a number of vehicles crisscross the grand bazaar area, or periyakadai sandi as the locals call it. Motorists on their way to work slow down and turn their heads 90 degrees to catch a glimpse of the grave site that has drawn media attention to their otherwise neglected town.

Pedestrians stop and watch for a few seconds. Perhaps deterred by the uniformed policemen and Special Task Force personnel stationed under a neem tree adjoining the site, some move a safe distance away before pulling out their smart phones for a picture of the ongoing exhumation.
Mannar district, along Sri Lanka’s north-western coast, is part mainland and part small island, connected by a causeway. The mass grave has surfaced at the district’s main town on Mannar island, a thin patch of land jutting into the Palk Strait like a little fin. On the western tip of this little island is Talaimannar, the closest point to Dhanushkodi in Tamil Nadu’s Rameswaram district.

Some 30 km apart and with a narrow stretch of the Indian Ocean running between them, Talaimannar and Rameswaram were once connected by a popular ferry service that, since the 1980s, has been defunct. In the nearly three decades of Sri Lanka’s civil war, waged by the state armed forces against the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), both towns bore witness to mass displacement, rough boat rides, and prolonged separation but also a precious solidarity among the common people.

Business as usual

Says Meeramohideen Salman, a vegetable vendor who has a small shop right opposite the mass grave site, “It has not been a great season. I have had to slash prices to make sure I sell enough. On a good day, I make about LKR 3,500 a day [about ₹1,360], and it is barely enough to feed my family.”

The lull in business had little to do with the excavation nearby. Months of erratic weather — a severe drought followed by flash floods — had affected both the harvest and prices, he says. He has been running the stall for 12 years, he says, from the time he returned from Kalpitiya in Puttalam, some 240 km south, where many Muslims like him had fled after the LTTE ordered their expulsion from the north in October 1990.

He says, “Had the cooperative store come up across the road as planned, they would have sold vegetables like onions for at least five rupees lesser. That would have hit me harder.”
Even at the other shops adjoining the site, managers spoke only of practical hindrances. The trucks bringing their supplies from Colombo now stop at the main road, since the excavation site is cordoned off, along with the lane to these shops. The load is physically carried to the stores by workers, unlike earlier, when the trucks could drive into the lane. For the row of shops here, the implications of having a mass grave unearthed in their midst seemed, at best, logistical.

Cycle of distress

However, for some residents a little further away from the site, the excavation and the sighting of skeletal remains has meant another cycle of distress. Especially if they happen to be like the thousands of mothers looking for a loved one who forcibly disappeared during those tumultuous war years.

A war that spanned 30 years, a savage state unleashing mass violence, armed militant groups offering resistance — at times with their own brand of brutality — have meant a massive human cost. The casualties were more than a lakh, as in some estimates. With the unresolved mysteries of the deaths and disappearances of Tamil rebels, activists, journalists, and scores of civilians haunting them for years, the survivors in the north struggle to recover from the everyday imprint of trauma. Even if they choose to look ahead rather than behind, healing is not easy as they strive to make ends meet in a battered economy with no promising jobs and few sympathetic political leaders who chose action over rhetoric.

Amarasingam Ranjini’s son, who was in the LTTE, went missing in the summer of 1999. He was born when she was still in her teens following her early marriage. “They [army] took him for questioning, and he has not come back in these 20 years,” she says. While her other son and daughter now live in India, Ranjini, 60, stays in her hometown all alone.

She still hopes to see her son one day. “I do believe he is alive somewhere and I will continue looking for him. But when I saw this mass grave site and heard about the hundreds of bodies being unearthed, I wondered if one of them could be my son. The thought did cross my mind,” she says, breaking down, torn between denial and resignation.

It was this “double-edged” fear that Sri Lankan-born writer Michael Ondaatje described in his novel Anil’s Ghost. “There was always the fear, double-edged, that it was their son in the pit, or that it was not their son — which meant there would be further searching,” he wrote, of a fictional grave site with submerged bones.

Mothers of those who disappeared in the run-up to the final phase of the war in 2009 — many after being reportedly taken by state agencies for “questioning” — are far from accepting that their child could be dead. Those looking for relatives who went missing in the 1990s allow for that option, but have no way to reconcile with it in the absence of evidence, says Jena Jayakanthi, a Mannar-based activist working with the families of the disappeared. “If you haven’t seen your child’s body, how do you begin to believe that he is dead,” she asks.

The Sri Lankan Army has repeatedly denied having played a role, but has done little else to explain what happened to those its personnel picked up for “questioning”, or the others who were seen surrendering to its officers.

In the recently-discovered site in Mannar, the team is working largely on a voluntary basis.

In the recently-discovered site in Mannar, the team is working largely on a voluntary basis.   | Photo Credit: Picasa

 Manoharan Vetrimalar, who is looking for her disappeared son and son-in-law, raises her grandchildren in Mannar while her daughter works in Saudi Arabia as a house help to support the family. She says, “The grama sevaka [village officer] told me to obtain a death certificate for my missing relatives, so that I can receive some financial assistance for their loss. My daughter said nothing doing, we have not seen the body and we cannot accept that.” But the families, she adds, are fatigued after years of petitioning different state commissions and repeating their stories. “And then when a mass grave like this is found, it is very disturbing.”

Getting to the bottom of it

Apart from the troubling reality of unresolved cases of enforced disappearances coexisting with unexpectedly found human remains in the heart of town, the mass grave has also set off considerable speculation within and outside Mannar. Stories travel, supplemented by recollections of senior citizens —some of whom remember a bank building at the site before the now-demolished cooperative store was built — and acquiring new details and narratives.

Home to nearly 1 lakh people, mostly Tamils (Catholics, Hindus) and Tamil-speaking Muslims, Mannar is the most religiously diverse district in the north. During the war, the LTTE was in control of mainland Mannar, part of the Vanni region sandwiched between the Sinhala-majority south and the northern Jaffna peninsula. On the other hand, Mannar island itself was, for the most part, under the jurisdiction of the Army and the Navy, recalls Ranjini, quickly pulling out her 1999 “Army IC” or the identity card distributed by the Army, that was used to keep track of those moving between Mannar island and the mainland.

Says Vetrimalar, “Our district has seen a lot. I have very vivid images of shells piercing through walls, people falling dead, and of the many who were badly injured. Now, 10 years after the war ended, we are desperately looking for our missing relatives but no answers have been forthcoming. Shouldn’t we know what really happened to them?”

The government set up the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) in 2016 to investigate the scores of cases of missing persons, reported from both the former war zones in the northeast, and during the state’s ferocious crackdown on radical Sinhala youth in the south in the late 1980s. Amnesty International estimates a total of at least 60,000 disappearances in the country.

The exact number of missing persons from Mannar is not clear. The OMP has so far not put out lists or numbers, perhaps because its own task includes comparing and verifying figures mentioned in previous lists compiled by other commissions.

Says OMP chairman Saliya Pieris, “The OMP has been acting as an observer in this case since June 2, 2018 as it is a mass grave site that may relate to cases of disappearances and missing persons that fall under our mandate.” The office stepped in last year to financially support the excavation efforts and will also help transport the samples to the laboratory in Florida.

Some among the families of the disappeared are sceptical of the OMP’s ability to provide them the answers they have been chasing for years. Most of them have already testified before multiple government-appointed panels earlier, to no avail.

Says Jeyakanthi, “This is a state institution. How can a party accused of committing a crime probe it fairly and deliver justice to the victims?”

It was in March 2018, just around the time of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) session in Geneva, that Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena appointed the commissioners to the OMP. The OMP has held at least seven public sittings in different districts in the war-affected north, east and the south, where disappearances have been reported.

Says parliamentarian Charles Nirmalanathan at his party office a few hundred metres from the site, “So far the OMP has at least been transparent about what they can and can’t do. We need a thorough and complete investigation into this mass grave. People want a resolution.”

Reacting to the discovery of mass graves in Mannar, the international non-governmental organisation Human Rights Watch says, “Sri Lankan authorities should ensure that the Office of Missing Persons is able to operate properly, and should set up an impartial transitional justice process that was pledged at the Human Rights Council.”

The last time mass graves were alleged in Mannar was in late 2013, near the famed Thiruketheeswaram Shiva temple, and later in 2016, in a well not far from this temple. The investigation into the 2013 ‘sighting’ by the residents of the area is yet to be completed, with some officials reportedly declaring the grave to be a part of a cemetery. For locals, though, questions linger. In the 2016 case, investigators told the magistrate court that there were no human remains.

The inquiry into the Matale mass grave found in 2012 in the island’s Central Province has also stalled, despite the left-wing Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s (JVP) demands for a full investigation of the site where, some believe, its activists and sympathisers could have been interred during the state repression of the JVP in 1971 and again in 1987-89. Yet another mass grave in Kaluwanchikudy was found in the eastern Batticaloa district in 2014, but the excavation did not see much progress.

In the recently discovered site in Mannar, the team is working largely on a voluntary basis. Says Mr. Rajapaksa, who has led teams at two other mass graves in the past, “There are no standard operating procedures in place in Sri Lanka to deal with mass graves.”

He says, “We haven’t finished excavating yet. We will continue until we get to what we call a bone-free margin, to rule out any more bones,” suggesting that the number of skeletons could increase further.
Giving no room for speculation on who the dead may be and when they were killed, he adds, “We cannot resort to any pre-judgment without evidence. These are bodies that have been heaped up. And no one knows who did this. No one, except those who did it. We have to find out.”

His observation echoes those of many mothers who desire to unearth the truth buried with the bodies. Until then, they will remain bare bones, carefully wrapped and safely stored, bearing only a number.

Trinco village protests over lack of teachers

Residents of Paddalipuram, Trincomalee protested on Thursday over the lack of teachers at the village schools. 
19 January 2019
The village, which falls under Muttur division, has experienced a shortage of teacher and educational support staff over a number of years, residents said. 
A petition was also submitted to authorities. 


Lasantha Wickrematunge – shot for exposing atrocities in Sri Lanka
Fri, Jan 18, 2019, 11:34 am SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.


Lankapage LogoJan 18, Colombo: The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) yesterday informed the Mount Lavinia Magistrate Court that the same organized group of suspects had carried out both the murder of senior journalist and Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge and the abduction and assault of The Nation's former Deputy Editor Keith Noyahr.

When the Lasantha Wickremetunga murder inquiry was taken up yesterday (17), the OIC of the CID's Gang Robbery Unit-Inspector Nishantha Silva making submissions informed the Mount Lavinia Chief Magistrate Mohamed Mihail that the CID found that the same group of suspects is involved in both crimes.

The CID informed the court that although the intelligence units had been informed of the need to provide the reports on five telephones used by the army regarding the murder, the reports have not been provided yet and that the CID will expedite the investigations as soon as the reports are received.

All three defendants - former Army Intelligence Officer Sergeant Major Premananda Udalagama, former Mt. Lavinia Police Crimes Division Inspector Tissa Sugathapala and retired Senior DIG Prasanna Nanayakkara appeared in Court.

The first suspect military intelligence officer Udalagama, who is out on bail, was arrested over the abduction of Wickrematunge's driver, one of the witnesses in the murder case.

Former OIC Sugathapala and the Senior DIG Prasanna Nanayakkara were arrested for allegedly concealing evidence and providing false evidence in the murder.

President's Counsel Anura Maddegoda appearing on behalf of retired Senior DIG Prasanna Nanayakkara informed Court that the CID had not taken any action to arrest the real perpetrators in this murder.

The Magistrate ordered the CID to expedite the investigation and fixed further inquiries for May 10.

The Magistrate also ordered former Senior DIG Prasanna Nanayakkara to appear before the CID on the last Sunday of each month. Lasantha Wickremetunga, the founding editor of English weekly, Sunday Leader, was assassinated on January 8, 2009 by four assailants who stopped him on his way to his office on Attidiya-Mt. Lavinia road, in a suburb of Sri Lankan capital Colombo.

Court order to detain suspects for 90 days



Camelia Nathaniel-Saturday, January 19, 2019

The group of suspects arrested by the CID for possessing explosives and detonators in Wanathawilluwa were produced in court. An order was obtained to detain them for 90 days for further interrogations, the Police Spokesman’s office said.

The CID had arrested a group of persons over the discovery of 100kg of high powered explosives used to manufacture bombs, a stock of detonators and several other illegal items that were buried in a coconut estate in Wanathawilluwa, Puttalam on Thursday.

The raiding team headed by ASP Wickramasekara had travelled almost 20 km through the jungle from Wanathawilluwa and carried out this raid.

Police suspect that this organised gang of four suspects who had built a tent in the coconut estate had been planning to set off explosions in several areas for some destructive purpose.

Among the items recovered were 100 detonators, a stock of wire cords, six 20 lt. cans of Nitrate Acid which is banned in Sri Lanka, a stock of bulbs, almost 75 kg of explosives suspected to be C4 high powered explosives, a 12 bore rifle and a stock of ammunition, an air rifle, two tents, a stock of food, cameras and several other items.

The high powered explosives were placed in large barrels and buried in the estate and the 100 detonators were also buried on the estate.

Police had discovered several labels with Indian names on the plastic barrels containing the explosives and suspect that these explosives could have been brought to the country from India. The suspects had obtained electricity to their temporary tents through solar power. The high powered explosives were sent to the Government Analyst for testing yesterday and the CID expects to obtain the report shortly. A Police team comprising CID Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne and SSP Shani Abeysekara have commenced an investigation.

Children, think of the human rights of your elderly parents! 

2019-01-19 
Our major religions tell us that the most important dimension of our greatness is not so much the power we have, but our care for others. This virtue is more important when it relates to how much we care for our mothers and fathers especially when they are elderly or ailing. In the West, a regular trend is to find a home for elderly parents and in Sri Lanka also it is happening to some extent. Some children may have practical reasons for this, yet they need to remember how much their mothers and fathers did for them when they were young. Therefore to put elderly or ailing parents in homes is an act of ingratitude.   

From the time of birth, our mothers breast feed us, their blood is turned into milk and most nutritionists say breastfeeding for one to two years strengthens the bonds of love between mother and child while also helping the child to be healthier.   

Besides this in our early years it is our mothers and fathers who care for us and serve us in a selfless, sincere and sacrificial manner. In spiritual terms this is known as servant leadership. We are supposed to get it from our political, religious, social and other leaders. But what we get from them often is merely rhetoric. Genuine servant leadership often comes only from our parents. There maybe a few exceptions, but in most cases, this is true and a family built on parental love and care is the nucleus of a good society.   

Sometimes children site economic factors as the reason why they send their elderly parents to homes. They say they need to go to work for the family to manage. There may be validity in some cases. But in most instances, it is the easy way out to put elderly parents in homes. The easy way is often not the best way or the deeply spiritual way.   

Children need to realise that parents essentially do not grow old, but more mature. Precious is the guidance they could give children in taking decisions in important matters. Guidance from an elderly parent even if it be a few words is often more mature and important than long speeches from politicians or even messages from some religious leaders.   

Thus children must not forget the virtue and importance of having their elderly parents at home. If they are ailing or bed-ridden, the situation will be more difficult. But life itself is an adventure and when we give a positive response to it instead of taking the easy way out, we also grow in character and could make a much bigger contribution towards building a better society. We need to leave our boats behind, leave them on familiar shores and take a leap into the deep. Then we will discover a higher vision and mission in life, with meaning, direction, drive, determination and dynamism.   

According to the United Nations, which marks world elders’ day on October first every year, elder abuse is a global social issue which affects millions of elderly people around the world and an issue which deserves the attention of the international community.  

In a resolution, the UN General Assembly has designated June 15 as World Elder Abuse Awareness Day. It represents the one day in the year when the whole world voices its opposition to the abuse and suffering inflicted on some of our senior citizens.  

Almost 700 million people are now more than 60. By 2050, 2 billion people, or more than 20 per cent of the world’s population, will be 60 or more elderly. The increase will be the greatest and the most rapid in the developing world, with Asia as the region with the largest number of elderly people. With this in mind, enhanced attention to the particular needs and challenges faced by many elderly people is clearly required. Just as important, however, is the essential contribution the majority of elderly men and women can continue to make to the functioning of society if adequate guarantees are in place. Human rights lie at the core of all efforts in this regard.  

Of “War Heroes” And War Crimes

Emil van der Poorten
logoEven the fact that it is our totally discredited President who continues to mouth a litany of unbelievable nonsense doesn’t seem to discredit it.
I speak here of his consistently defending Sri Lanka’s security forces against any allegation of so much as “unacceptable conduct” by them during the conflict with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil In fact, if he had anything other than total amnesia, he should remember the brutality displayed, particularly by the Sri Lanka police who were given carte blanche by Mrs. Bandaranaike to quell that very rebellion, with bodies floating down rivers, being burned above Trinity College’s Asgiriya playing field, and hotel beaches near where the Maha Oya enters the sea being cleared of dead bodies first thing in the morning so that tourists wouldn’t see the “decorations.” He was part of that insurrection and it was his fellow-combatants who were massacred.
That there are in any grouping of people anti-social elements is something beyond argument. To swear up and down that nothing untoward happens within those groups is absolute piffle. Also, very important, this blanket benediction that our President seeks to give everyone in uniform does a very serious disservice to those who discharged their duties within the Geneva Convention and were, in fact, genuine heroes.
In our own neighbourhood, three of the most reprehensible “colonists” that no one would allow in their compounds, leave alone into their homes, enlisted, were given training in the use of sophisticated combat weapons and proceeded to desert, were arrested and proceeded to repeat the same pattern of behaviour.  One  of these individuals is currently confined to an institution reserved for the mentally ill, prior to which he regularly assaulted the mother who supported him so severely and regularly that she is incapable of maintaining anything resembling a stable relationship with her friends or family.
Some of the others in that same community have a reputation of being the biggest thieves and parasites around.
To rank people like those I’ve just described with others who served honourably and bravely is nothing less than criminal when, in the court of world opinion there is a general tendency to throw the baby out with the bathwater once serious flaws are found in any statement, particularly from a head of state.
 (LTTE/Tamil Tigers).
So much as a mention of anything resembling less than pristine conduct by a security force of half a million (the same as the Russian army in numbers, as I shall never tire of repeating) brings forth a platitudinous torrent from this man whose experience of combat was his participation in the abortive 1971 “Che Guevara” insurrection for which he was incarcerated until his father “pulled the strings” that enabled his release.

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“NEWSFIRST” IS ONE OF THE WORST OFFENDERS OF MEDIA FREEDOM IN SRI LANKA – SUMANTHIRAN



Sri Lanka Brief
18/01/2019
The media is busy reporting on what various individuals say about the draft Constitution, but don’t look at what draft itself says. The media is intent on reporting deliberately false and misleading news regarding the Constitution. There are many forces in the South that are hoping to prevent a new Constitution being passed, and the media that support such forces spread such false “news”.

“NewsFirst” is one of the worst offenders. They are here today. I hope they report this in full. A few days ago they used one phrase I used in a speech out of context, and falsely reported that I had stated that with the new Constitution, a separate state would be a possibility. That is completely false, and directly contradictory to what I said! One of the main things I said in that speech was that we should give up the Eelam dream.

The whole country knows about MTV. They have been continuously engaging is this dangerous and deliberate false reporting and the time has come to take them to task, and they will be taken to task. I want to tell them that directly today.

Today’s Ceylon Today headline is also an example of false reporting. The TNA asked that the Government consult with MPs of the area before taking cabinet decisions regarding those areas, and the Government agreed to do this. This is what the Hon. Mavai Senathiraja said. The news report states that he says there is an agreement between the TNA and Government and that no cabinet decisions can be taken without consulting with the TNA! I said that the Tamil areas in the East should also be included in this mechanism of consultation, but the news item says that I said there will be a North East merger!
(Speech made by Hon. Sumanthiran’s in Jaffna – TNA media office)

They Have Even Forgotten Our Names: Upali Tennakoon Says 10 Years After Brutal Attack That Still Remains Unresolved

logo
Although 10 years have elapsed after the attack on former Rivira Editor Upali Tennakoon, the perpetrators of the assaults are yet to be brought to justice.
Tennakoon was assaulted by an armed gang two weeks after the brutal murder of Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge. Tennakoon was attacked a few months after the Rivira newspaper was acquired by two close associates of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, namely Nilanka Rajapaksha and Prasanna Wickramasuriya
Wickramasuriya is the brother of former Sri Lankan Ambassador to the US Jaliya Wickremasuriya and a cousin of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Just days after the assassination of Wickrematunge, Tennakoon and his wife came under attack in Gampaha in January 2009. The culprits came on motorbikes and followed a similar attack style which was carried out to attack Wickrematunge, although the attack on Tennakoon was not meant to be fatal.
Although the paper was partly owned by his cousin, Rajapaksa did not conduct a proper investigation into the assault on Tennakoon. The CID began an investigation into the incident in 2015, when the Rajapaksa family fell out of power.
The CID arrested several suspects in connection with the incident. During the identification parade in 2017, Tennakoon and his wife identified the person who attacked them.
He was Premananda Udalagama, who is already in remand custody in connection to Wickrematunge’s assassination has been ordered to be further remanded till August 29.
Udalagama, a Sergeant-Major, was also identified by Dias, driver of Wickrematunge as the man who abducted him. In July, the CID arrested Udalagama claiming that he was involved in Wickrematunge’s murder.
This strongly suggested that the murder of Wickrematunga and the assault on Tennakoon was carried out by the same group. The CID has already informed the court that the abduction of Keith Noyahrwas also carried out by the same group that assaulted Tennakoon. The death squad operated from the Tripoli Army camp in Maradana.
Despite pro-longed investigations, there is still no finality on the matter. The suspects have been released on bail and victims are highly frustrated over the delayed justice.

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Sri Lanka’s ride to nowhere

This craze for trivia–the Lankan dilemma 

 2019-01-18
ne brother says, I’m ready if people are ready. The elder brother then tells media, I am also ready. They are both talking of the next Presidential Election. The fact remains, there are two other brothers, who matter more.  
One has to give his consent and the other has to take over campaign management. That’s how the Rajapaksa family politics work and how Sinhala Buddhist votes begin to warm up as Rajapaksa votes. They, in fact, are not Rajapaksa votes, but
Mahinda votes.  
So, Mahinda is, who matters most, in Sri Lankan elections.  

This Rajapaksa issue turned into a major political coverage in media during the past few days. So are other issues like the Sarath Fonseka – Thewarapperuma public duel, calling each other with beastly names. Then there was that Presidential patriotism of declaring the Thripitakaya, the three part Buddhist doctrine as a national heritage by President Sirisena.  
Added was the Government’s pride in settling a one billion US dollar loan instalment, they anyway have to as the ruling Government.  
In between were media coverage on who would contest the next Presidential Election from the UNP and whether President Sirisena would be supported by
Mahinda Rajapaksa.  
Then the old but the never-solved issue of abolishing the Executive Presidency comes up again in
news pages.  

Meanwhile, PM Wickremesinghe’s blast in Parliament against Black Media was taken to selected media institutes by a group of Colombo Activists covered in Black.
In their usually very naïve manner as they said during the October mess they are for democracy and not for Ranil but folded up after Ranil was sworn in again as PM, they were trying to convince others, theirs was only an attempt at cleaning up media and not an extension of PM Wickremesinghe’s blast against Black Media.  
With all these carnivals by Colombo middle class groups, and regular media coverage of peripheral issues brought to centre stage, Sri Lankan polity is being taken on a ride to nowhere.  
Not just this time, but as a regular custom with all elections.  

"Mahinda is, who matters most, in Sri Lankan elections "

Can any discourse on any of these issues find answers to the major crisis that Sri Lanka is getting screwed in daily? Will the selection of Presidential candidates provide answers to the 70 years plus political conflict that still lingers after the 28-year-old armed conflict was brutally and savagely concluded?  
Will another President representing the same corrupt and indecent political culture, backed by the same corrupt political parties and funded by the filthy rich provide reasonable answers to those young females from poor rural families who migrate to the Mid-East in hundred thousands each year as housemaids for just 35,000 rupees? Will they lift the rustic education system to provide quality education with better and relevant content in school curricula, by improving the standard of national education with equal opportunities to all children in all 10,000 schools in developing children as responsible citizens for the future?  
Will the next President provide an improved modern preventive health system that would reduce numbers who require hospitalised treatment and have medical doctors serving the people true to the Hippocratic Oath, if they ever know what it is?  

Will there be a reasonably efficient, affordable and comfortable public commuter service that will remove these mad traffic jams in and out of Colombo, when flyovers and highways prove they simply cannot reduce massive traffic congestions?  
Will a new President restructure the present police department into a civil department that can police the society in establishing rule of law?  
Will the new President clean up the Judiciary so that thousands who loiter around in courthouses daily, linger in remand prisons for many years without bail granted, rid the system of dragging cases for years and years and also rid the private bar of lawyers who do not issue a receipt for the fee they charge?
There is only one single and a solid answer to all those questions-a firm NO.  The reason is, the issue is not the candidate. Let’s run through the process of how a presidential candidate is decided.  

This time, there will not be even the Colombo middle-class discourse that revolved around a Sinhala Buddhist candidate to abolish the Executive Presidency as in 2014.  
Let’s also not forget that the candidate sought for by Colombo headhunters is a Sinhala Buddhist whatever the political party or alliance is and none other.  
With Ven. Sobitha Thera brought to spearhead the campaign, the final decision yet had to be taken by the leading Opposition parties.  
The UNP and its leader Wickremesinghe thus were crucial. No candidate, who would not be backed by the UNP and solicit the support of the Tamil and Muslim people could ever think of meeting the challenge of running against then-President Rajapaksa.
Ultimately, Ven. Sobitha Thera and his supporters had to accept the decision of the UNP leadership and its scheming political allies when they declared Maithripala Sirisena as their Common Candidate.  

"A run through the process of how a presidential candidate is decided "

Their whole programme was basically reduced to two main campaign slogans; Abolishing of the Executive Presidency and
Anti-Corruption.  
This time too, all Presidential aspirants are fixated on anti-corruption and abolishing of the Executive Presidency.  
The Executive Presidency has nothing to do with corruption.  
This I have argued in these pages many times before by asking what brought Anna Hazare onto the streets with millions protesting against mega corruption in India that has had no Executive Presidency and no PR electoral system?”  Also, the US should be the most horrible autocratic State with its Executive Presidency-if such Executive Presidencies remained the major reason for the dictatorial rule. The problem is never there.  

The problem lies with totally undemocratic political parties that run with black money pumped by the filthy rich.  
None of the two traditional political parties, the UNP and the SLFP plus the new traditional party the SLPP, knows what democracy is.  
Their leaders have never been democratically elected. Their party structures are wholly warped and deformed to allow their leader to decide on anything in any way s/he wants to.  
Why could not the rebels from 2006 make any worthy change in the UNP leadership? In 2006 they left the UNP to hold Ministerial portfolios under President Rajapaksa.  

Since then for 12 years, all attempts have failed and have seen some compromising, few leaving the party and some being thrown out.  
The SLFP is no better. We see the President of the party Maithripala Sirisena suspending its Central Committee meetings, removing General Secretaries, appointing Central Committee members and re-appointing General Secretaries, sacking electoral organisers and appointing his own loyalists and deciding even on political alliances for his own advantage.  
Can political parties with such horribly structured dictatorial life, establish democratic and accountable Governments? Can these political leaders backed by “black money” ever serve the people?  

"No candidate not backed by UNP and supports minorities will ever think of running against Rajapaksa"

It’s a rotten system kept going by these political parties. No Presidential candidate, from Gotabhaya to Chamal, from Sirisena to Mahinda would ever change this heavily corrupt socio-political culture;nor would the UNP, with or without Wickremesinghe.  
A decent change will have to come through serious and intellectual discourse that would search for an alternate development model.  
One, that would bring about a complete change in the Constitution, with public participation.  
Public participation is NOT collecting suggestions and proposals through a committee appointed to summarise all that is collected and to be given to the PM.  
Public participation means the active involvement of people in drafting the Constitution.
Unless these two discussions emerge in a society as strong and intellectual opinion making public discussions, the petty and peripheral issues taking centre stage in deciding political leadership in this country will keep Sri Lanka further on the decline, despite who is nominated and who is elected the
next president.   


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Sanjana Hattotuwa- 

Sirisena, Wickremesinghe, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, his brother Chamal and Karu Jayasuriya. The last week saw media frame prospective candidates for an office that the incumbent said, nay, swore on 9th January 2015, he would never seek re-election to and would be the last to occupy. Evidence of Sri Lanka’s sickeningly bankrupt political culture is again to be found in how, leaving aside unequivocal promises four years ago, even the catastrophic events of late 2018 and its entrenchment have not resulted in any meaningful measures to abolish the Executive Presidency. While the government continues bizarrely, blindly and blithely with business as usual, the names paraded as Presidential aspirants offer some interesting insights.

Early last week and soon after Chamal Rajapaksa noted he, too, was open to throwing his hat into the circus, I noted flippantly on Twitter, with two images that juxtaposed him and his brother Gotabaya, that this was classic A/B testing. A technique used in marketing, A/B testing at its simplest is the projection, production or promotion of two or more alternatives, with reactions or responses to each acting as signals around what is an intended or desired outcome. Websites do this all the time, invisibly. From search results to changes in the design and layout, leading websites are in constant A/B testing mode - refining rendering based on context and a multitude of other factors with the aim of retaining audiences, increasing consumption or converting visits to purchases.

In the political domain, what we are seeing is a parallel process - quite brilliant I may add - of first proposing the most heinous and horrendous of candidates so as to engineer a public mood swing away from them, and on to those who would if first proposed, be roundly dismissed. In other words, the very real fear of the worst candidate being elected as Executive President, and the clear licence that office affords for madness to mutate, may guide the public towards alternatives who are in fact no more decent, democratic or liberal, but aren’t overtly tainted as architects of extra-judicial murder, abductions, war crimes and violence. Proposing some of these names ensures, thus, the mere illusion of choice and is designed the ensure the validation and continuation of the status quo.

That said, there is genuine reason to fear a serious Gotabaya Rajapaksa bid for the presidency. Viyath Maga is already a platform that connects many, from a range of disciplines and backgrounds, who can be transformed into central nodes of a political campaign. The problem is evident in a close study of social media engagement. Soon after a leading Prelate’s recommendation last year that Gotabaya needed to become Hitler to sort out Sri Lanka’s issues - one that, important to record, the individual concerned embraced and never once decried or denounced - social media engagement pegged to around eighty pages I track on Facebook unsurprisingly showed a brief period of heightened production and engagement. However, compared to Namal and Mahinda Rajapaksa respectively, over time, Gotabaya failed to maintain anything close to that sudden peak in popularity. As this column has previously noted, the most rabidly racist and communal content - by order of magnitude - is to be found in the constellation of pages around Gotabaya Rajapaksa. This ranges from imagery and photography, to content and commentary. The degree of frothing, fear-mongering, fascist nationalism promoted and prevalent on these pages does not mirror any other cluster I monitor, save for around one hundred extremist Sinhala-Buddhist sites I keep tabs on. The projection to a larger constituency the interactions I monitor at scale and over time on these and other pages isn’t simple or easy. As an indication however of dynamics that can, at the very least, be proxy indicators for public sentiment and support, the patterns and trends within and amongst these clusters can be extremely revealing. And what it suggests is that, quite apart and aside from external concern and anxiety, the resistance to a Gotabaya candidacy clearly comes from within the SLPP, and in fact, from within the family.

The arc of succession clearly bends towards the paternal instincts of Mahinda Rajapaksa. Tellingly, neither Gotabaya nor Chamal’s announcements have, to date, got any recognition from Mahinda, much less endorsement. Recall the widely-shared telegenics and photography around the opening of the SLPP headquarters in May last year. Gotabaya, Chamal and Mahinda made it a point to be photographed together - smiling, holding hands, standing shoulder to shoulder. Mahinda made it a point to note that Viyath Maga was only a name, and was essentially a vehicle to carry forward his populist chinthanaya. And yet, all that public posturing died down quickly. Unexpected events several months thereafter didn’t benefit Gotabaya or Chamal. Gotabaya wasn’t part of, or featured heavily in Jana Balaya. And in the middle of all this, Basil Rajapaksa - by many accounts a brilliant political strategist yet without any social media footprint - is also silent. Tainted by violence, scandal and under active investigation for the misappropriation of funds, three of the four brothers are bound together in an unholy alliance that secures their freedom, immunity and impunity only if one or more of them have access to or regain political power. Chamal Rajapaksa’s announcement is interesting in this regard. However, like Basil, with a near zero social media footprint, his appeal to and traction with the SLPP’s core constituency is a great unknown. His allegiances towards and relationship with each brother are also unknown.

Quantitative analysis aside, the qualitative nature of content produced and promoted by social media clusters anchored to Namal, Mahinda and Gotabaya are, counter-intuitively, only rarely in harmony. Further, even when they do in concert promote an idea, message or mission, it is in opposition to the UNP or an external party. There is very little evidence, in other words, of a unified, pan-Rajapaksa campaign or strategy that endures beyond the purely episodic. And if all this wasn’t complex enough, add to the mix what was noted by Dilith Jayaweera in an interview published four years ago, around his relationship with the Rajapaksas. Jayaweera, who leads the country’s premier political communications outfit by far, handles the official accounts of Mahinda, Gotabaya and Namal. Well defined signatures of collaboration and coordination abound in many other unofficial pages and accounts pegged to these three individuals. Jayaweera knows full well the challenges noted here, and a whole lot more besides. And that is precisely why the study of what’s not present in, framed by or promoted on each respective social media cluster or official account is so fascinating to study, as probable, prescient indicators of political intent.

The elephant in the room, no pun intended, is the UNP. Much if not all of the political dynamics noted above inhabits or grows in and because of a vacuum created by Wickremesinghe. Nothing - absolutely (insert expletive of your choice) nothing - seems to wake the party up from its somnambulism. Not electoral defeat. Not constitutional crises. Not a hostile President. Not friendly advice. Not data. Not evidence. Not experience. Not electoral signals. Not civil society. Not well-known enemies of democracy entrenched in state institutions.

Four years ago the government’s central challenge around this time was around the delivery of a 100-day programme that was overly ambitious and bound to disappoint. This year, citizens should completely give up any vestigial hope in good governance. At the same time, we need to ask ourselves how best to sustain the kind of government that allows us all to best realise our democratic potential.

All bets are off around the configuration, late 2019, that emerges as the custodian of that shared dream.

HRCSL obtains statements from prisoners on alleged assault


The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) has obtained statements from prisoners on the alleged assault on them at the Angunakolapalessa Closed Prison on November 22, 2018.

The HRCSL issuing a press statement on the incident said that it summoned the Commissioner-General of Prisons and the Superintendent of Angunakolapalessa Prison for inquiries in early December last year.

“During these inquiries, the Commission reiterated the need to adhere to the Constitutional provisions on freedom from torture and pointed to the Convention Against Torture Act No 22 of 1994, which criminalizes torture. Inquiries are on-going and the Commission expects to issue its recommendations soon,” the statement said.

Meanwhile, the ‘Committee for Protecting Rights of Prisoners’ yesterday complained to the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) the alleged assault on the prisoners at the Angunakolapelessa Prison on November 22 last year.

Committee Secretary Sudesh Nandimal Silva told the Daily News that all the CDs containing video of the incident were handed over to the Commission along with a written complaint.He also expressed his displeasure over the comments by Justice and Prison Reforms Minister Thalatha Athukorala at a press conference on Thursday, alleging that she was trying to suppress the incident to protect the wrongdoers.

After submitting the complaint to the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka, a demonstration was held near the premises in protest of the Justice Minister’s reactions to the incident.
 
CCTV footage from the newly constructed Angunakolapelessa Prison released by the Committee for Protecting Prisoners’ Rights showed how unarmed prisoners were allegedly assaulted by the Police within the prison complex on November 22 during the political coup.

The leaked CCTV footage made the rounds in the social media.

A tri-member Committee headed by Prisons Commissioner (Administration/ Intelligence and Security Division) Thushara Upuldeniya was appointed to conduct the special inquiry into the incident and the report is due on Monday.

Striving To Become A “Democracy”

By Samantha Ratwatte –
Samantha Ratwatte PC
logoThe Economist’s “Intelligence unit Democracy Index” which provides a snapshot of the state of democracy globally has ranked Norway in the top of the list as a “full democracy” while Sri Lanka is ranked as a “Flawed democracy” towards the bottom of the rankings though Sri Lanka  defines itself a “Democratic  Socialist Republic”.
Several factors are said to be considered in giving these rankings. What is striking though is that features in the Constitutions of Countries have been conveniently omitted and all factors taken into account are highly subjective. In this scenario analyzing some of the salient features of the top ranked “full democracy” Norwegian Constitution , makes interesting reading.
Article 1 – The Kingdom of Norway is a free, independent, indivisible and inalienable realm. Its form of government is a limited and hereditary monarchy.
According to Article 2 -the values of Norway will be based on its Christian and humanist heritage while saying it will ensure democracy, a State based on the rule of law and human rights.
The executive power is vested in the King in terms of Article 3 and 
Article 4 stipulates the King shall at all times profess the Evangelical-Lutheran religion.
The King’s person cannot be censured or accused and the responsibility rests with his Council as per Article 5.
Though by Article 16 the inhabitants of the realm are said to have  the right to free exercise of their religion, by the same Article the Church of Norway, an Evangelical-Lutheran church, remains the Established Church of Norway and will as such be supported by the State.
The Prime Minister and the other Members of the Council of State, together with the state secretaries, may be dismissed by the King without any prior court judgment, after he has heard the opinion of the Council of State on the subject According to Article 22.
The same applies to senior officials employed in government ministries or in the diplomatic or consular service, the highest ranking civil officials, commanders of regiments and other military formations, commandants of fortresses and officers commanding warships.
Article 24-The King chooses and dismisses, at his own discretion, his royal household and court officials.
Article 49 refers to the only power vested in the people which is the exercise of legislative power through the Storting (Parliament). The Members of the Storting are elected through free and secret elections.
Article 75(m) devolves power upon the Storting: to naturalize aliens.
Article 114-To senior official posts in the State only Norwegian citizens, men or women, who speak the language of the country, and who: 
a) either were born in the realm of parents who were then Norwegian subjects; 
b) or were born in a foreign country of Norwegian parents who were not at that time subjects of another State; 
c) or hereafter have resided for ten years in the realm; 
d) or have been naturalized by the Storting. Others may, however, be appointed as teachers at universities and institutions of higher learning, as medical practitioners and as consuls in places abroad may be appointed.

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