Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, January 2, 2019

THE DRAFT CONSTITUTION FOR SRI LANKA WILL BE PRESENTED BEFORE 4TH OF FEBRUARY 2019.


Image:  Member of the European Parliament and of the Friends of Sri Lanka group in the European Parliament Hon Geoffrey Van Orden met with TNA today in Colombo. ( TNA photo)

Sri Lanka Brief02/01/2019

The draft Constitution which was done by a panel of experts which was to be presented in Parliament in 7th of December 2018, will be presented before 4th of February 2019, says a TNA press release.
Full text of the release follows.

The visiting Member of the European Parliament and of the Friends of Sri Lanka group in the European Parliament Hon Geoffrey Van Orden met with the Leader of the Tamil National Alliance Mr. Sampanthan today in Colombo.

Apprising the Honorable Member of the recent political developments in the country Mr. Sampanthan pointed out the importance of the reconstitution of the Constitutional Council through which the independence of the judiciary has been preserved which was clearly demonstrated during the recent crisis situation. Further answering a question Mr.

Sampanthan expressed that “our support to reinstate the Government was on Principle.

The country was in distress and there was no Prime Minister or a Government.We had to support to reinstate the Government to prevent further damage being done to the economy and for normalcy in the functioning of institutions in this Country” said Mr. Sampanthan.

Briefing on the new Constitutional making process TNA Spokesman and Jaffna District Parliamentarian Mr. Sumanthiran said, the draft Constitution which was done by a panel of experts which was to be presented in Parliament in 7th of December 2018, will be presented before 4th of February 2019.

TNA Press release/02.12.19

Marketing a political candidate in 2019: Is it right?


Marketing a political candidate is not an indignity to democratic process
logoTuesday, 1 January 2019


If we track back at last year, the highest share of voice topic was undoubtedly ‘politics’. Many are speculating now that 2019 will be the year of elections, starting from the Provincial Council elections to General elections and subsequently the Presidential elections. Whist many can speculate, no one actually state the actual order of elections. Be that it may, one thing that will sure happen is that the discipline ‘marketing’ will be extensively used in the year 2019 by political candidates.


Marketing a political candidate?

If we do a deep dive on the meaning of the term ‘marketing,’ in simple words it’s all about giving the consumer reasons to buy a brand based on one’s needs and requirements.

In the game of political marketing too this same process comes into play, with the voters being given a strong reason why they need to vote for a particular candidate rather than the other. So, in absolute ruthlessness of the marketing ethos, I find the new brands that have entered the political arena like Rohan Pellawatte will sure increase awareness on the part of the voter and drive a high involvement decision making process.

My father who hails from the tea industry of Sri Lanka believes marketing a political candidate to high office like a washing powder or toothpaste is the ultimate indignity to the democratic process of a country. This is an interesting argument from an ethical perspective. Let me throw more light on to this argument.


Marketing a politician

Let me begin by explaining what the discipline of marketing means. In simple words it means identifying what a customer wants and thereafter developing a solution to meet this requirement better than competitors but in a socially responsible manner. In the case of politics, the customer is the voter whilst the solution provider is the politician.

A typical voter in a Local Government election is a “household’ that consist of a mother, father and children. Hence, if one analyses the customer wants, they can be listed as timely collection of garbage, road maintenance, security around the neighbourhood, adequate street lighting, sewerage and supply of basic utilities, not forgetting access to supermarkets, polas and banks, to name a few.

The candidate who can effectively communicate how these needs can be addressed better with their overall solution will garner the support to be voted in at an election, which incidentally is what the marketing ethos advocates. I would even go on to take the high ground that ‘marketing’ helps introduce democracy into a country as at the end of the day it supports the decision making process of a voter.


Marketing right?

The logic for the saying that it is marketing that brings in democracy to a system is factually correct for two reasons. The first being that the product/service that is offered by a candidate must communicated effectively in a manner so that the consumer is better informed on who best fits their requirement. However, a point to note is that when communicating, this right must be available to every other competitor too with equal media time so that the ‘share of voice’ is same and the only competitive advantage is the message offered. This can vary if one has to self-finance one’s campaign, which means that the candidate with higher financial muscle can garner a stronger share of voice.

This ethos will hold ground when it comes to the below-the-line activity too, like staging meetings at neighbourhoods as well as hoardings. The second perspective is that once a consumer (in this case a voter) makes a decision and selects a product (the chosen candidate), he or she must deliver the promises made at the time of campaigning. Marketing a political candidate ensures voters makes decision with better information. Hence, it can be said that it is right.


Marketing drives democracy?

However, the debate is when it is not done in socially responsible manner. If these two perspectives are understood, then marketing becomes the modus of ensuring democracy is maintained. This means marketing a political candidate for high office is not an indignity to the democratic process of a country and in fact it facilitates the decision making process of a voter.



Why marketing is wrong 

Where marketing comes in for criticism is when marketing a candidate it is done not in a socially-acceptable manner. This includes blocking of competitor media, below-the-line rivalry at meetings are blocked out, voters not being allowed to vote, unlawful voting, etc., to name a few. A point to note is that these unethical practices are not confined to political marketing but happens across many consumer brands too.

For instance, when a malted milk was launched some years back in Sri Lanka, the competitor bought up the key media belts on radio to block the new brand that was being launched, poached the competitor’s key employees, and broke down the displays at the retail end whilst over-pasting. Some companies even resort to guerrilla tactics of promotions to undermine the competitor brand.

Some even go to the extent of stalking the route plan of a sales representative’s itinerary so that at the retail end you block retail space, which to my mind is somewhat similar to the marketing that is practiced during an election. This is when ‘marketing’ comes in for flak.


Products must deliver

Another situation where marketing as a discipline draws flak is when it is used in politics, a candidate fails to deliver on the promise made after being elected. For instance, the collection of garbage daily, street lights not working and even after complaining no action being taken to correct same to name a few when it comes to a Local Government election.

Without delivery at the retail end, the challenge will be if marketing of a political candidate to high office can be considered unethical and wrong.


Appoint a regulator

Marketing a political candidate in 2019: One way to correct this situation just like the insurance or the mobile phone industry of Sri Lanka is if a regulator can be asked to play a prominent role, so that major deviations can be corrected. This can include share of voice (SOV) issues and may be even the message content so that marketing unearths the true discipline that can be brought out to showcase democracy in a country.

Some can say that it is a far-fetched idea in the case of political marketing but based on the best practices seen in other countries this can be achieved provided there is a political will in doing so. The challenge is making it happen in a political economy, especially in countries in the Asian and African regions.

Many point out the irregularity of marketing a politician but many brands and companies resort to the same behaviour like breaking down displays at retail outlets, blocking media by forward purchasing at launches, poaching on competitor employees and using guerrilla promotional tactics.

The problem that can arise in the absence of a regulator when it comes to political marketing the candidate who is less aggressive will not be able to carve out a clear positioning in the minds of the voter, which in turn will result in the competitor doing this for him/her, which can lead to confusion in the minds of a voter. This is something that many less aggressive politicians fail to understand.


Politics vs. brands

A point that needs to be highlighted is that there are many clear-cut differences when it comes to marketing a political candidate as against a brand of washing powder or breakfast cereal.

A political candidate has to a sense of urgency as only a four-to-six-week window is available between announcing elections and the implementation of them. So either one achieves Top of the Mind (TOM) awareness and then carries through to be appointed at the election or you are kicked out.

On the other hand, the pace at which one needs to drive a brand will be at a slower pace as the time bar can be longer. This means that the ruthlessness of the tactics used in marketing a politician will be obviously different in velocity and breadth.

Another key difference is that brands can be switched by consumers if they do not meet expectations overnight but in the case of political candidates, the switching time can be as long as six years, meaning the purchasing cycles are different. This further justifies the need for one to practice marketing so that it gives clarity on the decision that needs to be made at a polling booth. I guess this explains the competitiveness in which one plays the game in the political arena when it comes to an election.


Conclusion 

Hence we see that ‘politics’ and ‘brands’ have a many aspects that are common whilst they have their own industry-related peculiarities too. But at the end of the day the winner is the consumer and in this case the voter. We now have to wait and see if the promises made during the year 2019 whilst campaigning will be delivered on the ground.
[Dr. Rohantha Athukorala is an award winning marketer/business personality, an alumnus of Harvard University and a Fellow of the Chartered Institute Marketing (UK). The thoughts expressed are his own and not the views of the organisations he serves in Sri Lanka or overseas.]

Maithri, Mahinda, Ranil: Three Aces or Three Jokers?


“It is the mark of an educated mind to be able to entertain a thought without accepting it.” ~ Aristotle  

2019-01-02

Jawaharlal Nehru wrote thus: ‘Life is like a game of cards. The hand you are dealt is determinism; the way you play it is free will’. if one examines how each of these players, Maithripala Sirisena, the President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, former President and 50-day Prime Minister (PM) and Ranil Wickremesinghe the current PM, at least on the surface, look more like jokers who did not know when to play and when to quit, except perhaps Ranil Wickremesinghe who chose to wait it out allowing the others to continue to play their suicidal game. Barefaced violation of a country’s constitution is no game of cards. 

  • Instead of Ace, he decided to play a joker and thereby became a joker himself  
  • Ranil,without showing his cards displayed a grim countenance

Yet, when her current and former Chief Executives have opted to indulge in such unabashed acts of defilement, one is always prompted to find metaphors to describe the bizarre situation that results from such violations and corruption. And if one parallels what was enacted on October 26, 2018 to a cruel game of cards, one is seldom detracted from the fact that history abounds with some unmistakable precedents of numerous incidents wherein ruling clans had resorted to unsavoury deals and conspiracies in order to lengthen and strengthen their tenure in the throne. Whether when Ceylon was ruled by Kings and Queens or during the 500 years of subjugation by colonial powers or even after so-called Independence in 1948 as a sovereign nation up to the present time, the pages of history tell us how and why our rulers resorted to such brutish alternative means of usurping political power. But history is useless unless one chooses to learn from it. 

History apparently has not taught our leaders anything. Anyway that history is dead. But today we are experiencing some events which are palpably unusual, yet when our own history tells us that such unusual events had occurred in our past, then only do we learn that we have failed to learn, period. Rarely do I quote Marx, yet in this instance, am compelled to be reminded of one of his famous quotes: ‘History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce’. The political farce that was played out before a docile public during the infamous fifty days was indeed a tragicomedy enacted by our leaders. Some displayed incredible stupidity in their total lack of understanding of constitutional confines within which an Executive has to exercise his powers. Having been elected to office on a platform of accountability and transparency, been voted in by an angry public who were disenchanted with the previous regime’s lack of the same in addition to a definitive tramp towards an autocratic family-rule, he decided to unclothe himself of that ‘Yahapalanaya’ garb. In the game of political cards, he, instead of playing his Ace, decided to play a joke and thereby became a joker himself. 

Come MR, being assured by some political vagrants that he could muster the required 113 in the Legislature, by hook or by crook, by offers of money and portfolios, by cajoling and corruption, the first joker, the Executive, took the extraordinary step of swearing him in as Prime Minister of the country. He must have guessed that it’s another perch of land in the historic dry zone city he (mis)represented. 

When the other joker, MR stepped into the arena, all the vile and avaricious character that was kept under control was unleashed inside the most sacred of the House of the People’s Will, Parliament, by MR’s own loyal disciples. Entangled in the web of greed woven by MR himself over the past two and half decades, these unruly and uncouth loyalists made a total mockery of parliamentary traditions so closely followed and held aloft by its founders and MR’s predecessors. The second Joker opted to disregard the ostensible desecration of our values that has been passed down by our parents to their children. Any semblance of decency and decorum was the obvious victim. 

MR, the second Joker did not have any other card to play. Having discovered to his immense grief that he did not have the required 113, he had allegedly instructed his loyalists to prevent a vote being taken in parliament. They failed. In their attempt to prevent the vote inside parliament, they let themselves loose to the astonishment of all who watched the proceedings in earnest and showed what animals they could become in the face of certain defeat. It was in this act of uncontrolled conduct of vandalism that they exhibited their intolerance of justice and fair-play; it was in this frenzied behaviour they unfolded the hidden side of their demented character(s). 

For these loyalists, defeat was no option. Having sucked out the flesh and blood of our economy during the 2005 – 2014 period and being seriously alleged before the courts of law in the country, they saw no way out other than grabbing power by whatever means and allowing the court cases to vanish with no trace left behind. Well, it was not to be. As American science-fiction writer, Robert A.Heinlein wrote: ‘Never underestimate the power of human stupidity’. The Rajapaksas were not only corrupt and autocratic; in fact they were also stupid. For them to risk and gamble their political capital they built on the successful conclusion of a 30-year war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) is plain stupid. What demon possessed them in the period from October 26 to December 16, 2018, one may never know. But the sheer sense of insensibility is colossal. At least in the short run, it may cost them dearly, not only for MR, but also for any other member of that family. Who destroyed whom, whether it was Maithri did unto MR or vice versa, one might never find out, for eventually both suffered irrevocable damage to their standing in society, their dubious incongruity in political principles and most of all their very core of character.

Ranil Wickremesinghe, the other card in this game might not be a Joker, yet the Cabinet he proposed in the wake of the melodrama played out in the open gives more than an indication that he too has hardly learnt anything beyond the fact that he could certainly withstand the stupidity of the other two Jokers. Whatever one might accuse Ranil of, one cannot say he is stupid; insensible and insensitive to the masses, may be; but stupid, no. When Maithri and MR were behaving as if there was no tomorrow, Ranil played a waiting game to its exquisite end. What baffled everyone’s mind during this crisis was how and why Maithri and MR engaged in a sequence of events, which they presumably thought was not ultimately consequential of the original decisions they entered into. That tells of an untrained and inexperienced mind. Being veteran politicians, both Maithri and MR displayed a remarkable lack of strategic thinking, a hurried and consequentially faltering execution and a stupendous absence of patience. 

Ranil, on the contrary, played somewhat a strategic game, without showing his cards and displaying a grim countenance, which he usually has irrespective of the circumstances. In this political poker game played out from October 26 to December 16, 2018, Ranil was no Joker, nor was he an Ace. American novelist cum journalist said:“Life is not always a matter of holding good cards, but sometimes, playing a poor hand well”. Ranil did not have a good hand; the President was opposed to him; MR was with the Opposition; but he knew that the Speaker and the Supreme Court were waiting on the threshold of some momentous decisions and they, the Speaker and the Supreme Court, were the Aces, as trumps, so to speak. Ranil gambled and played his cards like a seasoned gambler. The false notion of ‘the people are with us’ enunciated and repeated with Goebbels-like Mantra by the Rajapaksas was proven wrong. The people at large- not the fringe elements on both sides- were docile and unmoved. They too waited patiently and with an extraordinary sense of balance when, come December 16, exhaled an audible sigh of relief. 

The Aces that were the Speaker and the Supreme Court combined to trump the stupid and the avaricious. Once again it was proven beyond any shadow of doubt that lack of basic understanding of our Constitution and the laws and regulations that flow from it is more than a must when governing our Democratic Socialist Republic. Governing the whole nation with divided power as the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary is no joke.It’s not over a limited land mass that contains within it just a couple of thousand inhabitants and one or two village tanks and townships. R. Premadasa, the President elected from the UNP in 1988 had no university degree; by conventional standards, Premadasa was an uneducated politician who came to power through the power of the UNP. The truth is far from it. Though Premadasa had no formal education, he was a tremendously focused man whose attention to details of governance was bettered only by JRJayewardene.Premadasa Exceptionalism, which has not cascaded down to his son, at least yet, was a working, living organism. It has not manifested itself yet and is tragically unlikely that it would. 
A brand new year is upon us. 

Happy New Year to everyone!
The writer can be contacted on vishwamithra1984@gmail.com  

Jesuit priest and human rights defender passes away in Batticaloa


 02 January 2019
The Jesuit priest, Rev Fr Benjamin Henry Miller S J passed away yesterday on January 1 in Batticaloa. 
Rev Miller was a human rights defender, who was pivotal in documenting the tens of thousands of disappeared in the area. 
His funeral was held today, with colleagues and locals, including local school students and teachers turning out to pay their respects. 
The United States ambassador, Alaina Teplitz sent a condolence message, which was read out by the Bishop of Batticaloa.

Power Struggle Worsens: Sirisena Appoints Committee To Vet Heads Of All State Institutions: Usurps Powers Of Ministers

logo
Worsening the power struggle within the new government, President Maithripala Sirisena has appointed a new committee, headed by Secretary to the President Udaya R. Seneviratne, to vet the resumes of heads of all state institutions nominated by the new ministers.
Sirisena
Sirisena has instructed the ministry secretaries to make appointments after recommendations by the Committee, Colombo Telegraph learns. As a result, the appointments of heads of state institutions have come to a standstill.
Highly placed government sources said Sirisea had appointed the committee to restrict the influence of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe when it comes high-profile appointments in the state sector. The committee allows Sirisena to have the final say over the appointments of heads of state institutions.
Speaking to Colombo Telegraph, a senior government spokesman said the appointment of a new committee might be in violation of the standard procedure. “It is the minister that is considered the appointing authority of heads of state institutions coming under each ministry. The committee is an attempt at usurping the powers of ministers.”
It is learnt that Cabinet ministers will take up the matter with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe who still remains silent on the setting up of the committee.
In a similar move, Sirisena ensured that State Enterprise, Hill Country Heritage and Kandy Development Minister Lakshman Kiriella did not receive a single major state institution as per the Gazette on the allocation of subjects to ministries.

Read More

Should houses have been built at all out of taxpayers’ funds?

Question is not who built more houses
“Boasting and bragging about who did more is a kids’ game like kan kan booru; sin sin noru”
False question


logoThursday, 3 January 2019 

The question is not “who built more houses?” President Ranasinghe Premadasa, his son Minister of Housing Sajith Premadasa or the latest claimant for building houses, Champika Ranawaka. This is the question that has been highlighted as a one-way track issue in the newspapers these days.

Sajith had rebuked Champika’s claim. This is a false question. The real question is whether taxpayer funds should have been expended to build and distribute houses free like this at all. It is surprising and unfortunate both that Ministers do not ask this question themselves and that the public seems impressed by a Government that builds and gives away houses out of the scarce public resources at its disposal.

If these parties comprehend the meaning of “opportunity cost,” they would think differently.

Opportunity cost in economics

Any schoolboy knows that if he spends $ 100 in buying a textbook he cannot spend that money on a jaunt with pals. Sri Lankans have seen that if a government spends 800 billion on a war for a year, it has so little to spend on education or health or economic investment projects.

The key thing is that any society has scarce resources at its disposal and that, therefore, it has to make optimal use and distribution of these resources. It is either this way or that way. Wherever we face scarce resources we have to make choices, choices would depend on the competing needs of the different sectors. Prioritising is crucial.

Free rice scheme

The free rice scheme where every householder was given rice free to be obtained via cooperatives is perhaps the most foolish and deceitful government policy followed anywhere in the whole wide world. This is an excellent illustration of the lack of concern about opportunity cost.

Sirimavo Bandaranaike won her election by promising free rice even from the moon. The policy was damaging to the economy and it stands as one of the major policies that put the economic clock back for Sri Lanka. The opportunity cost of that meant lesser money for economic regeneration, lesser money for infrastructure and lesser money to almost any area where the people could have been helped to flourish. We cannot make a dent on the housing problem this way.

Hundreds of houses, thousands of houses and so on cannot make a serious dent on the problem of housing shortage in the country. It is plain nonsense. The expenditure is, therefore, not tending toward solving the problem at hand.

This suggests that the way to build the required stock must be looked at elsewhere in the range of optional social and economic policies. In saying so, I am not proposing that the Government should not build housing for the especially disadvantaged and vulnerable groups of our society such as the disabled, the war-injured soldiers and so on. This is another question altogether and that belongs to the area of public social charity. Some reasonable quantum of the State’s resources should be set apart for humanitarian housing of this sort.

On the other hand, the general shortage of housing for the population must be tackled in different, more productive and more effective ways than Government coming in with such direct intervention.
Popularity?

Some may point out that this approach would be politically popular. The latter are in fools’ paradise, since the numbers of those left out of the sheer reality would be so much larger than the lucky ones. The chosen may be happy, provided they don’t complain and whine over some missing facilities.

When it comes to repairs the chosen are going to be alienated anyway since it would be an unsurmountable task for the Government to attend to repair work amounting to millions in this way. Hence, this isn’t a politically appealing project either.
Real way, hard way

The real solution to the housing shortage must come from the people themselves by way of investment. How are they to invest with no money in their hands? Therein lies the way out: governments must have the right policies in process to drastically keep improving the economic capacity of average citizens. Banks must be restructured to meet the housing demands of a more affordable population.

Here, in Australia (and I am sure this is the way of the developed West), when a person gets a job the bank gives a loan to build a house on the security of a mortgage. Banks don’t become too Shylock-like as they can sell the property of a defaulting borrower in a rising real estate market. The borrower, too, has the option of selling up, paying the mortgage and moving to a now lesser popular real estate block.
Fund entrepreneurs

The money that Sajith or Champika spend on housing would do a better job if given as loans to individuals who show a desire for being entrepreneurs. This is why I applaud the new program of ‘Enterprise Sri Lanka’ planned and executed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera.

This seems a hard way. However, it is the most effective and sensible and sustainable way of solving the housing shortage. We will not be fooling ourselves in the way former President Premadasa, present Minister Sajith and Megapolis Minister Champika have done. Boasting and bragging about who did more is a kids’ game like kan kan booru, sin sin noru.
Land and tax policy

Land and tax policies should also be tuned in to enable persons to build either for investment or own use. There is a large number of abandoned blocks belonging to the railway, etc. that could be released for housing. Tax policies must weigh in favour of home owners who live in the homes they build. Those who build for investment can be taxed on an indexed basis. One should not frown at those who build as investment property since these entrepreneurs add to the overall housing stock, thereby relieving the general shortage.

Under Pieter Keuneman, the former Communist Leader and former Minister in charge of Housing, a policy of robbing from those who have more than one house and giving away the rest to those who do not have had been followed. That was stupid since that policy drove away investors in the housing market. Furthermore our renting laws should be more fairly revised in order to discourage both tenants and landlords who abuse. The laws must provide a fair go for all.

Since Sri Lanka is a small country with a burgeoning population our laws should encourage more high rises as done in Singapore.

I suggest our officials be sent to Singapore to study how it all happens over there.
(The writer can be reached via sjturaus@optusnet.com.au.)

Memes are great political punditry

 
2019-01-02 

There was a time when the New Year dawned the phone would ring and beep incessantly. It still does, but not at the same rate it did, say five years back, unless it’s loaded with social media apps. 

The once ubiquitous SMS has been replaced by Whatsapp, Facebook and other web based messaging systems. We still get our electronic New Year greetings – the New Year would not be the same without them, but they come in different formats.
 
Among the greetings no doubt was one of the most versatile creations to express anything from adoration to disgust – the meme. 

The last two and half months of 2018 showed that despite all the political tragedy, Sri Lankans still had a sense of humour. The meme became one of the best ways to express that. 

  • Research has shown that in November last year, video content on Facebook by pages allied with the UNP rose almost 90%
  • The subtlest of political statements was said in the most comical of ways. But the effect was astounding. The meme was where the slapstick merges seamlessly with political punditry
  • During the crisis no other political party gained on social media engagement than the UNP

The memes and user-generated video were two of the main-stays on social media during those 51 days when the country was trying to figure out who exactly was the prime minister. 

Research has shown that in November last year, video content on Facebook by pages allied with the UNP rose almost 90%. As many others have also expressed, the scale of content and engagement was partly fuelled by the selective censorship adapted by many of the legacy electronic media. 

Apart from content uploaded by its MPs and other supporters, the UNP also set up a web-based news channel and also put out content put together by its own media units. One such was on the series of calls MP Range Bandara received from S. B. Dissanayake. A single video on one of the calls had been viewed close to a half million times and shared 11,000 times on Facebook. That is massive traction. 

During the crisis no other political party gained on social media engagement than the UNP. Whether those gains are organic or orchestrated is yet not clear. As is whether the party can maintain the momentum into the New Year and then into the inevitable elections. More so keeping in mind that its opponents have been far more organized, planned and cohesive in the use of web-based platforms for some time now. 

If the videos were straight forward, the memes were the commentary, daring and insightful than many of the editorial pontifications.
 

Some of the memes obviously were creations of users who were openly politically partisan or extremist, but 100’s came from those who have no such affiliations. 

The subtlest of political statements was said in the most comical of ways. But the effect was astounding. The meme was where the slapstick merges seamlessly with political punditry.
 
Like the one on the closure of the SLFP headquarters while the President was away on holiday or the one of ITN switching sides from Mahinda Rajapaksa to Ranil Wickremesinghe, without missing a beat. 

Usually the meme sphere is full of those making fun of everything from celebrities to nextdoor neighbours. It so easily mixes the visual with the sentiments and has become one of the chosen forms of expression for the millennials. 

Looking at 39 Sri Lankan meme Facebook pages, they together produced 2,600 memes between October 27 and December17. This by no means is not all of what was produced. The biggest growth was noticed during mid-November when the political chicanery was at its worst. 

The meme was where many Sri Lankans found their own disgust with the politicians and the system reflected authentically. It found resonance in the bus and in the living room, sometimes even in the bathroom. 

The author is the Asia-Pacific Coordinator for the DART Centre for Journalism and Trauma, a project of the Columbia Journalism School

Twitter - @amanthap

Who can save Sri Lanka?


article_image


By T. M. Premawardana- 

thamuprem@yahoo.com

(Translation by Fr J. C. Pieris)

The people of this country did not accept the overturning of power, enacted on the 26th of October 2018 as a political victory. Only the people, paid and instigated by the politicians to light crackers, did so. Nobody spontaneously came forward to celebrate it. After the news of the dissolution of the Parliament they became still more silent. Considering the results of the last provincial council elections, the overturning of political power on the 26th October should have produced a veritable storm of fireworks all over the country. But nothing of the sort happened. Why didn’t that happen?

We have to live in a society, which is highly degenerated. But, our society has always managed to safeguard one eminent quality, the great quality of never tolerating uncouth politics. For example, let us look at the political scene starting from the time of JR, in 1977. JR had the power of a five-sixths majority. In his own words, he had a constitution which cannot do only one thing; make a man a woman and a woman a man. JR had a new attractive economy, strengthened by pure profit and competition. Yet, from the beginning, he made use of uncouth politics in his governance.

The birth of uncivilized governance

JR had told that he would give the police a one week holiday for the UNP supporters to enjoy their victory. On the day election results were out, six political killings took place. On the same day, 37 houses were set ablaze. By next day, the number of attacks and robberies reached 415. During the first victorious week, 1400 such incidents were reported. In public places government servants were forced to worship the picture of JR. Government officers were forcibly chased away and their positions were occupied by others. The number of politically motivated dismissals from work reached 18,462. The husband was transferred to Jaffna and the wife was transferred to Hambantota. Such politically motivated transfers numbered 72,881. That is how JR started his period of governance.

University students were the first to oppose the JR governance and went on protest rallies. Thugs were used to stamp out such opposition. A thug who went in to attack the students, inside the Kelaniya University, got killed. JR attended the funeral of that thug who was called Christopher. Gonawala Sunil, a rapist and a thug who was in prison, was given a presidential pardon. JR governance was allergic to, among other things, literature, fine arts, culture and ethics. There was to be a public lecture on the deterioration of culture in Sri Lanka, in the auditorium of the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress. Thugs were sent to attack, disrupt the meeting and throw out Professor Sarathchandra and other academics on to the road.

Even before independence, there were trade union movements that stood up for the welfare of the people. When trade union leaders ordered, like generals, infantry, like the trade union movement, went in to battle. JR governance sent thugs to attack trade union rallies. They attacked with bicycle chains and iron rods. Even hand bombs were thrown. D. Sompala, a worker of the supplies department, was killed. During the general strike, of 1980, over 40,000 workers were sacked from their employment. Then they sealed the trade union offices and froze their bank accounts. Offices of alternative newspapers were sealed. News was censored. The trade union movement, till then so powerful, was smashed to pieces.

In 1982, alleging a Naxalite conspiracy of the SLFP, and imposing martial law, Wijaya Kumaratunga and 20 other district leaders were taken into custody and remanded. SLFP headquarters was sealed. "Atta" and "Sudandiran" alternative newspapers were sealed. Under such an oppressive atmosphere a fraudulent referendum was held and the life of the parliament was extended for another six years.

Opposing the state of affairs, "Pavidi Handa", led by Daramitipola Rathanasara Thero printed handbills for distribution. DIG P. Udugampola took the Thero and 20,000 handbills into custody. After the hearing of the fundamental rights case against that action, the court ordered P. Udugampola to pay Rs 10,000 as compensation to the Thero and Rs 2,100 as court charges. Not only did the government pay the fines of the DIG, he was given a promotion.

Inhuman, cantankerous, uncouth governance.

JR’s foolish hubris, as the leader of the government, was such that he sent his close relative Brigadier ‘Bull’ Weeratunga to Jaffna to quell, in six months, the beginnings of small anti-government armed uprisings. The next day, morning two bodies of Tamil youth, shot and killed were exhibited on the roads. In June, of 1981, the District Development Council elections, held in Jaffna, became the most corrupt election robbery in the history of Sri Lanka. On that occasion, a group of government servants doing election duty were sent off and thugs from the South were used instead. They burned down the Jaffna Public Library, which was the heart of the Tamil people.

A close comrade of JR, Cyril Matthew, and other leaders of the government, launched the Black July of 1983. Hundreds of innocent Tamils were burned to death. Their property was robbed. What could not be taken away was set on fire. 52 Tamils held in the high security section of the Welikada prison were set upon with hatchets, knives, iron rods and massacred within two days. Who will do justice to them? How? When? And where?

Watching this great crime happening before his eyes; he allowed it to go on for 24 hours before imposing a curfew. For five entire days he remained silent without uttering a word. Finally, he blamed the leftist parties for it and proscribed them. Consequently, both North and South were painted red with blood. On one occasion, he extracted undated and signed resignation letters from his MPs.

These were some of the results of the uncouth politics of JR during his governing period. However strong a political leader he may have been his type of governance could not survive even in his own life time. The reason for that is nothing else but the great quality of our people’s non-tolerance of uncouth politics.

The firm quality of non-tolerance

As another example of this great quality, let us take a good look at the time of Mahinda Rajapaksa governance after the end of the war, in the North. When the war came to an end, Rajapaksa’s popularity had reached the zenith. During his governance, the attractive physical plan of Highways got under way. Yet, he tied up like a common criminal and dragged in to the prison his own General who won the war for him.

The culture of white vans began during MR’s period of governance. They attacked journalists and assassinated them. Unarmed civilians, demanding potable water at Rathupaswela, were shot at, killed and chased away. They incited the Sinhala rabble to attack Muslims and their mosques and looked the other way. Disdaining Supreme Court orders, the parliament lynched Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake and ousted her.

Many thought that MR could not be defeated. He got the Constitution amended to stay in power for as long as he wanted. But, in just four years, he was defeated by the people. It is nothing else but the fact that whatever our people may tolerate they do not tolerate, uncouth politics.

Our people may belong to a political party or no party; they may be from the South or the North but they do not tolerate uncouth politics. Those who do not tolerate such politics are found in every community, in every caste group, in every religious group, in every organization and institution. They are found in the towns and in the villages, in all the nine provinces and even abroad. Our short-sighted politicians never discovered this excellent quality of our people, even today they do not see it.

The influence of a true people’s power

How many in our country could be having this great quality? To find an answer to that let us study the reaction, the yellow-ribbon movement, to the 1999 notorious North Western provincial council elections. Voicing the protest against the corruption and violence of the JR regime, Chandrika Bandaranayake won the elections. During her regime, the North Western provincial council election was replete with violence and corruption. It was organized by her close comrade SB Dissanayake and his team.

Later non political and independent civil organisations came together to discuss the uncouth governance that created what happened in the North Western elections. They discussed at length the danger it posed to the country. At the end, all of them agreed to call "what is wrong, wrong" and as a protest wear yellow ribbons at the next election. Victor Ivan, the journalist, suggested that at least one million yellow ribbons must be worn to get the message across to the politicians to make them stop such uncouth behaviour. It must be mentioned to the credit of Victor Ivan that many thought then it was not practical.

But, at the next election day, not one million but even two million yellow ribbons were not enough and yellow sarees in homes were cut up for use. After that yellow ribbon movement so far we never had such ugly elections. Elections truly free and fair at a high level were held afterwards. This experience shows that there are over two million people in the country who do not tolerate uncouth political methods. But they were not organized. The yellow ribbon movement helped them to participate in an organized manner.

Compared to those days when social media was not available, today the people must be better informed with the internet and the smart phone. Therefore, the number of people who do not tolerate uncouth political governance must be more. They certainly do not tolerate the present uncouth, cantankerous political behaviour. Whole society is influenced by the way they think. If not for such an influence will there be MPs who cannot be bought even for 500 million rupees? Aren’t even the judges in the courts influenced by people’s intolerance of uncivilized governance?

This ugly failure of governance can be turned in to a success story

If the millions of people who took part in the yellow ribbon movement can be reorganized what an influence will it have on the country! Political parties can never do that for the simple reason that people who do not tolerate uncouth governance have lost all respect and trust in all the political parties extant today. We do not have a single political party that sincerely repudiates such behaviour. As in the yellow ribbon movement also today the duty falls on peoples’ organizations or civil societies independent of all political parties.

With some activism organised to unite all the people with the thrust towards good governance we might be able to create a powerful people’s movement over and above political parties. Even new political leaders might emerge. Political parties and media will not be able to ignore such a movement with new leadership. The present politicians who are moving towards the acme of ugly, uncouth, cantankerous political behaviour will be forced to slow down and step back.

Such a people’s movement need not stop there but can go still further and find a stable solution to the political crisis that has spread in to every nook and corner of the state. Whoever may govern the country such a movement will not tolerate or allow any longer racism, cantankerous politics or corruption. It will even bring in a new constitution drafted with the participation of the people that will further communal harmony, democracy and the rule of law. It will be a new constitution of the people by the people for the people. This can only be done by the millions who do not tolerate uncouth, uncivilized, cantankerous governance. Therefore I conclude that Sri Lanka can be saved only by a collective of civil organizations that place their trust in such?

President opposes 20th A – WP Governor



RANMINI GUNASEKARA-DEC 27 2018

President Maithripala Sirisena is not in agreement with the proposed 20th Amendment to the Constitution, brought by the JVP, seeking the abolition of the Executive Presidency, said the Western Province Governor Hemakumara Nanayakkara, today (27).

He said so at a media briefing held at the Janajaya City Building, and Nanayakkara went onto say that the JVP has very limited power in Parliament.

“It was brought by the JVP, but the people at the grassroots level are disturbed by it. We know why they brought it; we know how many people went to have secret discussions with some of these so called non-governmental organizations. The JVP is a very weak party today. They hasten the process of becoming weaker by bringing in this Amendment,” he added.

He further added that there was also a secret conspiracy to approve a new Constitution, but said that he would not allow this to happen.

Meanwhile, when queried as to whether it would be the Provincial Councils (PC) Elections or the General/Parliamentary Elections that would be held first, he added that he expected that the PC Polls would be held first owing to the current political situation.

New Year dawns with Political challenges for the country

 


2019-01-03

The New Year dawned with people exchanging well wishes, but politically speaking the country is poised to face mounting challenges

The New Year dawned with people exchanging well wishes. However,    politically speaking, the country is poised to be riddled with more and more challenges in the months to come. 

The United National Party (UNP), with the overt support of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the covert support of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), managed to return to power after its dismissal   from power on October 26, 2018.  Back in power, the UNP has to overcome many a hurdle in the consolidation of its base under trying circumstances.

The latest challenge came from its own backbenchers whose disgruntlement over the non-receipt of Cabinet portfolios is laid bare before the whole country.  The UNP legislators, including the likes of Chaminda Wijesiri, Lakshman Wijemanne, Hector Appuhamy and Harshana Rajakaruna, voiced their disappointments in public for their exclusion from the Cabinet.

Most of these MPs were regular givers of press conferences on behalf the party from the beginning.  They may believe that such acts give them the qualification to be Cabinet Ministers.  Some of them called themselves working elephants, not parading elephants.

The UNP leadership is at a loss because the Cabinet cannot exceed more than 30 Ministers except in the case of a National Government.   To overcome this problem, the UNP is now exploring the possibility of striking a deal with the lone MP elected on the ticket of Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) to form a National Government.

The Government has consulted the Attorney General in this respect.  The UNP would be able to resolve their internal issue only if a National Government is formed.  Otherwise, the internal crisis would be fermented ahead of vital elections scheduled for this year.
Most of these MPs were regular givers of press conferences on behalf the party from the beginning.  They may believe that such acts give them the qualification to be Cabinet Ministers
The present Government only enacted the 19th Amendment providing for the restriction of the size of the Cabinet to 30. The argument was that a jumbo Cabinet for a small country like Sri Lanka was a drain on the economy. That a Cabinet of 30 would suffice to govern a country of only 20 million people was the point that the advocates of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution tried to drive home at that time.

A bulk of members of the present Parliament also voted for it.  Nonetheless, they are not ready to serve them with Cabinet perks.   It has put the UNP or the Government in difficulty, making it practically impossible to accommodate all of them in a limited Cabinet.

 It has compelled the Government to explore any loophole in the law to be exploited as a way out to increase the size of the Cabinet. Otherwise, it would only widen the chasm within the government.   These MPs also make veiled threats that they would sit independent of the party in Parliament.

Ravi K fights in Cabinet 

On the one hand, the MPs who were excluded from the Cabinet rebelled against the party in this manner. On the other hand, some MPs who received Cabinet posts are displeased with the subjects and responsibilities assigned to them.

Colombo district MP Ravi Karunanayake desired to be the Finance Minister once again. Instead, he was not given the post following resistance by the MPs from his own party. Finally, he was sworn in as the minister for Power and Energy. Today, he seems to be creating trouble for the government for not being given the Finance Ministry to him.


Against this backdrop, the first Cabinet of the newly formed Government met with President Maithripala Sirisena in the chair for the New Year yesterday.

The new Government’s move to raise US $ 1600 million by issuing Sri Lanka Development Bonds  through the state banks was taken up for discussion.  Karunanayake, distraught for not getting the Finance Ministry, objected to the move tooth and nail.   The Government is set to raise money in this manner for debt servicing. According to Cabinet sources, the Ministers asked Karunanayake to put forward an alternative if he is  opposed to the issue of Development Bonds. 

“It was known well in advance that some debts will mature this year. You must have had a plan for their repayment.  If you have appointed competent people, let them do it!” he retorted to the Ministers.

Kiriella struggles to get back state banks 

In another instance, Public Enterprise Development Minister Lakshman Kiriella was in for a rude shock since some institutions such as the state banks held by him, were placed under the purview of Finance    Minister Mangala Samaraweera. He was openly critical of the President for stripping him of these vital institutions.  In fact, he viewed it as a revengeful act by the President since he played a leading role in unseating the 50-day government installed on October 26, 2018.  Kiriella raised the matter with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Afterwards, Wickremesinghe wrote to the President.

The President had taken note of Kirella’s disillusionment when he attended yesterday’s Cabinet meeting.   

“I heard that   I had been accused of taking revenge on you. There is nothing like that,” he told Kiriella.

The President agreed to sort out the matter shortly.
On the one hand, the MPs who were excluded from the Cabinet rebelled against the party in this manner. On the other hand, some MPs who received Cabinet posts are displeased with the subjects and responsibilities assigned to them

Attempt to induce UPFA MP thwarted 

Another move to lure MPs to the Government through the offer of cash inducements is currently underway. It is reportedly linked to the move to enact the new Constitution with the approval of two-thirds in Parliament.

TNA MP M.A. Sumanthiran told the media recently that the new Constitution would be placed before Parliament soon. 

This has set the cat among the pigeons. The United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), which is opposed to the new Constitution, panicked over this move and ventured out to preempt moves by some elements to win over its MPs.

In the event of a new Constitution placed before the House, the government will have the support of nearly 130 MPs inclusive of those of the TNA and the JVP.  It runs short of only 20 MPs to muster the two-thirds, it means. 

According to political sources, a colossal sum of money has been offered to one UPFA MP representing the Anuradhapura district. The UPFA believes that this is a plan to rope in MPs for the enactment of the new Constitution. 
In the event of a new Constitution placed before the House, the government will have the support of nearly 130 MPs inclusive of those of the TNA and the JVP.  It runs short of only 20 MPs to muster the two-thirds, it means
Anuradhapura district UPFA leader S.M. Chandrasena had to make a great deal of persuasion to stop this MP from crossing over to the other side.  Alongside, the National University Teachers’
Association (NUTA), which is the academic wing of the UPFA, got active on this and   requested the MPs in writing not to raise their hands in support of the new Constitution, come what may.

In fact, a team of UPFA MPs who are uncomfortable with Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa is planning to join hands with the Government. The President’s refusal to swear them in the Cabinet is a deterrent for their intended plan. 

Distributional Disparities


Wednesday, January 2, 2019

Last five articles in this series covered key macroeconomic indicators relating to national production, labour market, fiscal sector, foreign sector and financial sector and what they reflect on economic development of the country since 1950s. This article outlines key indicators representative of the distributional disparities of economic development across the public.

The most of macroeconomic indicators reflect overall trends of the economy. Their interpretations also are diverse and controversial. Therefore, they do not show whether the economic development has been generated by or distributed among various sectors/segments of the economy with greater equality so that living standards of the wider public is improved while economic disparities are reduced.

Such distributional disparities are generally identified for production in sectors and geographical regions, household/personal income, social gaps in economic activities and household living conditions. The lack of time series data is the key problem in analyzing the trends of these disparities relative to overall macroeconomic trends. As most data come from different household surveys and ad-hoc data sources that are subject to concerns and controversies. Few important distributions are outlined below.

Disparity in Sectoral Production

Some complain that Sri Lanka is primarily an agriculture economy due to fertile land and historic irrigation system and, therefore, agriculture should be developed to be the lead sector in national production/GDP. Meanwhile, some argue for expansion of industries to promote value-added exports and generate more employment. Such analyses are based on how the country’s production stricture should be distributed among agriculture, industry and services.

The contribution of the agriculture sector to the GDP in Sri Lanka has declined from 44% in 1950s to 8% in 2010s (Table 1). In opposite, industry and service sectors have grown faster with the service sector becoming dominant at 56% in GDP.

This sectoral GDP distribution is a diversely interpreted subject. Some argue that agriculture sector has almost collapsed and this kind of national development is not sustainable. However, agriculture production also has increased in record volumes due to new irrigation facilities and new cultivation techniques although its share in the GDP has declined. Further, in open economy, the country’s development has been broad-based faster to other sectors. The service sector has grown mainly on supply of services to foreign countries and development of trade in the new economy.

In GDP estimates, agriculture includes only the value-addition of cultivation/growing activity. The value of manufacturing on agricultural crops and services provided to cultivation activities is included in industry and service sectors. Therefore, agriculture sector and agriculture-based economy are two different concepts. There are many industrialized countries being agriculture-based economies. If agriculture-based activities that are included in industry and service sectors are estimated, Sri Lanka would be an agriculture-based economy. The promotion of industries and services can promote more employment and exports in open economies. Therefore, sectoral disparities in GDP should be carefully interpreted along with supporting data on generation of income and employment.

Regional production disparities such as provinces, districts and rural and urban also are discussed. In general, economic activities are concentrated in areas/locations that provide convenient access to factors of production and trade. Therefore, forced locations of certain economic activities/industries/investment promotion zones with targets of providing employment to people around those locations will not always be successful unless they are good industrial locations in production theory. Therefore, the view of balanced regional development could be a costly approach unless the supply/ value chain is accessible.

Disparity in Income Distribution

Concerns over income inequality among households/persons are raised world over, despite different stages of development. Political leaders representing low income segments are concerned about income inequality as they believe that benefits of the economic development are not broad-based unless the inequality is reduced through policy initiatives. Information shows that income of the lower income groups has not improved relative to higher income groups. For example, the income share of the bottom 10% income category has remained around 1.5% or lower of total income in the past (Table 2).

Meanwhile, the income share of middle-income groups has improved noticeably while it reduced in high income brackets, e.g., from 42% to 35% in the top 10% income category. However, the overall income inequality as measured by Gini ratio (i.e., 0 if income is equally distributed among all and 1 if all income goes to one person) has almost remained around the middle level. Information of Census and Statistics Dept. shows a reduction in inequality from 0.55 in 2006 to 0.51 in 2016.

Income inequality is a complex outcome which largely depends on the inequality of skills, productive resources and competitiveness among persons/households, given the state economic management system. Therefore, views to eliminate the income inequality in full are not practical. What is necessary is to have a policy mix to enable people of different abilities and skills to get the access to production activities so that their living standards get parallelly improved along with economic development.

Disparity in Employment Opportunities

The level of unemployment across various segments shows disparities in employment opportunities arising from development. In Sri Lanka, unemployment rate has been noticeably higher among females, youth and educated persons (Table 3). Although unemployment rates have considerably declined in the past, such disparities have continued or increased. This shows greater disparity of benefits of economic development distributed among the public.

Disparity in Quality of Living

If the economic development is fairly distributed, the quality of living in the household sector will improve with access to better household amenities and consumption beyond basic food. Information gathered from household surveys shows major improvements in housing conditions, broad-basing consumption expenditure from food to consumer durables, transport and communication (Table 4). The reduction of food expenditure from 61% in 1990 to 35% in 2016 is an indication of improved quality of living through wider non-food consumption due to rising income and development.

The rising usage of motor vehicles, information communication instruments, health and education services and construction of houses and apartments are strong evidence for the rising quality of living although there can be significant quality disparities among households/people. None can expect the equality in quality of living. Ad-hoc tax policies that prevent low income segments moving to better quality consumption levels, e.g., higher tariff and credit restrictions on small cars, are not favorable.

The present consumption trends are eye-witnesses for maturity in consumption, despite the differences in quality. Large volumes of imports and sales of electrical goods, smart phones, computers, motor vehicles are evidence for consumption of modern technology, but at different quality levels. Growing real estate business, housing schemes and housing credit facilities are evidence for improved housing in the country. The number of households without electricity and water at present should be at historically low levels.

Such improved quality of living standards relative to lower growth of real income shows considerable underestimation of GDP estimates.

Disparity in Income Utilization

Wide disparities in utilization of income among consumption and savings have macroeconomic consequences (Table 1). Although savings have increased from 13% of GDP to 25%, the insufficiency of domestic savings to finance investments is seen as a constraint on the development. Although the economic growth can be driven by foreign investments, Sri Lanka’s competitiveness to attract foreign investments has been poor due to domestic factors and has restricted the fast development relative to peer countries. The level of income, credit system and stability in interest rates and inflation determine the distribution of income between consumption, savings and investments.

New Policy Direction Required

* Capitalism in Work

The present capitalist system that dominates economics and economies world over goes by the competition and believes in economic benefits being trickled down to wider sectors of the economy based on talents, skills and trade and, therefore, does not worry about distribution side of the development or economic disparities. Therefore, if country authorities are not satisfied with the present distributional outcomes, it is their duty to implement a macroeconomic policy mix for preferred or measured distributional outcomes.

* Constitutional Rights

People have the constitutional rights to see that the state ensures that the operation of the economic system does not result in the concentration of wealth and means of production to the common detriment and that the state eliminates economic and social privilege and disparity and the exploitation of man by man and by the state. This requires conscious policies to ensure the availability of systems to promote greater distribution of economic resources and benefits among the public in various locations and social groups. Civil conflicts that destroy economic development from time to time arise from grave concerns over wide distributional disparities. The young are most prone to such conflicts as the level of distribution of economic opportunities and benefits among them is especially questioned.

* Policy Master Plan

In that respect, the new line Ministry for Public Distribution is considered desirable to focus macroeconomic policies on reducing major disparities that are not desirable. What is necessary is to fine-tune the capitalism to achieve certain distributional targets along with overall macroeconomic targets. For example, China after 40 years (1978-2018) of economic reform and liberalization and national progress in the global economy is now in the process of implementing a set of policies for elimination of targeted poverty from identified groups that was not helped by the new economy.
Everybody knows broad areas of policies. First is the fiscal policy to have a mix of expenditures, subsidies and taxes to focus on improvement in distribution of production, employment and income. Second is the monetary and financial policy to improve the distribution of access to credit/money at affordable terms with varying degree of business risks that can reduce disparities in mobilization of productive resources, production, employment and income.

Therefore, the government may now review the present status of economic distribution outcomes based on a reliable set of data. If the government is not satisfied with the present progress, it has to prepare a time-bound policy plan for macroeconomic targets along with distributional targets in respect of identified disparities to broad-base the economic activities and their benefits in next one to two decades. The protection provided by the state through various subsidies and regulations (such as minimum wages and working hours) to less privileged/poorer segments is a part of policy measures to address economic disparities. No government can improve the distribution side of the economy in one or two years.

If it is not feasible, the best option is to facilitate the capitalism and markets to handle distributional disparities too without causing bureaucratic red tapes that would worsen the present progress. What is required is the elevation of the quality of living of all segments of the public along with the development and not the reduction of disparities per se which much more complex and confused. Since disparities are based on comparisons, the non-availability of benchmarks is a major problem confronted in analyzing distributional disparities.

(The writer is a former public servant as a Deputy Governor of the CB and a chairman and a member of 6 Public Boards with nearly 35 years of public service. He also has authored 5 economics and financial/banking books published by the CB and more than 50 published articles.)