Researchers have identified two biomarkers that could help in the diagnosis of a heart condition that raises the risk of stroke.
Atrial fibrillation (AF) is the most common heart rhythm disturbance, affecting around 1.6m people in the UK.
But it is often only detected after someone has had a stroke.
The British Heart Foundation said the study could pave the way towards better detection of people with AF and targeted treatment.
At the moment, an electrocardiogram (ECG) which measures the electrical activity of your heart, is usually used to screen patients for atrial fibrillation.
This study, by researchers at the University of Birmingham, found that three clinical risk factors and two biomarkers had a strong connection with AF.
Those most at risk of the condition were older, male and had a high BMI.
The researchers looked at 638 hospital patients who were recruited between 2014 and 2016 for acute illnesses.
They took blood samples and looked for 40 cardiovascular biomarkers and considered seven clinical risk factors - age, sex, hypertension, heart failure, history of stroke or transient ischaemic attack, kidney function and body mass index (BMI).
They were also all given an echocardiogram.
Two biomarkers stood out as a link to atrial fibrillation, the researchers found.
One is a hormone secreted by the heart called brain natriuretic peptide (BNP) and the other is a protein responsible for phosphate regulation called fibroblast growth factor-23 (FGF-23).
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The researchers say these people could be screened for the condition by testing their blood to see if they have elevated levels of the two biomarkers.
Lead author Yanish Purmah said: "The biomarkers we have identified have the potential to be used in a blood test in community settings such as in GP practices to simplify patient selection for ECG screening."
Joint first author Dr Winnie Chua said: "People with atrial fibrillation are much more likely to develop blood clots and suffer from strokes. To avoid strokes it is important for them to take anticoagulant drugs to prevent blood clotting. However, atrial fibrillation is often only diagnosed after a patient has suffered a stroke.
"Therefore it is important that patients at risk are screened so that they can begin taking anticoagulants to prevent potentially life-threatening complications."
Atrial fibrillation symptoms
Noticeable heart palpitations, when the heart feels like it is pounding, fluttering or beating irregularly
Your heart may also beat very fast (often considerably higher than 100 beats per minute)
Other symptoms may include tiredness and being less able to exercise, breathlessness, feeling faint or lightheaded and chest pain
The way the heart beats in atrial fibrillation reduces the heart's performance and efficiency
This can lead to low blood pressure (hypotension) and heart failure
You should see your GP immediately if you notice a sudden change in your heartbeat and experience chest pain
Sometimes atrial fibrillation does not cause any symptoms and a person who has it is completely unaware that their heart rate is irregular.
Source: NHS England
Professor Metin Avkiran, associate medical director at the British Heart Foundation, welcomed the study.
"Atrial fibrillation increases the risk of stroke, a serious condition that causes over 36,000 deaths in the UK each year, but is often detected too late. This research has used sophisticated statistical and machine learning methods to analyse patient data and provides encouraging evidence that a combination of easy-to-measure indices may be used to predict atrial fibrillation.
"The study may pave the way towards better detection of people with AF and their targeted treatment with blood-thinning medicines for the prevention of stroke and its devastating consequences."
The research was carried out by scientists from the Institute of Cardiovascular Sciences and the Institute of Cancer and Genomic Sciences at the University of Birmingham's College of Medical and Dental Sciences and is published in the European Heart Journal.
The massacre of ten Tamils, including a local parish priest, by the Sri Lankan army was remembered today in Mannar.
06 January 2019
Armed soldiers arrived at the Vankalai Church on January 6, 1985, and shot dead Father Mariya Bastian and nine other locals, including children who were living with him, at the entrance of the building.
Local residents, congregation and families of those murdered gathered at the church today to remember the victims, and pay tribute to Father Bastian.
Youths and students also ran a blood donation drive to mark the anniversary of the massacre.
In advance of the tenth anniversary of the end of the war in Sri Lanka in 2009, two international NGO’s are appealing for help to collect the names of the conflict dead to estimate the final death toll. The International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) and the Human Rights Data Analysis Group (HRDAG) urge groups inside and outside Sri Lanka to share existing casualty lists and go out and record new ones.
“We at least owe the dead the courtesy of collecting their names,” said ITJP Executive Director, Yasmin Sooka, “the scale of human loss is important to quantify and the final list of names which we will collate can also inform the memorialisation process which is key for communities”.
A decade after the war ended, nobody knows to the nearest ten thousand how many people died in Sri Lanka in 2009, let alone in the deacdes before. The aim of this initiative is to use a statistical approach to estimate the probability of a final death toll. The same approach was recently used by them to estimate the number of surrendees who disappeared at the very end of the war in 2009.
“We urge Tamils all round the world in the next few months to speak to their families, their friends, and their neighbours to collect the names of the dead. We have suggested a format to collect the information.” said Patrick Ball of HRDAG. “Several groups inside and outside the country have already started collecting lists. Recording the names of the dead is a way of collating the available information. And we can use statistical models to estimate how many people are likely missing from the data collected. Don’t worry about duplication! We will take care of the lists.”
Though the initial focus is on collecting information from the Tamil diaspora, the project is also keen to collate information regarding war related deaths among Sinhalese and Muslims.
Particularly important is to collate all existing lists so if you know of one please contact us.
Information can be sent to HRDAG or the ITJP at:
itjpsl@gmail.com or info@hrdag.org
Please note the source or sender of the information will be kept will be kept confidential. (ITJP Press release)
There are diverse views about the politics of the JVP and the inherent limitations contained in their political discourse. In particular, many of the views that exist regarding the politics of comrade Rohana Wijeweera and his assassination have contrasting narratives. In such an environment, even coming forward to produce a cinema work like ‘The Frozen Fire’ is a matter that needs commendation and appreciation.
The film ‘The Frozen Fire’ had also been nominated as ‘the best movie’ at 2018 Oscar Academy Awards. This film will be screened in Australia sometime in the future. Hence, this article is based on the information found in the sources I have so far been able to read about the film. The film has been introduced as “the story of the iron men tempered in the time of fire”. According to the information presented by comrade Ariyawansa Dhammage, who had composed the concept paper for the film and comrade Anuruddha Jayasinghe who has directed the film, the creation of this film is the result of the experiences of a few years and a study conducted about that turbulent period.
Most of the creative artists who appear for radical projects are not those engaged in revolutionary politics. Similarly, most of those engaged in alternative politics have a little understanding about radical art creations. Attempts at artistic creation based on research studies cannot be expected from most of those involved in politics.
The statement of the director who had been associated with the student movement of the JVP, that he had “an intention to present this creation very well” shows that he deviates from the tradition. The producers of the film claim that they met and discussed with the people and political colleagues comrade Rohana had been closely associated with during the period he spent underground, received their assistance, acted as per their guidance and “showed the instances that needed to be corrected”.
The decision whether an artistic creation demonstrates the reality or not depends on whether the producers have designated the imagery and frames aesthetically, accurately, clearly and realistically. On the other hand, it is not always possible to decide whether an artistic creation is acceptable or not merely based on political theories. The artistic nature of a creative work can be assessed on the basis of theories and laws that correspond to art itself. The aim of this article is not to review the artistic nature of this creative work.
The political correctness of a creation is determined by a scientific and logical analysis. In what form the creation becomes visible at a certain point in time and for what reasons can be clarified only politically. A creation cannot separate itself from the prevailing socioeconomic and political circumstances. A creation that is detached cannot survive and protect itself. The active nature of artistic works of our time is determined only to the extent that such creations are involved in the endeavours of transforming society.
It is important to emphasize here that the facts mentioned below are not presented to aim at the current JVP or its leadership.
The immediate context for this article was a review comrade Thimbiriyagama Bandara has published as ‘”The Frozen Fire” called politics and life’. The review mentions as follows:
1. “The right-wing government using as a pretext the racist clashes of 83 proscribes the JVP. When attempts were made to arrest its leaders, they were forced to pursue an underground political existence for their safety.”
2. Referring to various sources for studying Wijeweera’s character and even mentioning that in the bibliography is a positive characteristic of Anuruddha. Some of our filmmakers bear no such qualities. A human can lie in life. In Art it is not possible to lie.”
I need to make a certain clarification here.
The Black July Pogrom of 1983 was launched on July 24. 37 Tamil detenues held in Welikada Prison were massacred on July 25. On July 26, an island-wide curfew was imposed. On July 28, for the second time, 15 more prisoners were killed in Welikada Prison. The President addressed the people on July 28. On July 31 the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, the Nava Sama Samaja Party and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna were proscribed by an extra-ordinary gazette notification, based on the allegation of conspiring to capture state power by force through racial riots.
During this time, I was at the Party Head Office in Armour Street, Colombo and at home in Mawaramandiya, Kadawatha where we lived. As I stayed back in the Party Head Office, I could gather information from our members about the groups that led the Black July pogrom. The Criminal Investigation Department detained us only about two days later. While being held in detention, it was possible for me to challenge the baseless allegations the state had raised against the JVP utilising the information I had collected and a few months later, to get all those held in detention released without any charges as a result of comrade Chitra filing a habeas corpus application.
Prior to the proscription of the JVP on July 31, the final full plenary session of the Central Committee was held for three days from July 21 to 23 to discuss the party policy on the national question. This session was held at the party school at comrade Vijitha Ranaweera’s residence in Vitharandeniya, Tangalle. I did not agree with the stand taken at this session to change the party policy on the national question that existed until then. I came out of that session with the decision to resign from the party due to the stand taken and also due to additional differences of opinion I had at that time with the party leadership.
What I wish to point out here is the fact that comrade Rohana went to comrade Vijitha Ranaweera’s house to go underground, not after the proscription of the party, but on the day the Black July pogrom started, the July 25th itself. The vehicle in which he left was driven by comrade Sepala Liyanage, who is still with the JVP. Comrade Rohana went underground without consulting or discussing the matter with the members of the Politburo.
Comrade Somawansa Amarasinghe met me at the Armour Street office and took part in a discussion I had with other parties about the party proscription, especially with the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, on a day after the 31st of July. The view of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party was also that we should go underground, but I did not agree with it. Likewise, I did not agree at all with the decision to go underground that comrade Rohana had taken all by himself at that point in time.
The opinion I held in the past and hold currently is that because we of the JVP, including the leadership had nothing at all to do with any of the incidents in connection with July 1983 riots, let alone a conspiracy to topple the state, we should have responded to the political and criminal charges of the bourgeois regime levelled against us and defeated such allegations amongst the people while remaining in the open. When leaders like comrades Rohana and Gamanayake went into hiding, the politically erroneous view that the JVP would have in fact been involved with the July 1983 pogrom and a conspiracy to topple the state would have been consolidated in society. However, at that time the JVP repeatedly appealed on the national and international level to demand the state of Sri Lanka to lift the proscription of the party.
While I was held in detention at the fourth floor of the CID as well as after I was released in December 1983, all the efforts to bring comrade Rohana to the open failed. I still believe that is why the state was able to make its ideology prevail for some time. When I met President J R Jayewardene regarding the lifting of the party proscription, what he said was that ‘Rohan’ needs to come and make a statement. Every time when I proposed the JVP and comrade Rohana to come to the open, the only answer I received was that he would be killed if he did so. However, there were no such killings in the south by 1983-84.
According to the information I have, I was not alone in the attempts to bring the JVP and comrade Rohana to open politics. Comrade Prins Gunasekara, who passed away recently and the then Minister of Finance Ronnie de Mel with whom comrade Rohana had maintained contacts later on through comrade Ananda Wijeweera (comrade Rohana’s brother) and Mr Ariyadasa Sellahewa of Devinuwara (a close associate and a relative of theirs), had made the same request at a later stage. Even when comrade Prins as comrade Rohana’s attorney and Mr Ronnie de Mel as their security wished to come forward to protect comrade Rohana, the reason for the JVP and comrade Rohana to reject this proposition is beyond explanation.
On the other hand, one could raise a fair political question; that is, whether the JVP leaders would have decided not to come to the open because they were indirectly engaged in an exercise of gaining political advantage to win over the Sinhala majority in the south by making use of the state’s allegations levelled against the JVP regarding the July 1983 pogrom. It is impossible to forget that the then leadership of the JVP acted later on with dedication to build a strong platform for and work closely with Sinhala nationalists and racists in the south carrying Sinhala nationalism on its back against the then Tamil nationalist struggle in the north.
First the leaders of the Communist Party surrendered to the police. After an inquiry, all of them were released and the proscription of the party lifted. The Nava Sama Samaja Party leaders, who were initially in hiding, came to open politics later with the intervention of comrade Vijaya Kumaratunga, and eventually their party proscription was also lifted. At that time, only a group including comrade Uduvarage Henry Perera, who had been working with a Tamil militant group in the North, was charged with plotting to overthrow the government. He had been in custody in connection with the April 1971 Uprising and after his release had been engaged in politics for some time with the Revolutionary Marxist party led by comrade Bala Tampoe. There was not a single charge filed against the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, the Nava Sama Samaja Party or the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.
Sadly, comrade Rohana and almost all the leaders of the JVP who had engaged in underground politics and armed activities were assassinated by November 1989. It was highly unlikely that the JVP leadership’s self-inflicted political suicide would have occurred, if they contested the party proscription and proved their innocence to the people instead of continuously remaining underground. The destruction of about 60,000 lives could have been avoided.
The intention of the producers to designate the imagery and frames accurately, clearly and realistically was evident due to their initial efforts to establish contacts with me to get an idea about the characters of the film ‘The Frozen Fire’. However, those efforts were thwarted in no time. The questions that obviously arise are: by whom, for whose need and to protect whose interests.
From a political point of view, if this artistic creation ‘The Frozen Fire’ displayed to the people what the reality was about the differences that existed between the vision and the program of the JVP from about 1972 until July 1983 and the vision and the program of the JVP since the party was proscribed in July 1983, especially from 1986 to around 1990 during the time the armed struggle was launched, it could have brought an important experience and made a significant contribution towards social development in Sri Lanka.
The task of socialising the experiences of the restructuring of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna prior to the armed struggle in 1989 and the analysis of the social and political basis of the party’s oscillation from the extreme right to the extreme left still remains.
Even though I wrote a regular column for The Sunday Leader for many years, I did so only after Lasantha Wickremetunge’s execution, an event that has become increasingly apparent to have been a politically-motivated act despite large amounts of information connected with the investigation being "disappeared" until after the change of government in 2015.
The very immediate circumstances of Lasantha’s killing proved, beyond any doubt, that it was an act of terror intended to warn off any potential critics of the government of the day and its acolytes. It was not simply intended to remove a burr under the saddle of a regime that was riding to unchallenged power.
I will repeat, probably for the umpteenth time, what transpired that fateful morning.
Lasantha left his home at mid-morning, alone, in his own vehicle for work in a different part of the city. Within sight of a check-point, in a high-security zone, in the capital city of Colombo, four motorcycles drew up alongside his car, two on each side, and Lasantha was shot to death by the assassins on each side of his vehicle.
One of the first things that struck me despite the sketchy description of the actual killing, was that it was not a pistol, revolver or assault rifle firing lead projectiles that was used for the purpose. It appeared to have been an implement specifically used in abattoirs (livestock-killing plants) to dispatch animals such as cattle, hogs and sheep for subsequent human consumption.
How did I arrive at this conclusion?
Many years ago, I worked in one element of a small vertically-integrated livestock operation in Southern Alberta, Canada. While my employment was in a part of the company that manufactured livestock feed, we were given conducted tours of the other elements of the total operation from time to time. One of these was a killing plant and I have a distinct recollection of the display and demonstration of the weapon used to kill livestock prior to their carcasses being flayed and cut-up and hung up to "season" prior to dispatch to the meat departments of grocery chains.
The weapon which was shown to us and the use of which was demonstrated to us could best be described as a pistol which carried within its barrel an arrow-like projectile with a very substantial short shaft and a large steel arrowhead. The end of the barrel of this weapon was pressed against the temple of the animal and, when the trigger was pulled, the "arrow" popped out of the barrel and penetrated the animal’s head causing instant death. For purposes of accuracy it should be stated that this "arrow" didn’t leave the weapon’s barrel entirely but could be used over and over again.
The use of such a weapon to kill Lasantha could have had one single purpose: to frighten anyone else having the temerity to criticize and expose the monumental corruption and criminality of a regime that called the shots at the time, without any let or hindrance. Why else go to the trouble of using such weapons when sophisticated killing devices specifically intended to kill people were and still are, if regular media reports are to be believed, a-dime-a-dozen in Sri Lanka?
But, thanks primarily to some very brave female journalists (with minimal male participation in that opposition!) the Rajapaksa Regime did not succeed in riding the wave of LTTE-decimation to eternal power!
That the woman who took Lasantha’s place as the editor of the Sunday Leader had, ultimately, to run for her life, with her two young children, to the United States proved, if proof be needed, that Lasantha’s killing was not just an isolated instance of the elimination of a particular political nuisance. In fact, even innocuous writers such as the one penning this piece were subjected to all kinds of "inquiries" and attempted "visits" over the years leading to 2015 (and the disappointment that has followed!)
The manner of Lasantha’s murder was intended to instill terror as opposed to the surgically-executed murder of Lakshman Kadirgamar which was distinctly political, no matter which of the two commonly-held theories one accepts.
My contact with Frederica Jansz began with her finding some of my scribblings suitable for a glossy magazine she edited at the time called, if memory serves, "Montage."
When she followed Lasantha as editor of the Sunday Leader on the latter’s demise, she invited me to write for that Sunday English paper, something I did till shortly after her having to seek political refuge in the USA. In fact, despite my reluctance, it was Frederica who chose to append "Renaissance Man" to the columns I wrote for her paper!
The events that led up to her having to flee Sri Lanka have been dealt with at length elsewhere but it was her naiveté with regard to a person whom she had helped in a very personal way and in, perhaps, a journalistically-unethical manner, that surprised me. And this is not a case of being wise after the fact because my reading of the situation at the time made it patently obvious what was in store for the Sunday Leader when something like 70% of the paper’s ownership was taken over by someone with close links to the Rajapaksa regime. I warned Frederica about what would be coming despite her assurances of journalistic integrity continuing to prevail after the takeover. To no avail.
While this piece is about a journalist martyr that Sri Lankans will do well NEVER to forget, no such description will be complete without some of what went on after his death.
Rest in peace, Lasantha, you performed a signal service for Sri Lankans in their hour of greatest need.
Sri Lanka’s former Ambassador to the United States Jaliya Wickramasuriya is likely to be offered a proffer agreement by US federal prosecutors this week, to spill the beans on the Government run by his cousin Mahinda Rajapaksa between 2005-2015, in exchange for leniency in money laundering and immigration fraud cases filed against him in Washington DC, the Sunday Observer learns.
Wickremasuriya is expected to be offered a deal known as ‘Queen for a Day” in legal parlance, a process of transactional immunity, where an accused individual agrees to disclose knowledge of crimes committed by himself or others, to authorities with an implied assurance that said knowledge will not be used against them in later proceedings.
The Sunday Observer has obtained emails exchanged between Wickramasuriya’s attorneys in the US and his counsel in Sri Lanka, revealing that US federal prosecutors were offering the former Ambassador a plea deal in exchange for information on the ‘Rajapaksa regime’. “They seem to want to use Mr. Wickramasuriya to initiate investigations into many others in the Sri Lankan Government, both former and current,” the email from an attorney of US based law firm Schertler & Onorato, calling itself a “first-tier law firm in Washington for white-collar and non-white-collar criminal defense states.”
Wickremasuriya’s lawyer in the US, claims in the email seen by Sunday Observer that he ‘would not go to jail’ in the US and believes the former Sri Lankan Ambassador would “benefit greatly” if he were to cooperate with US prosecutors against other high ranking and low ranking officials in Sri Lanka.
“Specifically, they wanted information what they called the Rajapaksa Regime and said they believed that this information was highly sensitive. They seem to want to use Mr. Wickramasuriya as a means to initiate investigation of many others in Sri Lankan government, both former and current,” the email from the US defense counsel to his Sri Lanka counterpart said.
Wickremasuriya’s lawyer in the US urges his client’s local counsel to “be discrete” on the matter, so the former diplomat “has an opportunity to provide information to the US authorities in exchange for leniency.” In his email, the Schertler & Onorato lawyer said he believed the US prosecutors would treat Wickramasuriya fairly if he were to cooperate.
Wickramasuriya is currently a fugitive from justice both in Sri Lanka and the US, where he holds residency status. He served as Sri Lanka’s Envoy to the US between 2008-2014.
He was indicted by the US District Court in the District of Columbia (Washington DC) on five counts, specifically two counts of money-laundering and two counts of wire fraud and one count of visa fraud violation by making false declarations in official US Government documentation.
In an unprecedented move in November 2018, US Government attorneys moved a motion in the District Court of DC to unseal the indictments against Jaliya Wickremasuriya, citing ‘recent change’ in the Government of Sri Lanka, following the controversial appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister on October 26, 2018. The motion to unseal Wickremasuriya’s indictment was filed in Washington DC, “in order to share the fact that the defendant has been indicted and the charges he faces with the Sri Lankan Government.”
In October 2017, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Sri Lanka formally waived the immunity Wickremasuriya held as Ambassador to the US until 2014, to facilitate the US Government investigation into the former Sri Lankan Envoy for embezzlement and laundering of public funds in connection with a controversial 2013 Sri Lankan Embassy purchase. In March 2018, Wickremasuriya challenged the Ministry’s right to waive his immunity, in the Court of Appeal which dismissed the case for lack of jurisdiction.
US authorities appeared to have been concerned that the dubious transfer of power in Sri Lanka in October last year could result in a re-assertion of Wickremasuriya’s diplomatic immunity by his cousin, the controversially installed new Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa. However, their fears were ultimately unfounded, as neither President Sirisena nor then Prime Minister Rajapaksa made any attempt to interfere with the diplomatic immunity affair.
Foreign Secretary Prasad Kariyawasam had informed the court that the decision to withdraw diplomatic immunity was taken by President Sirisena, which tied the hands of the appellate court, since decisions of the President in his official capacity may only be contested in the Supreme Court. A further appeal is currently pending at the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka.
The former ambassador’s assertion of diplomatic immunity was rendered moot, according to officials briefed on the matter, when Wickramasuriya himself signed a form waiving his own immunities as a condition for reactivating his green card.
A Sinhala Buddhist monk called for Sinhalese people in Mullaitivu to receive rights over the land which they illegally occupy, and said that military forces should not be removed from the North, during a visit to flood-affected families in Mullaitivu.
Seelarathana, a monk from the Colombo suburb of Battaramulla, made the remarks while visiting families in the areas of Kokkulai and Nayaru, where local Tamils and representatives have been contesting ongoing Sinhala colonisation and land-grabs, especially under the Mahaweli scheme.
The monk criticised the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) for continuously calling for demilitarisation, and said the military should be involved in finding solutions for problems in the North.
“We are telling President Maithripala Sirisena that there is no need to remove the forces from the North,” he told journalists.
He also called on the Sri Lankan President to ensure Sinhalese people in Kokkilai were granted land permits under the Mahaweli scheme.
The Mahaweli authority has been issuing land permits to Sinhalese settlers despite court decisions decreeing the land be returned to the original Tamil landowners.
India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi has given good hope to people that corruption-free governance is an achievable goal
“No democratic system could survive unless you stop abuse, fraud, etc.” – JR
Monday, 7 January 2019
Ours is a country where politicos abuse and manipulate political office, with efficiency and effectiveness, to maximise the outcomes to themselves. The public authorities do not hold investigations or inquiries. Due to interference and manipulations, Arjuna Mahendran and many more are evading arrest. The system has paved the way for impunity, which no doubt is a creation by the Government. Impunity exists in countries where there is a deficit of democratic structures of accountability, fairness and impartiality.
The then Prime Minister the late J.R. Jayewardene, on 2 February 1978, during the debate on Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry Bill, which was introduced to deal with Mrs. B had said, I quote: “If a person has made money in any of his positions, whether as Minister, or Deputy Minister, or as an official, he should not be entitled to use his ill-gotten gains. The Government must have the right to say that that money should be confiscated till the decision is given. My argument is no democratic system of government could survive unless you stop abuse, arbitrary behaviour or undue victimisation or give undue protection by abusing powers, with impartiality, accountability and fairness.”
The late Minister Lalith Athulathmudali while taking part in the debate on the imposition of Civic Disability on and Expulsion from Parliament (of the late Sirima R.D. Bandaranaike and the late Felix R. Dias Bandaranaike on 16 October 1980), had said – I quote: “She gave us a resume of what she has done. Of course, she has done a lot, but it is in the very nature of politics that people in high office have to continue to maintain high standards. And if once they fell down, if having done 20 years of good work you do one wrong act, one act of corruption, one act of abuse of power, then that is the penalty that political life extracts from you. If you do not believe do not stay in politics.” Sri Lanka’s political culture in crisis
In Sri Lanka, since the enactment of the 1st Constitution and particularly after the 2nd, the country’s democratic political culture has been drastically changed and it is in a severe crisis now. The Proportional Representation system too has been disastrous in the country, which reduced the responsiveness to the voter too. JRJ thereafter to get greater control of the elected members obtained undated letters of resignations prior to the referendum (1982) to strengthen his hands to dominate his party members in Parliament. JRJ in a highly undemocratic manner used the provision of holding a referendum, which has an inherent legality to extend the life of Parliament after 1982 for the purpose of retaining a five-sixths majority in Parliament.
JRJ paved the way to establish a weak Parliament, a weak Judiciary and legal system which does not guarantee the equality and the impartiality before the law, a weak Police force, etc. Radhika Coomaraswamy had stated, I quote: “This wholly unwarranted and unprecedented resort to the referendum principle to circumvent the usual electoral process delegitimised the parliament and also deprived the opposition of the share of seats they would have been entitled to in a parliamentary election under the proportional representation system.” It is a denial of voting rights to the citizen – a denial of democracy too.
The recent constitutional crisis eventually ended up after the Supreme Court suspended a presidential order dissolving Parliament and calling fresh elections. All this constitutional and political turmoil is being closely monitored by the international community. Having removed Ranil, we could not however endorse the presidential move to tie up with the former President at any cost. The citizens too do not approve lethargy and inaction with regard to the impending legal action against those who are responsible for all types corruption committed including the bond scam.
Functions of the supreme Legislature
Let me now, (if in case the President is committed to do his task right), briefly state the duties and functions of the supreme Legislature:
To identify and stop abuse, arbitrary behaviour or illegal unconstitutional conduct on the part of the government and public institutions;
The protection of rights and liberties of citizens;
To hold the elected government to account in respect of how the tax payers’ money is used;
Improve the efficiency, economy and effectiveness and stop waste, misuse, abuse, corruption, fraud etc., of all government operations;
To ensure that policies, plans and decisions announced by the government and authorised by the Parliament are actually delivered, implemented and achieved;
Monitoring the achievement of goals set by legislation, projects, proposals and programmes;
To improve the transparency, openness, and compliance of laws, rules, regulations applicable to the procedures in every single government operation;
To enhance public trust in government
In a democracy, the representation of the people is the foremost duty of parliamentarians. During the last few decades, they had miserably failed to live up to the expectations of the citizens and perform their primary roles and duties towards the country and the citizens. Their performance has been unethical, disgraceful, un-parliamentary and disorderly. They have brought immense shame and disrepute to the august assembly. The Parliament of Sri Lanka is currently very weak. Parliamentarians do not have the sense of duty and beyond that the passion to serve the nation.
Parliamentarians need to be told that democratic governments that fail to deliver basic levels of stability and service risk losing their legitimacy. Good governance is the only way in which governments and public sector institutions could guarantee the rule of law, promote economic growth, and provide some measure of social protection to citizens. Generally, the term ‘democratic governance’ refers to a government’s ability to deliver on these promises while adhering to democratic values of transparency, representation, pluralism and accountability.
Accusations against MR regime
The Yahapalana Government soon after they were elected blamed the previous regime that projects had been started without even conducting a suitable cost-benefit analysis, for the purpose. Furthermore, they accused the MR Government that all such public debt spreads for the future too and the bills are passed on to the future generations for rep-payment. Most of these loans have been taken subject to the condition that debts reach maturity in the following year. Nevertheless, it is true that these debts have however not generated any income for the country at all. They have not carefully assessed whether the loans involve risks, or if not whether the investments would contribute to the boosting of the economy and to improve the living standards of the citizens in the long term.
The MR regime accordingly had failed miserably to undertake an assessment to ascertain the socio-economic benefits whether the projects will help to increase the overall prosperity in the society. Since the investment proposals have not been carefully assessed and judiciously chosen, all these are total waste of funds. Future generations will be forced to carry forward the burden for no fault of theirs. The funds amounting to billions and trillions have ended up in the pockets of rent-seeking politicos. Shouldn’t they have invested the billions and trillions to uplift the poor people’s lives?
FT Link Man is born free but corrupt political system has chained us without any mercy (Part I) was published in the Daily FT on 31 December 2018 and can be seen at http://www.ft.lk/columns/Man-is-born-free-but-corrupt-political-system-has-chained-us-without-any-mercy--Part-1-/4-669765
Vast resources are needed for our children for their future educational strategy and for improvement of the educational level. Instead, they had chosen to close rural schools: 2006 – 14, 2007 – 37, 2008 – 17 and in 2009 – 103. They have destroyed the formal school system, which principally was created by the late C.W.W. Kannangara, the father of our free education in our country. Our leaders have disrupted the formal school system totally in rural areas and had deprived children of their basic rights and amenities – including the right to education. Most of our children suffer untold hardships without food, clothing, and even proper shelter.
Rent-seeking rulers have deprived our children including the nourishment and care of the mind, which is vital for the growth and development of a human being from his infancy to his adolescence and beyond. We must not forget that children and young people are a high priority area for investment. Transport, housing, etc. in Sri Lanka are other major issues, where solutions need to be found at the earliest. We had the CTB which had been the third largest transportation company in the whole world at the time. All that had been sold and privatised for a pittance having given flimsy excuses. We need high rises now. Housing projects similar to Bambalapitiya and Maligawatte housing schemes are a must. Rent can finance the payment of interest and loan instalments. Unfulfilled pledges
Up to now, none of the politicians have fulfilled the pledges made by them except ending the war. Afterwards, overseas funds intended for development including public money meant for public good have been robbed from State by all these thieves of State. The time has come for Sri Lankan people to come out against corruption because Sri Lankan politicians will never do the needful to minimise corruption. It could also be seen that not only politicians, we have businessmen, public servants and even religious leaders, who are being accused of corruption.
In our country both major parties have proved again and again that they have failed. Furthermore, during the last few decades we did not have rulers at the top who respect ethics and morality. Corruption has therefore become so ingrained in our society to such an extent that it is so hard to find someone who is not corrupt. We now therefore need to understand the realistic ground situation and educate the masses that honest and patriotic people need to work hard collectively to create the change. Let us now view this situation seriously and say “no” to corruption. Indian example
In India, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has no reason to worry at all about winning the impending elections, which is due in three more months. Modi during the past five years has done so much in India to take the country forward, with courage and conviction, and with no malice towards any one. He has taken necessary steps to boost the expectations and the confidence of the masses and taken valiant efforts to build pride among the Indians. It is certainly creditable that Modi has succeeded in achieving industrial and economic growth as well, under his able leadership.
At the time Modi was elected to power, India was steeped in corruption. People therefore having lost faith, had simply wondered that no one will succeed in minimising corruption in such a vast country like India. Modi has finally proved conclusively that it is possible to run a corruption-free central government. It must be mentioned that corruption has so far not been eradicated totally in India. Modi has given good hope to people that corruption-free governance is an achievable goal. My experience is that for fighting corruption, long-drawn planning and careful strategies are needed to win the anti-corruption struggle.
Independent Sri Lanka has had three Constitutions since 1948. All three have been ignored, flouted, practically abrogated opportunistically and gone against in letter and in spirit by the very people who had sworn to uphold, protect and be guided by them. Narrow old roads are replaced today by broader, well made roads and yet because rules continue to be broken by incapable, undisciplined motorists who have been given licenses to drive by corrupt examiners of driving who have accepted bribes, many accidents take place and lives of pedestrians too are lost. In the same manner, the provisions in the Constitutions have been interpreted even by judges to suit the desires of their political patrons and imperfections multiplied many times due to the ignorance, carelessness, corruption and the intellectual incapacity of legislators. Wanting in goodwill and trust, several others have adopted the deliberate choice of violating the very bases of the Constitutions for political and personal benefit. Just as good roads are misused by some drivers, even good constitutions could be misused by some legislators, Presidents, Prime Ministers and Ministers and even by some Chief Justices. It should not be possible for anyone to use one’s position to knowingly break any law.
ALL UNDER THE RULE OF LAW
The language and terminology of the Constitution should be intelligible to citizens who are now expected to have had thirteen years of school education. Education should include the awakening of a broad civic consciousness, democratic values and social responsibility and a commitment to the safeguarding of the human, moral, socio-political and natural environment to keep our island home a healthy milieu for a pluralist society. The courtesy of honour and respect accorded to religion and all persons in positions of religious and secular authority should not detract from the fundamental rights, autonomy, identity, freedom and equality of every person and all legitimate socially recognized groups under the rule of law. Nor should any person or group be considered above the law of the land.
The process of drafting the Constitution would have raised the key issues that needed to be clarified, well understood and supported by all sections of the people. Only people with goodwill towards all others will have the benefit of a good Constitution that upholds truth and justice, dignity and equality, honour and mutual respect of all. That would be the base on which understanding, graciousness and loving kindness and magnanimity could flourish so that this Nation will be a family of civilized and cultured communities.
A CONSTITUTION SIGNIFICANT TO ALL
All previous constitutions have been drafted by a few select individuals mainly to satisfy the narrow desires of the power holders who, against principles of democracy, presumed themselves to be the most qualified and knowledgeable and arrogated to themselves the task of drafting and ratifying Constitutions made according to their selfish image, likeness and short-sighted political vision. One wonders whether they were ever aware of the nepotist, autocratic, dictatorial, tyrannical and undemocratic tendencies in their characters influencing the drafting and amending the Constitutions. We detect in each of the constitutions the institutionalizing of undemocratic elements that undermined the basic foundations of a democratic, socialist republic in which the people were supposed to be free, equal and sovereign. Inevitably a less defective new Constitution has arisen.
Very prominent politicians who have been and are vociferous even about constitutional matters are so divisively chauvinistic and narrowly racialist in their outlook that they cannot positively contribute anything towards unifying people of different races, languages, cultures, religions, views, political ideologies and outlooks on life who inhabit Sri Lanka. Their intellectual understanding is coloured by bias and prejudice and their visions are blurred by narrow that selfish political policies that do harm to the country and its people in the long run. The narrow and selfish policies not only with regard to Sinhala, Tamil and English languages but also the arbitrary adoption of various administrative measures and blatant discrimination with regard to human rights of ethnic and religious minorities are sufficient to prove this. The authors of these policies are limited by monolingual and/or chauvinistic and racialist attitudes that are indeed irreligious. They lead even religions to denigration by secularists. The biased discriminatory policies have prevented creative initiatives of individuals and of minority communities from making their valid contribution to the progress and development of the country.
The New Constitution should not be permit Legislators to engage in business with the State nor should they be given various licenses to open business ventures, especially in liquor. They are unjust, unfair by the people and have been abused. MPs and all ministers’ monthly emoluments should correspond to their attending sittings of parliament from beginning to end and attending to their official duties. MPs should not only be capable and efficient but also be of good behaviour in the Chamber of Parliament.
Dereliction of duty by MPs and ministers and gallivanting all over the world at the expense of the tax-payer should end forthwith. The people are well aware of the provisions and loopholes that open the floodgates to corruption. The Constitution should be a life-giving instrument significant for all and never become death dealing to the people and a door to corruption of the representatives.
UPHOLDING THE COMMON GOOD
Those who draft, adopt and accept to abide by the Constitution of the land are those who with goodwill show a willingness to cooperate and collaborate in seeing that it is made an effective instrument of people’s solidarity and unity that will help the nation towards progress and peace. It is an instrument that facilitates individual and community relationships among people in a manner that devolves to the well-being and contentment of individuals and communities living in a common homeland and for the common good of all. The perimeters of the Constitution and the guidance and direction it gives and the checks and balances and controls it imposes are for the benefit of all in common and all citizens should accept them, uphold and respect them as the basic law of the land.
The draft Constitution should acknowledge the dignity, honour and self-respect, equality and freedom of all the people and satisfy their legitimate aspirations and hopes so that all sections of the people have a sense of belonging.
BULWARK OF TRUTH AND JUSTICE
Sri Lanka should progress towards the future under the aegis of the law. Not adhering to the law, disdain and scorn of the law, willfully breaking the law, brings about great disorder and chaos to society. Practical contempt of the law by officialdom even in the sanctuaries of law leads the people to stupefaction, confusion and disbelief. Though never excusable, it is no wonder that some impetuous people hastily take the law into their own hands to overly react and protest against unacceptable happenings in otherwise reserved precincts where law and order should prevail.
In any case, it is not the legislature or the executive, whatever high authority they may purport to have conferred on themselves, that could be the arbiter of justice in the land between individual people or groups or between people and the State but the Judiciary. The process of nominating Judges should be such that only persons of unimpeachable integrity are chosen. An Independent Judiciary never subject to arbitrary manipulation by anyone would uphold the law and be the supreme guardian of the law, the democratic bulwark of truth, justice and fairness in all matters of state and government and the public life of the people. Neither the Legislature and the Executive nor any agency of the State should try to subdue or ignore the Judiciary directly or indirectly.
PEOPLE ARE SOVEREIGN
Drafting the New Constitution of course could be done by those most capable of doing it. Yet, if as in the current one the preamble to the Constitution were to appropriately say that the ‘People give themselves a Constitution’, for it not to remain an empty, meaningless, hyperbolic phrase, the people should have had a primary hand in contributing the key provisions to the draft of the Constitution, for the common good of all the people.
Therefore, taking into consideration all this and other relevant matters, the final authority that approves the draft of any constitution should be the people whose sovereignty upholds and legitimizes the Constitution. An approving referendum is absolutely necessary.
If the draft Constitution challenges all sections of the people to rise to an acceptable level of civic responsibility and social culture and restrains all people equally for the sake of social harmony, all could not only be persuaded but proud to give it overwhelming approval.
7 January 2019
