Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, January 15, 2019

Rajarata Chronic kidney disease, fluoride, and the Mahaweli project: All possibly connected?


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By Ranjith W. Dharmaratne- 

By now, it is common knowledge that a significant number of people from farming communities living in the North Central Province (herein referred to as Rajarata) suffer from Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD). Over the past three decades, a number of investigations on the causes of CKD have been conducted, but no conclusion has been drawn yet on what exactly is causing CKD in the Rajarata context. Although a number of theories have been proposed, none has been confirmed so far, due to the lack of evidence. There are arguments and counter-arguments within the scientific community as well as among laypeople and political circles. As more and more people suffer from CKD, it is concerning that there is still no solution on the horizon for this burning problem. Currently, the only options left for CKD patients are costly procedures such as dialysis and kidney transplant. Unfortunately, there is still not enough guidance and awareness for the Rajarata public on preventing CKD.

A crisis endemic to Rajarata?

The majority of CKD patients from Rajarata do not show any identifiable causes of CKD compared to their CKD counterparts elsewhere, such as long standing diabetes and hypertension. This observation leads one to determine that this particular disease, or at least the cause, may be endemic to the Rajarata area. In fact, in 2003, Dr. Tilak Abeyesekera reported a pattern of this CKD in Rajarata. Considering these observations, it is logical to narrow down our focus to the lifestyles on the said communities, in particular various environmental factors that directly affect people’s day-to-day lives. Some reports claim that more than 15% of residents of the affected areas are suffering from CKD. A significant number of reports have highlighted that mostly the males working in the fields are affected by the disease. A number of theories suggest that CKD occur due to cadmium, fluoride, arsenic, aluminum, mercury, uranium, vanadium, algal toxins, and phosphates. More recent theories mainly focused on the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, especially the use of the herbicide glyphosates.

A link to drinking water?

Although none of the above theories have been confirmed due to the lack of scientific evidence, in the Rajarata context, something almost all CKD investigators in Sri Lanka appear to agree on is the possibility of drinking water having a direct association with CKD observed in Rajarata. Therefore, it is important that we focus a bit more on drinking water in the affected region.

Unlike with many other diseases, CKD often has no symptoms until the disease has reached an advanced stage. Damages shown in certain areas of the kidneys of the CKD patients could indicate the possibility of an adverse effect of a potential toxic substance present in drinking water. Chronic exposure to drugs, occupational hazards, or environmental toxins can lead to chronic kidney diseases, so CKD in Rajarata may possibly be due to one of the above factors contaminating the drinking water of CKD affected people. It is important to note that most people living in Rajarata’s CKD-prone areas consume water from the groundwater and deep-dug tube wells. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that a toxic element could contaminate groundwater in both shallow and deep wells. According to resident doctors in Rajarata, city dwellers who consume potable water supplied from water tanks do not suffer from CKD. These observations lead one to investigate the potential toxic elements in the groundwater that are harmful to kidneys. An examination of groundwater in the CKD-affected areas of Rajarata reveals the presence of an unhealthy amount of fluoride, and this finding is in fact the biggest reason to consider fluoride as the cause for CKD in early studies in the Rajarata context. However, due to the lack of supporting information on their hand, investigators at the time were not able to prove this theory, and therefore the theory of fluoride being the culprit was put aside. I have however, recently reviewed nearly hundred years of literature on toxicity of excess fluoride on animal and human kidneys, and established that there is a direct link between high fluoride levels in drinking water and CKD. The fluoride levels of groundwater consumed in CKD-affected areas range from 0.5 to 5 milligrams per liter (mg/L), a level well above the limit recommended for tropical countries by the World Health Organization (i.e. 1 mg/L). We see some reports showing alarming fluoride levels as high as 3.9 to 7.3 mg/L in groundwater in some of the affected areas. Also, the presence of widespread diseases such as dental and skeletal fluorosis is in Rajarata confirms that people living in these areas are highly likely poisoned by high amounts of fluoride.

Are children at a higher risk?

According to the United States (US) Dietary Reference Intakes (DRI) charts, the tolerable upper intake levels of fluorides for children is 1.3 - 2.2 mg per day. It is estimated that an average child consumes 10 cups (2.8 L) of water per day. Therefore, by drinking just 10 cups of water from a water source that has two 2 mg/L of fluoride, a child consumes 5.6 mg of fluoride. This is 2.5 times the maximum tolerable upper intake of fluoride for a child age up to 13 years, which can harm the child’s kidneys. This finding is extremely concerning, because there are areas in Rajarata where the fluoride in groundwater is reported to be 5 mg/L or above. This means children of these areas may be consuming more than 14 mg of fluorides per day, which is 6.4 times of the maximum tolerable upper intake of fluoride for a child. This is a very dangerous situation which can lead to serious damage to the kidneys of children. Scientific research investigations related to fluoride and kidneys show that infants and children have an impaired ability to expel absorbed fluoride from the body, and they retain 80-90% of the absorbed fluoride compared to adults (50%). Therefore, the retention of high amount of fluoride absorbed by body/kidneys of children can lead to kidney damage of children living in areas with even 2 mg/L of fluoride in groundwater, as highlighted in above. Consequently, adults whose kidneys were damaged due to fluoride consumption in childhood are at an even greater risk of ending up as CKD patients, if they continued consuming water from the fluoride contaminated sources. Therefore, it is fairly apparent that kidneys of the people living in the areas where high levels of fluoride present in groundwater are likely being exposed to high levels of fluoride that lead to kidney disease, for some as early as from infancy.

Why men in Rajarata more affected than women?

Now that a considerable relationship between CKD and fluoride-contaminated water has been established, one observation leads me to another CKD-related question: what is a possible explanation for men in affected areas in Rajarata more prone to CKD compared to women? Generally, men spend more times in the paddy fields or farms compared to their female counterparts, and dehydration due to constant exposure to the sun make them consume more water, especially in the form of their humble beverage, tea. Tea, actually adds even more fluoride to their system.

Is tea a vehicle for even more fluoride?

Tea, especially low-quality tea, is exceptionally high in fluoride. According to a study conducted in the US, the average fluoride content of the brewed teas is nearly 4 mg/L, which was 3-4 times higher than the average amount of fluoride in tap water in the US. According to the same US DRI charts referred to earlier in this article, the tolerable upper intake levels of fluorides for adults (above 13 years) is 10 mg per day. Let’s consider a scenario where a farmer drinks 4 liters of water (with 2 mg/L fluoride) and 5 cups of tea (1.4 L) on a given day. A quick calculation shows that this farmer consumes 8 mg of fluoride by drinking the 4 liters of water from the water source that has a 2 mg/L fluoride content. Using the US average fluoride content of the brewed tea, another calculation shows that the farmer would be consuming nearly 7 mg (2.8 mg from water that used to brew tea, and 4.2 mg from tealeaves) of fluoride by drinking the 5 cups of tea. This means the average dose of fluoride consumed by the farmer surpasses 15 mg per a day. This amount is 1.5 times the maximum tolerable upper intake of fluoride for an adult. Therefore, even 2 mg/L of fluoride in groundwater can make have harmful effects on farmers living in Rajarata. Similar calculations show that the farmers living in the areas where fluoride content of water is 5 mg/L or above are probably consuming more than 31 mg of fluoride per day, which is 3.1 times the maximum tolerable upper intake of fluoride for an adult, which is chronically toxic to the kidneys.

A link to the Rajarata diet?

A high concentration of fluoride in the soil is also directly linked to high fluoride in the groundwater and surrounding vegetation. The addition of fluoride from diets of crops grown in this soil will also elevate fluoride levels in the body, making people further vulnerable to CKD. Vegetables, pulses and other crops grown in this area likely contain high amounts of fluoride due to high levels of fluoride in the soil and the groundwater. For example, the green leafy vegetable "Thampala" excessively absorbs fluoride from the soil. Therefore, it is highly likely that crops grown in these areas with higher concentrations of fluoride will add even more fluoride to people’s diet, just as with the consumption of tea.

A crisis born three decades ago?

A possible unintended consequence of the Mahaweli River Diversification Programme (herein referred to as the Mahaweli Project) launched in the 1980s comes to mind as the most plausible explanation for my next question: why have all Rajarata CKD cases emerged within the last three decades? The Mahaweli Project that brought a new water source to benefit the Rajarata area caused the groundwater table to elevate. As the Mahaweli Project started to expand into most of the now CKD-stricken areas, the Mahaweli river basin also extended. Due to the flat landscape in the irrigation areas, the supply of extra water led to an increase in water table levels resulting in high salinity levels in groundwater. High salinity in the groundwater means more fluoride and other minerals in groundwater, and most of these saline products make their way into the systems of those who drink groundwater and consume agricultural crops grown in the area. This theory is supported by reports calming that groundwater in the CKD-affected areas have become more saline during the past decades, based on observations made by the people living in the area. Further, scientific reports on gradual but substantial increases in the fluoride content of groundwater in Rajarata further validate this observation. In addition to the rise of the water table, drilling of a large number of tube wells in the region could also be another factor affecting the increase of salinity of well water, including fluoride levels. Aligning with the above, reports on the distribution of fluoride in groundwater in Sri Lanka clearly show that the level of fluoride in groundwater in CKD-prevalent areas is much higher than that of the neighboring farming districts (i.e. 1-3 mg/L). This disparity may probably be due to the absence of major irrigation projects in those neighboring districts during the last two to three decades, thereby keeping the groundwater table at a stable level, which prevents the increase of fluoride and other minerals in the groundwater as well as in the food crops grown in those areas. As high salinity in groundwater indicates more fluoride in groundwater, drinking this groundwater and consuming a locally-grown diet could highly likely be the reason for this relatively newly-detected chronic kidney disease in Rajarata. If it was not for Dr. Tilak Abeyesekera reporting a pattern of this kidney disease in Rajarata, we would not have known for how long this condition had existed, and how many people had perished from the disease.

To summarize all my points above:

There is a high fluoride content in the groundwater in Rajarata, and due to fluoride poisoning, dental and skeletal fluorosis is widespread in the communities.

There is a considerable amount scientific evidence worldwide to prove that there is a direct link between high fluoride levels in drinking water and kidney disease.

It is harder for children to eliminate fluoride from their systems compared to adults, which leads to kidney damage of children living in the areas with high fluoride.

If adults who had kidney damage due to high fluoride in their childhood continue to consume water from the same water source, they are more vulnerable to CKD.

Through consuming more water and tea, people working in farms and engaging in other laborious activities outside for prolonged periods are even more susceptible to additional doses of fluoride entering their system.

The extension of the Mahaweli river basin due to the Mahaweli Project led to the rise in water-table levels, resulting in high salinity levels in groundwater, adding more fluoride and other minerals to groundwater.

All these additional fluorides and other saline products make their way into the systems of the people in Rajarata area, through the drinking water and through diets of locally grown crops.

To conclude, based on the above arguments derived from scientific literature and research, I believe with confidence that the culprit of the so-called "Rajarata Chronic Kidney Disease" in Sri Lanka has to be the excess fluoride in drinking water from the wells and in the local food crops grown in the affected areas. Therefore, I highly recommend that the Sri Lankan Government immediately take action to provide safe drinking water to the people in Rajarata, while educating especially the school children on the possible root causes of the diseases. As a start, for example, nursing mothers should be discouraged from using groundwater for formula preparing or any cooking purposes. I also believe that purified surface water from local tanks fed by Mahaweli river water is much safer than the groundwater in the affected area.

Ranjith W. Dharmaratne (BSc, PhD) is a scientist. This article is based on two recent review articles written by the author that appeared in peer reviewed international journals, Journal of Environment Science and Preventive Medicine (2015) and Human and Experimental Toxicology (2018).

BIO-CONTROL MEASURES TO CURB ‘SENA’ MENACE




The Agriculture Department has taken action to develop a tolerant variety and introduce bio control measures to curb the Fall Army Worm (FAW) or Sena menace.

Agriculture Director General W.M.W. Weerakoon told the Daily News yesterday that there are viruses infected in this pest in other countries and they hope to use all the integrated pest management technologies to thwart this fast spreading caterpillar locally known as the Sena caterpillar.

The Department initiated weekly campaigns in November and December last year and again from January 16 to 31 in an islandwide campaign with officers from Agriculture Department, Agrarian Services Department and the Mahaweli Development Authority participating. We are also obtaining the FAO and other international organizations’ support and also from universities to curb this menace,” he added.

The ‘Sena’ catepillar initially detected in Ampara and Anuradhapura districts has now spread to several other districts.

The caterpillar variant has caused damage to corn fields and reports said that it is now affecting other types of crops. The Agriculture Department has instructed paddy farmers to be vigilant on the presence of the worm in their fields and to take immediate measures to mitigate the risk of spreading.

Around 50 percent of about 80,000 hectares of maize cultivated lands has already been affected and the economical damage is less than 20 percent.

Response To Evasive CBSL Governor Indrajit


Amrit Muttukumaru
logoThe response of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) on behalf of its Governor Indrajit Coomaraswamy to my article Governor Indrajit & EU ‘Blacklist’ On Money Laundering” is a crude master class on PREVARICATION. In the ‘Comments’ section of the ‘Colombo Telegraph’ Kalinga describes it aptly as “A confession of dereliction of duty and due diligence by so called govenor of Central Bank.” The CBSL does not source the response to any particular official which is the norm in CREDIBLE organizations. The fact that none of the major print media thought it fit to publish my article which deals with an issue which does enormous economic damage to the country tells its own story. 
EU ‘Blacklist’
Not all the verbal gymnastics engaged by CBSL can undo the HUGE DAMAGE to the economy by Sri Lanka continuing to be on the European Union (EU) ‘BLACKLIST’ for money laundering for over a year. The EU issued the ‘Blacklist’ subsequent to the ‘Financial Action Task Force’ (FATF) placing the country on its ‘GREY LIST’ from November 2017. FATF recommendations are “recognised as the global anti-money laundering (AML) and counter-terrorist financing (CFT) standard.”
While Coomaraswamy who has been CBSL Governor since 3 July 2016 for 16 months PRIOR to this ruling must bear some responsibility (together with Messrs. Cabraal and Mahendran), he must bear MAJOR RESPONSIBILITY for the country CONTINUING to be on the ‘Blacklist’ for over a year. 
Of what use is the CBSL“time bound action plan” if the country continues to be on the EU ‘Blacklist’ for more than a year? What is its timeframe for the removal of the ‘Blacklist’?
Bond Scam
Of what use are the claimed Steps initiated by the CBSL” if it has not resulted in holding those concerned ACCOUNTABLE  for the Treasury Bond Scam under the Yahapalana government which is arguably the largest financial scam to have taken place in the post-independence history of Sri Lanka.  
I repeat (a) how long does it take for the CBSL to carry out its much vaunted FORENSIC AUDIT? (b) the CBSL which is the issuing agency for Treasury Bonds has to date not even QUANTIFIED the loss incurred by the State which is widely perceived to be huge (c) even crucial issues of governance incidental to the bond scam thrown up by witnesses at the Presidential Commission (PCoI) which include possible tax evasion, money laundering and PEPs (Politically Exposed Persons) being directors of banks are not even on the radar.
We look forward to the CBSL “press notice is to be issued in a few days” on the subject of “forensic audits”.
We trust it will also address:
i) Kaushitha Rathnaveera, a Senior Dealer of PTL (Perpetual Treasuries Limited) disclosing to the Presidential Commission (PCoI) probing the Bond Scam that “millions” encashed by him were “several times” left on “PTL CEO Kasun Palisena’s chair”
ii) Nuwan Salgado, Chief Dealer of PTL disclosing to the PCoI that on the “instructions of PTL CEO Kasun Palisena” he maintained a record of payments to “informants” code named as ‘Charlie’, ‘Tango’ and others 
(iii) B.R. Sinniah, Chief Financial Officer of GTLPL (Global Transportation and Logistics Pvt Ltd) said to be controlled by former Finance Minister (presently Minister of Power and Energy) Ravi Karunanayake’s family in his testimony to the PCoI disclosing:
“Chairman ‘Lakshmi Kanthan’ who resides in Britain had arrived at the Company on two occasions in February 2016 and 2017 and dumped cash amounting to Rs.145 million in the Chairman’s safe”
“it had not been supported by any documentation or receipt issued to Mr. Kanthan neither were there any entries in the GTLPL accounts books regarding these two cash inflows”
It is likely that both FATF and EU will track the CBSL “press notice” with interest.
Politically Exposed Persons

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From Pettah to Cotta: A brief history of a not-so-brief transformation

2019-01-16 
One of former Colombo Municipal Council Chief Medical Officers, Dr. Pradeep Kariyawasam’s policies in his manifesto as the Podu Jana Peramuna’s candidate for Mayor of Colombo was the extension of the city to the suburbs. This, he surmised, would ease the pressure on transport and sewer systems, infrastructure and healthcare, and would attract investments to Colombo beyond the city limits. Dr. Kariyawasam did not become the Mayor of Colombo (it was a person who proclaimed that Colombo was the heart of her party who took on that role), but as far as manifesto policies are concerned, it was, I think, a rather pragmatic solution for a ballooning problem, which incidentally has a history of its own going back to the last two centuries. 

Colombo has always faced a conflict between an almost endless set of high-rise buildings on the one hand and poorly-constructed streets on the other. As far back as 1907, it was observed that “large improvements would have to be carried out in the direction of widening” such streets, while legislation by the Municipal Council should be enacted to “fix the line of streets and prevent encroachment thereon,” which would have saved money spent in buying buildings “the erection of which ought never have been allowed.” The gap between the affluent and depressed wards became a cause for worry: the “native wards” were all “deficient,” with the exception of the European and chief residential quarters, which were “well provided” (Wright 1907: 407). 

There was, of course, a Colombo that existed before Colombo. The Rajavaliya referred to it as “Kalan Thota” or “Kelani Ferry” and as Tennent notes, the Moors, who took over the possession of the coast and harbour in the 12th and 13th centuries, renamed it as “Kalambu” or “a good harbour.” It gradually gained prominence: Ibn Batuta would describe it as “the finest town in Serendib.” The town remained under Muslim control, specifically the control of a Vizier named Jalestie. Tennent observed that this was because the Sinhalese were uninterested in trade and commerce, which is true: as K.M. de Silva notes in A History of Sri Lanka, the principal source of royal income in Kotte was not trade, but land revenue. 
Colombo has always faced a conflict between an almost  endless set of high-rise buildings on the one hand and  poorly-constructed streets on the other
Kotte would, of course, bear witness to two wars of succession compounded by Portuguese presence in the island. The latter were concerned with two things: gaining a monopoly over the cinnamon trade and establishing trade in Colombo. The second objective, according to de Silva, was less important than the first, but it nevertheless was crucial for the ambitious imperialists to gain control over the area; to this end they established an unfortified fort in Colombo for trading purposes. It is with the advent of the Portuguese, moreover, that Kalambu became Colombo: a name that “approached that of Columbus” (Tennent 1999: 152). But it was more than a change of name: as the Census of 1946notes, under the Portuguese the city transformed from “a small stockade of wood” to “a gallant city fortified with a dozen bastions.” 

But the Portuguese and Dutch after them had to contend with two never-ending conflicts in the country: between the Kotte Kingdom and the colonial authorities on the one hand and the Kotte Kingdom and the competing rulers and sub-rulers from Sitawaka and Kandy on the other. The wars of succession weakened Kotte, and the Sinhalese rulers, whose interest in trade depleted, in effect handed over commercial matters to the colonial authorities. Despite this, however, authorities were never able to expand the city beyond Pettah “between the lake at one side and the rocks, which form the harbour, on the other” (ibid: 151). It was left to the British to develop Colombo into more than just an enclave of military outposts. 

To begin with, the British capitalised on what the Portuguese and the Dutch had left behind. The former especially had turned Colombo into a fortress. After the conquest of Kandy in 1815, the British began tapping into the region’s commercial potential in a way that their predecessors had not. Once again, it was the port which facilitated this shift in policy; by 1907 it had become “one of the principal ports of call of the world,” and was described as “the Clapham Junction of the East.” The British added a railway system to the shipping line; here too Colombo became the head centre. Over the years, the Fort area thus changed: it became a hub for government establishments, banking houses, and places of business for Europeans. 

Interestingly, despite its veneer of sophistication and grace British officials were not impressed with the new capital. “Colombo presents little to attract a stranger,” noted Tennent in 1859, and he had much to complain about: “the prevalence of damp,” “the nightly serenade of frogs,” and worst of all, “the tormenting profusion of mosquitoes” which would lead to outbreaks of Dengue that would never visit the better developed areas of the municipality. Through all this, incidentally, a rift between the centre and the periphery, between the affluent and the indigent wards, emerged. 

At first, it was the areas developed by the Portuguese and Dutch which became hotspots for the colonial officials and the native elite. The entire area from Fort to Hulftsdorp, which James Cordiner described as “a more comfortable residence for a garrison than any other military station in India,” would in four decades turn into what Prince Alexey Saltykov grandiloquently described as “a botanical garden on a gigantic scale.” This was facilitated by several factors: the breakdown of the traditional order, the shift from the interior to the littoral, and the emergence of a plantation economy; moreover the period in which Prince Saltykov made his remark about Colombo was one in which the old elite was yielding place to a new bourgeoisie. 

The transition from a mercantilist to a semi-feudal economy in the first half of the 19th century accompanied the rise of a new colonial bourgeoisie. While the traditional elite had been reliant on the patronage of the British officials in terms of land bequests and perpetuation of familial dynasties (which led to the concentration of power within the Bandaranaike-Obeyesekere clique), the bourgeoisie took advantage of favourable economic conditions and prospered through quasi-capitalist enterprises.  
Kotte would, of course, bear witness to two wars of succession compounded by Portuguese presence  in the island. The latter were concerned with two things: gaining a  monopoly over the cinnamon trade and establishing trade in Colombo
Liquor and arrack renting became the main avenue of growth for the nouveau riche; by 1876 the annual rents from this trade amounted to £ 218,600 (£ 24,746,600 or Rs. 5,786,474,300 when adjusted for inflation). Profits from the arrack trade, however, were never invested in productive enterprises (as they were in other colonies) and were instead invested in coffee, coconut, graphite, and plumbago on the one hand and items of conspicuous consumption which helped distinguish them from the rest of the country on the other. Property in this regard was paramount; it had a say in how the “posh neighbourhoods” shifted from Pettah, Hulftsdorp and Maradana to Cotta, Colpetty, and Cinnamon Gardens. 

Initially, the elite purchased land in Pettah-Maradana-Kotahena-Mutwal areas. Even in the last few decades of the century, these places were at the forefront of British colonial activity in terms of commerce and education: all the major credit institutions were in the Pettah, while the two biggest schools in the country (one public, the other private) were established there: the Colombo Academy in Hill Street (the first batch of which consisted of 21 students from elite Burgher families within the neighbourhood, among them Richard Morgan, Charles Loos and Christoffel de Saram) in 1836, and S. Thomas’ College in Mutwal 17 years later. This is not to forget the Medical College and the Law College, built respectively in 1870 and 1874. 

All this was reflected in the lands purchased and palatial residences built during the period: Solomon Dias Bandaranaike, S.C. Obeyesekere and G.G. Ponnambalam all built their manors in Hulftsdorp. Vinod Moonesinghe contends that before Cinnamon Gardens became popular, “the prime residential areas were Mutwal (for Europeans) and Kotahena (for locals), plus Grandpass for ‘country homes.’ ” According to Vinod, land values in Cinnamon Gardens rose after the Race Course moved from Galle Face and the “process of gentrification” in the area culminated when Royal College shifted to its current location in 1912. But even then this process was not fully complete: as Denham notes in Ceylon at the Census of 1911, while land in Cinnamon Gardens fetched Rs.5,000 per acre, land near the Slave Island, Maradana and Pettah stations fetched more than four times that amount. It would, in other words, take another 30 years for the shift from one part of Colombo to another to be complete. 

Netanyahu challenger Benny Gantz faces Dutch war crimes case


Benny Gantz, then chief of the Israeli army, visits Kibbutz Nahal Oz, near the boundary with the Gaza Strip, on 2 August 2014, during Israel’s 51-day assault on the besieged Palestinian territory. (via Flickr)

Adri Nieuwhof Rights and Accountability 14 January 2019
Benny Gantz is seen as the main contender to unseat Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel’s upcoming elections.
But the former Israeli army chief is currently being sued in the Netherlands for bombing the home of the Ziada family during Israel’s 2014 onslaught in Gaza.
An Israeli airstrike destroyed the house in the al-Bureij refugee camp in central Gaza on 20 July 2014, killing six members of the Ziada family and a seventh person who was visiting at the time.
Palestinian-Dutch citizen Ismail Ziada lost his 70-year-old mother Muftia Ziada, three brothers, a sister-in-law and a 12-year-old nephew.
Ziada holds Gantz and Amir Eshel, then air force chief, responsible for the decision to drop the bomb.
Last year, Ziada’s lawyers summoned Gantz and Eshel to appear on 27 June in a Dutch court to answer the charges. The lawsuit demands more than $600,000 in damages plus court costs from the Israeli generals.
Shortly before that date, the commanders appointed a lawyer to represent them, thus avoiding a default judgment in Ziada’s favor.
Ziada’s lawyers, human rights and war crimes experts Liesbeth Zegveld and Lisa-Marie Komp, argue that the attack on the Ziada home was part of Israel’s “policy to bomb civilian residential buildings” in “breach of international humanitarian law.”
According to the complaint, Gantz and Eshel were among the top leaders who “designed the policy of bombing residential buildings” and are “fully responsible for the decision to bomb the Ziada family residence.”

No justice in Israel

In November, the generals’ lawyers submitted a response which ignored Ziada’s key argument that the bombing of the family home was illegal and a war crime under international law.
Instead, the generals claim a right to immunity. They also dispute the jurisdiction of the Dutch court based on the claim that Ziada could seek justice in Israel.
But as Zegveld told The Electronic Intifada, there is an “utter lack of any remedy for Palestinians. Israeli courts are factually closed to Palestinians.”
Ismail Ziada is suing two Israeli generals for the deaths of six relatives during Israel’s 2014 attack on Gaza. (via Facebook)
Human rights groups have previously documented Israel’s systematic refusal to seriously investigate allegations of war crimes and other serious breaches of international law during its assaults on Gaza.
This reality is underscored in a recent ruling in the case of Palestinian doctor Izzeldin Abuelaish against the Israeli state for killing his three daughters during Israel’s three-week assault on Gaza that began in December 2008.
Last month, a court in Beersheba ruled that Israel bore no responsibility for the 16 January 2009 shelling of Abuelaish’s home that killed his daughters Bisan, 21, Mayar, 15, and Aya, 14, along with their cousin Noor.
video of Abuelaish speaking on the phone to an Israeli television station after Israeli tank shells killed the young women testifies to the pain inflicted on him and his family.

Absurd?

During its 51-day assault on Gaza in 2014 – the context for Ismail Ziada’s lawsuit in the Netherlands – Israel carried out thousands of airstrikes, including targeted attacks on residential and other civilian buildings, an independent investigation commissioned by the UN Human Rights Council found.
In total, 2,251 Palestinians were killed, including 1,462 civilians, among them 551 children, according to the investigation. More than 11,000 Palestinians were injured, the majority women and children.
The inquiry found that Israel’s destruction and killing often amounted to war crimes and “may have constituted military tactics reflective of a broader policy, approved at least tacitly by decision-makers at the highest levels of the Government of Israel.”
The law in the Netherlands allows the country’s courts to exercise universal jurisidiction over genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes perpetrated elsewhere when a Dutch national cannot obtain justice in the country where the crimes were committed.
By suing the Israeli generals, Zegveld says, Ziada is asking the Dutch court to “fill the legal vacuum and to do justice.”
The first hearing is expected in March. If the court decides to allow the case to go forward, the Israeli generals will undoubtedly appeal.

Crowdfunding justice

But the Ziadas and their lawyers are determined to hold the two commanders accountable for bombing the family home. They are prepared for a long and costly legal battle which may take years.
In order to help sustain the fight, the Amsterdam-based Nuhanovic Foundation and other supporters of Ziada have started a crowdfunding campaign for legal costs.
It has already raised $13,000 towards a goal of almost $60,000.
Ziada’s lawyer Zegveld previously sued Dutch company Four Winds K9 for the serious injuries inflicted on a Palestinian youth by an attack dog the firm provided to the Israeli military.
Four Winds K9 preferred to settle the case with the victim to avoid a court ruling.
Meanwhile, Ziada caught the attention of Israel’s justice minister Ayelet Shaked.
It is “absurd” that Ziada went to a Dutch court to seek justice, she told Dutch newspaper NRC in December, claiming Israel has one of the best judicial systems in the world.

Strengthened by support

The Nuhanovic Foundation, of which Zegveld is a co-founder, aims to help victims of war crimes achieve a measure of justice.
The organization is supporting the Ziada case because it is important that civilian victims of war are able to “obtain redress for the harm they suffered,” director Frederiek de Vlaming told The Electronic Intifada.
The foundation wants the Israeli government to acknowledge responsibility for its crimes and to provide “some form of compensation to victims” through litigation, de Vlaming added. “The right to redress is meaningless if victims do not have access to justice and if there is no institution or court to hear their claims.”
There is no doubt that Gantz and Eshel can count on the support of the Israeli government, which will be prepared to invest large sums in their defense.
Ismail Ziada’s wife Angélique Eijpe told The Electronic Intifada that the support and solidarity they have been receiving “strengthened our resolve to continue to pursue this fight for justice.”
“We consider our fight to be part of a broader struggle to hold those responsible for war crimes in Gaza accountable,” Eijpe added.

'Thinking of harqa': Why young Tunisians are still leaving, eight years after Ben Ali


Young Tunisians are being enticed by a dream of Europe and a better future elsewhere, despite the dangers of the sometimes deadly crossing

Tunisian singer Balti in his music video 'Wala Lela', which tackles the issue of irregular migration (YouTube/Screengrab)

Arij Limam-Monday 14 January 2019 
On 14 January 2011, former Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the North African country, after a month of mass protests ended his 23-year autocratic rule.
Many of those who took to the streets in 2011 were in their teens or their early twenties and dreamed that the revolution they had helped to spark would bring freedom and opportunities in its wake.
Eight years later, Tunisians of the same age still dream of building better futures for themselves. But rising numbers are now risking their lives in search of that future on boats crossing the Mediterranean Sea to Europe.
Between 2000 to 2010, the annual number average of arrivals from Tunisia at Italian sea borders was just under 2,000 people, according to the Migration Policy Centre.
In 2011, that number increased to over 28,000, falling back to about 2,000 the following year. But figures compiled by the UN’s refugee agency, the UNHCR, suggest that the numbers are creeping up again, with around 5,000 people reaching Italy in 2018.

The harqa

In Tunisia, the journey to Europe, typically by boat, is commonly referred to as the "harqa".
It is widely spoken about, and it is not uncommon for the majority of Tunisians to know at least one relative, neighbour or friend who has attempted the journey.
“My brother attempted the harqa five times,” 20-year-old Yousra, from the northern city of Bizerte, told Middle East Eye.
“He was arrested during many attempts, and on one attempt, the smugglers ran away with his money, which was about 2,500 Tunisian dinars ($846).”
A search on social media brings up several Facebook pages encouraging young Tunisians to undertake the harqa, and even acting as message boards for those serious about making the perilous Mediterranean crossing.
“How do I convince you that this boat is the solution, mum” reads one post showing an image of an overcrowded dinghy in the sea.
Another reads: “We’ve been tortured and mistreated in our country, we’ve had enough, we’re tired and now we’re leaving. Either we reach our destination, or we die trying.”
Some visitors to these pages appear to need little convincing. “Let me know when the next trip is. Count me in,” one post reads.
Others leave their numbers and advertise their own services: “Who’s ready and wants to leave this country, there’s something good in the coming days, message me privately if you want to come.”
MEE has not been able to verify whether these posts are genuine and had not received a response to queries emailed to a contact address on the above Facebook page at the time of publication.
But they are typical examples of the sort of posts that young Tunisians tempted by the harqamight find online.
Sprawled across these pages are images of boats, ferries, the sea and postcard images of European cities.
An online search for harqa also brings up videos of young men filming their journeys aboard small rubber dinghies in the middle of the ocean.
The dinghies are packed with people waving at the camera, smiling and singing cheerily about leaving the country.
The singing and laughing only slightly masks the sound of the sputtering engine. Some of these videos also feature women and young children.

Pop culture

Beyond social media, harqa is also referred to commonly in Tunisian pop culture. Several rap songs and music videos tackling the issue have been made by Tunisian artists.
The most popular is the song Wala Lela by the well-known artist ‘Balti’. He starts the song with the line “I’m thinking of harqa it’s on my mind. Shall I do it or not?”
He goes on to tell an all too familiar story of young Tunisians being sold the dream of Rome and Paris and risking their lives to get there. The song has over 61 million views on YouTube to date. 
In 2018, the UNHCR reported that Tunisians made up the highest number of irregular migrants arriving in Italy.
International Organisation for Migration (IOM) data shows the number of Tunisians arriving in Italy via irregular routes increasing from less than 1,000 in 2013, to more than 6,000 in 2017, dropping back to just under 5,000 in 2018.
In 2018, Tunisia was the country of departure for almost a quarter of migrants reaching Europe, compared with four percent in 2017, although this was mainly a consequence of a sharp decrease in the number of departures from Libyan shores.
Yousra’s 21-year-old brother, who she did not want to name, is now living in France, but she explained that his successful attempt came after a lot of hardship.
“My brother called us from Italy after we hadn’t heard from him in weeks. My mother had fallen sick worrying about him. We all thought he had died,” Yousra explained.
Yousra said that her brother told her that he had been held in prison in Sicily for 14 days and had complained about his treatment by police.

Dangerous voyage

He also described to her the dangers he had faced during his voyage across the Mediterranean.
“The boat he was in with a few friends started taking in water before they reached mainland Italy. My brother jumped off the boat to swim to the closest island of Marettimo rather than stay in the middle of the sea on a sinking boat,” Yousra said.
Marettimo is a small island about 15 kilometres to the west of Sicily. While swimming to the shore, Yusra’s brother injured his leg on a rock, she said.
He told her subsequently that he had broken a bone in his leg and was bleeding from his injuries.
“He was washed up on the shore… and lost consciousness. His friends abandoned him,” she said. 
While Yousra’s brother survived and recovered from his injuries, others are not so fortunate.
According to the IOM, nearly half of at least 14,795 men, women and children confirmed to have died while trying trying to reach Europe between 2014 and 2018 did so while crossing the Central Mediterranean route between North Africa and Italy.
In June, 112 people, most of them Tunisian, died after a boat carrying around 180 migrants sank off the coast of Tunisia. It was the single biggest incident of dead and missing people in the Mediterranean last year.
Despite these dangers, young Tunisians like Yousra’s brother continue to attempt the harqa,knowing, and sometimes having already experienced, the risks involved.

Lack of opportunities

In many posts on social media encouraging the harqa, young Tunisians express frustration with the chronically poor state of the economy and lack of opportunities open to them.
A study conducted by REACH, a Geneva-based humanitarian NGO, found that the three most commonly reported factors given by Tunisians as reasons to leave, were “socio-economic performance, persisting unemployment and the political crisis”.
Social inequalities were also given as a reason by many Tunisians.
Tunisians have been complaining about rising food prices in recent years because of a weak currency and dramatically accelerating inflation, which in 2018 reached the highest level since 1990, according to Reuters.
Joblessness is also a problem, with the unemployment rate currently standing at 15.5 percent, higher than the average for the last decade.
Young people and women have been the most affected by the lack of opportunity, with youth unemployment remaining stubbornly high, particularly among university graduates.
One-third of graduates are unemployed, and many feel they are left with few options.
In October, the country was shaken after a suicide bomber detonated a device in the centre of the capital, Tunis, killing herself and wounding nine others.
Though initial investigations focused on whether the incident was a militant attack, authorities later said the bomber had no religious or political affiliations, and was not on an extremist watch list.
Tunisian media later reported that the bomber was 30-year-old Mouna Guebla, an unemployed graduate with a degree in English. Reports said Guebla had resorted to looking after sheep on her family’s farm after spending three years searching for a job without success.

Chronic unemployment

Unemployment is considered one of the main reasons for the mass protests that broke out in 2010 and led to the fall of Ben Ali.
The protests were sparked by the actions of a jobless 26-year-old, Mohamed Bouazizi, who set himself on fire outside the local municipality in protest over rising food prices and unemployment.
Since then, some have styled Tunisia as a success story of the Arab Spring, where democracy has blossomed in place of a decades-long dictatorship.
“Tunisia has progressed significantly since Ben Ali’s rule in terms of its political transition towards a democratic system,” said Mohamed Ali Azaiez, an adviser at the ministry of development, investment and international cooperation.
In May last year, the country held its first free municipal elections since Ben Ali was removed after being delayed several times. The elections produced the first female mayor of Tunisia’s capital in 160 years, Souad Abderrahim.
A woman in Sfax, Tunisia, waits to identify the body of one of 112 people who drowned when a boat carrying people trying to reach Europe sank in June 2018 (Reuters)
“The municipal elections last year were a step forward to decentralising power, and they led to many firsts, with increased political participation of women, youth and people with disabilities,” Azaiez told MEE.
“The new constitution was also something we were proud of, as it introduced laws furthering the rights of women and minorities.”
A new law criminalising racial discrimination was introduced in, making Tunisia the first country in the Middle East and North Africa to do so.
Yet, for many young Tunisians, political freedom alone is not enough.
“Freedom isn’t enough without economic reform and more opportunities for the youth,” said Yousra.
“It’s been eight years since we removed Ben Ali, but families are still losing their sons and brothers to harqa. More needs to be done.”