Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, January 1, 2019

Keppapulavu protestors attempt to take back land on Sri Lankan president's release deadline

01 January 2019
Tamils protesting for the release of their lands in Keppapulavu in Mullaitivu, attempted to enter their land in defiance of the Sri Lankan military forces occupying them, causing tension between protestors and dozens of police officers.
Sri Lankan president Maithripala Sirisena proclaimed earlier this year that the Sri Lankan military would release all occupied civilian lands by December 31.
As military forces engaged in a publicity campaign claiming that sections of land in the North-East were being rapidly released to fulfil the president’s edict, the people of Keppapulavu who have been protesting since March 2017 had still not been given any indication that their lands would be released.
On Monday, as the president’s proclaimed deadline arrived, and the Keppapulavu villagers reached day 671 of their protest, they attempted to enter their occupied lands.
Dozens of police officers were deployed at the scene to prevent the protestors from entering their lands, which the Sri Lankan army had blocked off as camp premises.
Confrontations between police and protestors ensued as protestors called for army officials to come out and name the date that their land would be released.
Police told protestors that army officials would not come out to speak with them, and instead called local government officials from the district and divisional secretariats to attempt to pacify the protestors.
After lengthy discussions, protestors said they would return to their protest spot outside the army camp until January 25, following which they would restart attempts to forcibly enter their land.
“Even if the army shoot us, we will take our land back,” one protest representative told the local government officials.
While army officials failed to speak with the protestors, several photographed and filmed them.

Plantations ring in New Year with ray of hope


  • Trade unions express willingness to consider alternative options offered by RPCs on Collective Agreement but remain steadfast on Rs.1000 per day goal 
  • Conclusion of new deal top priority of EFC for 2019
  • Navin pledges to become directly involved to provide equitable solution
  • Industry’s losses top Rs. 2 billion due to one month worker strike
logoBy Charumini de Silva-Tuesday, 1 January 2019 

The dawn of the New Year brings hopes of an end to the protracted wage stand-off in the plantation sector, with estate trade unions indicating that they are willing to consider alternative options put forward by the Regional Planation Companies (RPCs) to achieve their demand of Rs. 1000 a day.

“Despite refusing to move away from the Rs. 1000 basic wage, trade unions have shown their willingness for some flexibility to consider the three offers made by plantation companies. We believe this is a very positive reaction from them after four months of discussions,” a top official of the Employer’s Federation of Ceylon told Daily FT on condition of anonymity.

The EFC and the three main plantation trade unions; Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC), Lanka Jathika Estate Workers’ Union (LJEWU) and the Joint Plantation Trade Union Centre (JPTUC) had met once to discuss  on the Collective Agreement, which has been dragging on for four months.

Members of the CWC who represents the majority of estate workers continued their strike for a month, demanding a 100% hike in basic wage to Rs. 1000 per day, whereas the industry has offered a 20% increase to Rs. 600 per day.

He said the EFC has conveyed to the union workers impossibility of RPCs meeting the Rs. 1000 basic wage requirement as it was not economically practical.

“We have categorically mentioned during discussions that it was not feasible for the plantation companies to commit to a Rs. 1000 basic wage. Some of the proposals by the PA had been considered beyond their capacity to maintain themselves. It is a huge commitment by the RPCs to keep faith in their workers’ productivity and contribution. They have taken a great risk because once they sign the agreement all RPCs are bound by the law to adhere,” he pointed out.

The PA insisted that with attendance and productivity incentives and price share supplement, the daily wage will be Rs. 940 per day, and if 22 kilos are plucked per day, the workers stand to get Rs. 1055 per day which is higher than unions demand. Even at the lower pay level of Rs. 940 per day, the annual wage bill for the industry will be a staggering Rs. 27 billion, apart from Rs. 16 billion in gratuity.

“Concluding the Collective Agreement negotiations is on the top of the priority list of EFC for this year. We hope to meet and discuss with the three main trade unions and arrive at a common understanding on this matter which has cost everybody in the industry,” the EFC official added.

The industry pointed out that strike action comes at a time when the industry is tipped to miss the $ 1.6 billion export target for 2018, and production is likely to be 40 million kilos less.

“We are fast losing our world market share as a result of the continued strike. We will end up missing the usual export target of $1.5 billion, and fall below 300 million kilograms to about 280 million kilograms this year. Whatever negotiation or correction we will make now, it will still impact all our future endeavours negatively,” stakeholders of the industry said.

Reassuming duties as Plantation Industries Minister Navin Dissanayake also pledged to reach an equitable solution to the ongoing worker strike, which is causing a massive economic cost and damage to the Ceylon Tea brand internationally.

“I hope to get involved directly to find an equitable solution to the ongoing worker strike. I am planning to discuss with MPs Thondaman and Thigambaran as well as the EFC to put an end to this dragging issue,” the Minister stated.

The Collective Agreement discussions dragged for over four months with no breakthrough and the worker strike has been ongoing for almost a month with industry’s loss topping over Rs. 2 billion.

Govt. must not ignore TNA’s interests


article_image















By Jehan Perera- 

The dispute over the position of the Leader of the Opposition is not attracting much attention. It is taken for granted by most people that the Leader of the Opposition should be from the party in opposition that is largest, which is clearly the UPFA which has 95 members of parliament. During the recent political crisis, the UPFA and its allies were able to consistently show as many as 103 MPs on their side. Therefore, it is not surprising that following the withdrawal of the UPFA from the government alliance by President Maithripala Sirisena, the Speaker Karu Jayasuriya should have selected former president Mahinda Rajapaksa to be Leader of the Opposition. By way of contrast, the former Leader of the Opposition, R Sampanthan of the TNA, is currently able to muster the support of only 14 MPs.

The loss of the Leader of the Opposition position has dealt a major political blow to the TNA. The fact that the Speaker should have announced the change of Leader of Opposition without discussing the matter with the TNA or with Mr Sampanthan has been a matter of distress to them. They feel that they did everything they could do to ensure that the government was restored after it had been sacked by President Maithripala Sirisena. They went out of their way to support the Prime Minister and the Speaker. But after the government was restored, they became a victim instead of being appreciated for the service that they had done. This has provided grounds for the political rivals of the TNA within the Tamil community, who espouse Tamil nationalism as their instrument of political mobilisation, to point this out to the Tamil community to the detriment of the TNA.

The Leader of the Opposition is a prestigious position that gave the TNA an official status both within and outside the country and made its leader one of the topmost in the pantheon of the country. This was not merely a symbolic honor to the TNA and to the Tamil community that voted for it. There was also a very practical reason why the Leader of the Opposition position is important to the TNA. As this position is high in the hierarchy of the state, the Leader of the Opposition is able to get more things done than can be done by an ordinary MP or even as leader of a political party. A request by the Leader of the Opposition would carry more weight and get more things done especially from the government bureaucracy and even the military. In addition, the Leader of the Opposition is provided with a fully equipped office with staff.

DENIED POWER

Over the past three years the TNA enjoyed this single source of state power that the Tamil community has seldom had the opportunity to enjoy. The significance of the Leader of the Opposition’s position is that it gives the TNA, which represents a minority community, a position within Sri Lanka’s hierarchy of political leaders. The position of the Tamil polity has almost always been one of dissenting from the mainstream and not wishing to join governments that did not prioritise obtaining for them their rights as a distinct nation entitled to be treated as an equal constituent part of the larger Sri Lankan polity. In the late 1960s the main Tamil party of that time, the Federal Party, joined the government of Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake for about two years, but then withdrew from it when the government was unable to deliver on its promises to them.

The crisis over the Leader of the Opposition’s position is yet another reason why the Sri Lankan constitution needs to be revised to accommodate the rights of the ethnic and religious minorities so that they may have a fair share of power. This is a pledge that was made at the general elections of 2015 and which needs to be kept. The intention of the government to resume the constitution-making process which had been at a standstill for a while as a result of the recent political crisis and prorogation of parliament is a commendable one. The Parliamentary Steering Committee appointed to draft the new constitution is scheduled to meet during the first parliamentary week in January. It will take up for discussion a report compiled by the experts committee appointed to advise the Steering Committee on preparing the draft Constitution. The Steering Committee consists of members of all the political parties in Parliament.

The TNA is reported to be preparing to appeal their case to the courts of law. The courts have shown themselves to be able to decide logically, unlike the political leadership which is carried away by their self-interest. There are two key arguments that the TNA can make. The first is that President Sirisena, who heads the UPFA is part and parcel of the government and it is, therefore, illogical that a member of the UPFA should also be Leader of the Opposition. President Sirisena is part and parcel of the government on account of his holding three cabinet ministries, namely the ministries of Defence, Mahaweli Development and Environment. In addition, he has attached to himself the police department which was formerly under the Ministry of Law and Order and the government printer’s department which was formerly under the Ministry of Parliamentary Reforms.

PRINCIPLED PARTY

It is noteworthy that the 19th Amendment which granted to President Sirisena the ministries of Defence, Mahaweli Development and Environment envisages that it will be specifically limited to him, and to no other president who follows. Section 51 states that "Notwithstanding anything to the contrary in the Constitution, the person holding office as President on the date of commencement of this Act, so long as he holds the Office of President may assign to himself the subjects and functions of Defence, Mahaweli Development and Environment and determine the Ministries to be in his charge for that purpose…" This provision will cease to function after President Sirisena ceases to hold office. Therefore, it can be argued that the 19th Amendment envisaged President Sirisena to be part of the government and not as an opposition figure. As President Sirisena heads the UPFA, and is part of the government, it is not logical that another member of the UPFA can be Leader of the Opposition.

A second argument that can be made is that former president Mahinda Rajapaksa cannot be Leader of the Opposition on account of his joining the SLPP, which is not a constituent party of the UPFA. Shortly after President Sirisena dissolved parliament on November 9, Mr Rajapaksa and several other MPs joined the SLPP. This was given wide prominence in the news media at that time. Therefore, there is a case to be made that they no longer belong to the UPFA. The question is whether they can be members of two political parties at the same time so long as no objection is made by the two parties they belong to. So far, no such objection has been made. Former president Rajapaksa and the rest of his party who took membership of the SLPP with much fanfare and publicity, now deny that they took such membership. It is both sad and disappointing that they deny the truth in a most unabashed manner. This disregard of the general public, and the truth, is not a reassuring portent of things to come.

In this situation, it is incumbent on the part of the government to do its best to support the TNA in its bid to retain the position of Leader of the Opposition. In the context of the political crisis, where the president himself was judged by the Supreme Court to have violated the constitution in dissolving parliament, the TNA under the leadership of R Sampanthan comes across as a party that stood for principle and did not bargain with either side, but did its duty by the constitution and the right thing that needed to be done. But today the TNA has been put into the politically difficult position of showing its own voters that it achieved something for them too. If it is unable to do this, the TNA’s political strength is likely to be eroded by Tamil nationalist parties who will, together with the ethnic nationalists of the other communities, once again take the country on the part of ethnic polarization that the TNA has tried to prevent.

boat owners set to destroy country’s marine resources in the North ?

 
3½ ton offshore, one-day fishing boat converted for illegal trawl net fishing in Jaffna  

  • TN operates 5000 vessel armada for poaching in SL waters 
  • Over 400 boats were converted to trawl net fishing in North
 2019-01-01
Sri Lankan fishermen’s leaders from across the north met with Northern Province Governor Reginald Cooray in Jaffna last week to hand over a letter to President Maithripala Sirisena. In their letter the representatives from fishing communities in Jaffna, Kilinochchi and Mannar called upon the President to step up measures to stop destructive fishing practices by foreign and local fishing vessels in the Palk Bay and Gulf of Mannar, off the northwestern tip of the island.   

A resurgence of Illegal, Unreported and Unreported (IUU) by Tamil Nadu (TN) trawlers on the Sri Lankan side of the Palk Bay and Gulf of Mannar was highlighted by Mohammed Alam, Vice President of the Mannar District Fisheries Cooperative Societies’ Union during a seminar on the Fisheries (Regulation of Foreign Fishing Boats) Act (Amendment) No. 1 of 2018 held recently in Mannar. The seminar for government officers, law enforcement agencies, fishermen’s leaders and lawyers conducted by Colombo-based lawyers Chinthtaka Fernando and Subramaniam Kamalayogesvaran highlighted the key amendments to the Act and explored options to use these new provisions to end IUU fishing by TN trawlers in Sri Lankan waters. 
 
While welcoming the Attorney General’s efforts to review, revise and thereby strengthen the Act’s effectiveness as a deterrent to IUU fishing by foreign fishing vessels in Sri Lankan waters, Alam noted that unless the Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) is given orders to regularly arrest TN trawlers, the Act’s utility is diminished. Civil society leaders participating in a similar seminar held in Jaffna called upon the government to deploy more SLN vessels off the northern coast; issue orders for the navy to regularly arrest TN vessels fishing in Sri Lankan waters and then prosecute the boat owners under the recently amended Fisheries (Regulation of Foreign Fishing Boats) Act. The seminars in Mannar and in Jaffna were co-financed by The Asia Foundation. 
 
The problem of Tamil Nadu trawlers fishing illegally in Sri Lankan waters is a remnant of the civil conflict. For almost 30 years, the SLN was unable to enforce Sri Lanka’s sovereignty in the Palk Bay and Gulf of Mannar. This was due to the active presence of Sea Tiger bases along the northern and southern coast of Mannar District and in Mullaitivu. The vacuum created by the conflict was quickly filled by opportunistic TN boat owners in Rameshwaram, Thondi, Pattukottai and Nagapattinum. Over a period of 30 years, they built up a 5,000 vessel strong armada of mechanized trawlers with the sole intention of fishing exclusively in Sri Lankan waters.   
The problem of TN trawlers fishing illegally in SL waters is a remnant of the civil conflict. For almost 30 years, the SLN was unable to enforce Sri Lanka’s sovereignty in the Palk Bay and Gulf of Mannar
Since 2009, successive Sri Lankan governments have slowly but surely recovered and re-asserted Sri Lanka’s sovereign right to the sustainable exploitation of marine resources on the Sri Lanka side of the International Maritime Boundary Line. Despite often strident protests from the State Government of TN various politicians, boat owners and civil society groups in TN the Central Government of India and the courts in Chennai have repeatedly acknowledged Sri Lanka’s sovereign rights on the Sri Lankan side of the Palk Bay and Gulf of Mannar, including those associated with the tiny islet of Kachchativu.  

Francis Joseph (left) President – Pooneryn Fishermen’s Cooperative Societies’ Union
 N. M. Alam Vice President, Mannar District Fishermen’s Cooperative Societies’ Union

And yet for Sri Lankan fishermen in the north the issue of illegal, destructive fishing to ebb and flow, much like the tide. N. M. Alam and Joseph Francis President of the Pooneryn Fishermen’s Cooperative Union reiterated this point at the press conference held after the fishermen’s leaders’ meeting with the Governor last week. As they said, if the government of the day does not remain vigilant and if the President as Head of the Armed Forces refrained from issuing orders to arrest the TN boats, then slowly and but surely they would return to disrupt the livelihoods of northern fishermen; and destroy the marine resources upon which these livelihoods depend.   
The destruction of Sri Lanka’s marine resources in the north is not unfortunately restricted to the actions of TN trawlers. In what is an ironic twist of fate, the success of northern fishermen’s campaign to end IUU fishing by TN trawlers in Sri Lankan waters, has created an opportunity for Sri Lankan boat owners in the north to commence illegal trawl net fishing in their place! According to local fishermen’s leaders that I met recently in Delft, more than 400 3½ ton, offshore, one-day fishing boats have been brought to the north and converted for trawl net fishing by local boat owners since 2012. Unless the Governor and the President intervene, one form of destructive fishing looks set to be replaced by another. 

Monday, December 31, 2018

1099 ACRES OF STATE LAND IN THE NORTHERN PROVINCE, USED AS ARMY FARMS TO BE RELEASED



Sri Lanka Brief31/12/2018

In addition to the ongoing process of releasing private and state lands in the North and East, hitherto being used by the Army with no impact on national security needs, HE the President has directed further to release state lands, being used as Army farms in those provinces without delay.

Accordingly, 1099 acres of state land in the Northern Province, used as Army farms have been identified for release within a short period as stated below:

a. A total of 194 acres, belonging to the Forest Conservation Department in Jayapuram North Grama Niladhari Division of the Punakari Divisional Secretariat in Kilinochchi District (Nachchikuda)
b. Another land of 285 acres, belonging to the Forest Conservation Department in Jayapuram North Grama Niladhari Division of the Punakari Divisional Secretariat in Kilinochchi District (Nachchikuda)

c. A total of 120 acres, belonging to the Forest Conservation Department in Udayarkattukulam Grama Niladhari Division of the Puthukudiyrippu Divisional Secretariat in Mullaittivu District
d. 500 acres out of a total of 600 in acreage, belonging to the Forest Conservation Department in Wellankulam Grama Niladhari Division of the Manthai West Divisional Secretariat in Mannar District

In the second week of January 2019, documents pertaining to the release of above-mentioned land plots are scheduled to be formally delivered to the District Secretary for Kilinochchi, District Secretary for Mullaittivu and the District Secretary for Mannar during a brief ceremony, headed by the Governor of the Northern Province.
-SL Army

(Above image is a file photo )

CID prepares to file murder charges on soldiers in Eknaligoda case

Army Commander In A Soup?




December 30, 2018 

The Criminal Investigations Department (CID) is to seek the advise of the Attorney General (AG) to file legal action against military intelligence officers that stand accused in the abduction and disappearance of cartoonist Prageeth Eknaligoda.

Sources at the Police Headquarters have told The Sunday Morning newspaper that ongoing investigations had concluded that Eknaligoda was last in Army custody before he went missing.
 
Police sources said that the Army had not been giving its full backing to the ongoing investigations as the main suspects were military intelligence officers.

“We have not been receiving the full cooperation of the Army. They can easily take action against the officers accused. We are now going to seek the AG’s advise to file murder charges on the accused officers,” Police sources said.

Sources said that the investigations had stalled as Army assistance was required to take the case further.

“The investigations cannot move further without Army assistance,” Police sources added.

However, when The Sunday Morning contacted Army Spokesman Brigadier Sumith Atapattu, he insisted that the Army had been assisting the investigations.

He said that if there was evidence against any Army officer then the Army would take action against the officer.

However, the Army Spokesman also stated that if murder charges were filed against any officer without evidence then the military would use its legal division to protect those officers.

Eknaligoda was reported missing on 24 January, 2010 – two days before the presidential elections.

Impeachment or censure; a moral imperative


President Maithripala Sirisena delivered a belligerent broadside to the UNF hierarchy after the unenthusiastic reinstatement of Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister
  • “I did not have sexual relations with that woman” – Bill Clinton
  • “Everybody in the country knows I am not a lawyer” – Maithripala Sirisena

logo
Tuesday, 1 January 2019

After the unenthusiastic reinstatement of Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister, the President delivered a belligerent broadside to the UNF hierarchy. He made some revealing pronouncements.

They represented the core values of the man we mistakenly elected as our President to abolish the executive presidency. They insinuate deeply held beliefs – cultural traits or taken for granted core values so stubbornly held and powerfully expressed, that they are beyond debate and negotiation.

“…there are certain very strong and powerful forces related to religion, customs, language, etc. Mostly, it is those cultural forces, more than political forces, that make or break governments. I clearly pointed this out in the recent past, in the matter regarding filing cases against Bhikkhus, which needs to be done carefully.

“There were no elephants for the perahera from temples or dewala, and that resulted in a major socio-religious and cultural resistance over this. As such, I asked to study the legality and release the elephants. Over this issue, we lost the support of the entire Bhikkhu community.”


Are we saddled with a law breaker at the helm?

He expounds these views after the Supreme Court gave its ruling that gave “tangible and effective life and meaning to the sovereignty of the people”. It is an exculpatory explanation.

In short, they explain why Sirisena decided to unmake Ranil Wickremesinghe and break his Government with a cavalier disdain for constitutional good order.

If you can get the endorsement of those powerful forces that make or break governments, you can do whatever fiddle diddle with the Constitution!

The proclamation dissolving Parliament was in violation of the Constitution. When the President insists that there are other social forces with power to make or break governments that need to be appeased, it is time for us to take note of where he intends to go.

Are we saddled with a law breaker at the helm of our republic? If so, what are we doing about it?


Put-on piety

Politicians parade a put-on piety when addressing the ‘Maha Sangha’. President Sirisena relies on two adjectives – Vandaneeya and Poojaneeya. Sajith Premadasa adds a third ‘Gavuraneeya’ to beat him to the post. Mahinda Rajapaksa is content with ‘Apey Hamudurwane’. His style of piety is his own patent and patently proprietary. He has them in the bag. Others are compelled to compete.

This is pure fraudulent religiosity customised to serve individual political interests.

The submissive humility is devout roguery. Sajith Premadasa has a vast repertoire of adjectives for all occasions. After the Presidential outburst following the swearing-in of the Prime Minister, Sajith decorously addressed the President as ‘Srimath Janadhipathithuma’. After the harangue it was an odd hurrah!

The purpose of this essay is to demand that Parliament must now instruct the President on the sanctity of the Constitution. That the sovereignty of the people too is a Vandaneeya, Pujaneeya and Gauveravaneeya concept that cannot be trifled with.

The President must be informed that the prefix ‘Srimath’ has to be earned by upholding the Constitution in both letter and spirit.


The truth about 26 October

To understand the truth about 26 October we must expose its falsehoods. It is only by stripping away the false claims that we can reveal the truth about the constitutional coup.

Only a motion to impeach or censure the President can make the plain truth plain enough for the people. A parliamentary resolution to impeach or censure the President is a bottom-line imperative to secure our parliamentary democracy.

“Everybody in the country knows that I am not a lawyer. I didn’t issue the Gazette on my own. Eminent President’s Counsels were involved in this. All these Gazette notifications were released after holding discussions with them.”

“When I issued some Gazette notifications recently, I did so with the advice of expert lawyers and constitutional experts. All what I did was done with utmost good faith. I didn’t do any of those acts with malice or with an intention of violating the Constitution.”

Clearly the man is impervious to logic and reason. These are value determinations by the President of our republic. They must not be ignored.

Information that properly belongs to the public should not or must not be withheld by those in power. These Presidential pronouncements call for a detailed scrutiny by a competent body. A motion of impeachment or censure signed by 113 Members of Parliament is the only means that will make it happen.

He did not take our democracy by its throat and strangle it. He did better. He demanded obedience and compliance from Parliament; 122 parliamentarians resisted. They refused to become accomplices of Maithripala Sirisena’s constitutional jiggery-pokery. He now claims that all his actions were based on good honest advice of erudite jurists. We have a right to demand who they are.


MS is a threat to our democracy and constitutional order

First things first. Maithripala Sirisena the President presents a clear, defined, deliberate threat to our democracy and constitutional order. Not moving a resolution to impeach or censure him places an errant President above the law. He attempted violence on our constitutional order.

The parliamentary majority that resisted his intimidatory manoeuvring to bend its will may not have the 150 votes required to pass a resolution to impeach and remove him from office. But it can pass a motion of censure by a simple majority.

The Parliament has the numbers to initiate proceedings. That must be done forthwith irrespective of its outcome.

The Supreme Court demonstrated that the rule of law can supersede the rule of power.

It is a decade of the rule of power that we ended on 8 January 2015. That we only managed to inscribe it on a slippery slate with the 19th Amendment is neither here nor there. What mattered is that it served its purpose. We must preserve those gains.

Rule of law resists the rule of power. The attempted dissolution of Parliament was ‘outside legal limits’ and a violation of the citizens’ right to be ‘protected from any arbitrary exercise of power’.

This idea has clearly evaded the grasp of Maithripala Sirisena the President. He continues to insist that his powers are not subject to constitutional constraints.

By remaining silent instead of moving a resolution to impeach or censure the President, the 122 parliamentarians who defied the President are now turning in to expedient accomplices of Sirisena’s holier-than-thou hocus pocus.

In addition to making them opportunistic cowards, the failure to move an impeachment will make the 122 parliamentarians willing collaborators of Sirisena’s claim that he acted in good faith.

They would be condoning his duplicitous conduct of insisting that the Speaker should strictly comply with parliamentary procedure, while he studiously avoided restraining or condemning the hooligans who threw the book and candle at the speaker’s rostrum.

He made the Bible-throwing Weerawansa a cabinet minister and appeared with him on the same platform at a public event held at the Sugathadasa stadium.

The purpose of this essay is to demand that Parliament must now instruct the President on the sanctity of the Constitution. That the sovereignty of the people too is a Vandaneeya, Pujaneeya and Gauveravaneeya concept that cannot be trifled with. The President must be informed that the prefix ‘Srimath’ has to be earned by upholding the Constitution in both letter and spirit

Lessons to be learnt
There are lessons to be learnt. Ravi Karunanayake regaining cabinet rank or Sajith Premadasa minding the cultural portfolio has no relevance to our Constitution good order.

One is the Deputy Leader of the UNP and the other is the Assistant Leader of the party led by Ranil Wickremesinghe, the acknowledged, undisputed bête noire of Maithripala Sirisena, the President.


Every politician has a self-serving bias. The Assistant Leader and the Deputy Leader of the UNP are believably blessed with more than the usual dose of self-serving bias. Self-interest is what drives those practicing the vocation of politics.

Self-interest can and does alter a person›s assessments of policy. It can and usually does succeed in changing a person›s mind about what is right and wrong.

Ranil has retained his acolytes Sagala, Akila and Malik in his cabinet. Range Bandra who exposed S.B. Dissanayake’s shocking palm greasing attempts on tape has been left out.

Ranil has decided that John alone can straighten up the leisure and pleasure sector. The plain-speaking parliamentarian from Puttalam, Range Bandara has publicly stated that some things are decidedly rotten in the UNP.

There is a difference between Range Bandara and Ravi Karunanayake. One records conversations. The other’s capacity to recall conversations is constricted.

I refuse to believe that either Sajith Premadasa or Ravi Katunayake greeted the unfolding events of the evening of Friday 26 October with paroxysms of disbelief.

Their reactions were far removed from the indignation expressed by other seniors such as Mangala Samaraweera or Ranjith Madduma Bandara.

The closing of ranks by UNP backbenchers and the accurate reading of the dangers of constitutional gerrymandering by the JVP and Tamil and Muslim minority parties no doubt surprised the Deputy Leader and the Assistant Leader of the UNP.

Clearly President Sirisena man is impervious to logic and reason. These are value determinations by the President of our republic. They must not be ignored. He did not take our democracy by its throat and strangle it. He did better. He demanded obedience and compliance from Parliament; 122 parliamentarians resisted. They refused to become accomplices of Maithripala Sirisena’s constitutional jiggery-pokery. He now claims that all his actions were based on good honest advice of erudite jurists. We have a right to demand who they are

It is reported that both Sajith Premadasa and Ravi Karunanayake wanted to boycott their swearing-in ceremonies for their own reasons but took the trouble of informing the President that they meant no disrespect to him.
Such commendable propriety on their part seems peculiarly disconnected with Ranil Wickremesinghe’s body language during Sirisena’s sermon, where his rolling eyeballs appealed to high heavens to spare him the humbug of the preacher.

If Sajith Premadasa is serious about his added assignment as Minister of Culture and National Heritage, he should print the Sinhala version of the 88-page main judgment of the Supreme Court and the 20-page judgement of Justice Sisira de Abrew for distribution to all members of the ‘Poojaniya Vandaneeya’ Maha Sangha.

By doing so, he would be heeding the advice of the President whom he addresses with such decorous servility – “Srimath Jandhipathithuma”.


The rule of law

The rule of law is the opposite of the rule of power. The rule of law rejects the supremacy of the will of an individual.

This dreadful man did not force himself on us. We elected Maithripala Sirisena as an interim replacement for Mahinda Rajapaksa who planned to rule for life and thereafter entrench a dynastic rule of his family.

The pernicious presidency of Maithripala Sirisena is a product of a deeper crisis. It is the still unresolved and unaddressed crisis we confront in grappling with the monolith that Mahinda Rajapaksa built on a foundation of tribal hatreds, unreason and an all-pervasive corruption of our political discourse.

The great American jurist Felix Frankfurter said it with luminous lucidity.

“There can be no free society without law administered through an independent judiciary. If one man can be allowed to determine for himself what is law, every man can. That means first chaos, then tyranny.”

Maithripala Sirisena has violated the Constitution. When he states brazenly that there are other social forces with power to make or break governments that need to be appeased, it is time for us to take note of where he intends to go.

Are we saddled with a law breaker at the helm of our republic? If so, what are we doing about it?

A resolution to impeach or censure President Maithripala Sirisena must be moved in Parliament and debated. The resolution must be voted on by name. We owe posterity that duty.

Let justice be done though heavens may fall. Sirisena the President is a reaffirmation of the epigram – ‘man is not what he thinks he is. He is the man he hides.’ What is man? Man is a miserable little pile of secrets.

Mano wants inclusion of Tamil language in signboards

2018-12-31 
Minister of National Integration, Official Languages and Social Progress Mano Ganesan requested the Chinese Embassy in Sri Lanka to ensure the inclusion of Tamil language in signboards erected at Chinese funded development projects. He said the signboards had been written in Chinese, English and Sinhala only.
Minister Ganesan told Daily Mirror that he decided to explain to the officials of Chinese embassy about the languages used on signboards after seeing the signboard of Metro Colombo Solid Waste Project only in Sinhala, Chinese and in English. “This is not the only sign where one or two Sri Lanka languages are missing. I have noticed that there are signboards without Sinhala wordings. Therefore, I decided to explain things to the officials of the Chinese Embassy and tell them that signboards should carry wordings in all three Sri Lankan languages as the Language Act of Sri Lanka.
“We are receiving complaints on signboards at Chinese projects using only Mandarin and English ignoring one of the two local languages,” the Minister added. (Yohan Perera)

CBSL’s Misleading Response To Misleading Newspaper Article

Hema Senanayake
logoThe rupee is depreciating fast. This has been happening for a while now. Former governor of the central bank Ajith Nivard Cabraal squarely blamed the “Good-governance Government” and the Central Bank for rupee depreciation. His article on this subject titled “Government and CB have abdicated vital statutory duty by not being able to deal with rupee depreciation” has been published in a few newspapers on 08th and 09thOctober 2018, just 18 days prior to the beginning of constitutional crisis. On October 11th, the Central Bank issued a communique to the media insisting that Cabraal’s article was misleading. To my mind Cabraal’s article was misleading and the CB’s response too, is misleading, in the sense that both arguments would not stabilize the rupee putting the macroeconomic fundamentals in good shape.
Cabraal had in his article argued that, “during the nine years from 2006 to 2014, the Central Bank successfully intervened in the Forex market (in accordance with its statutory duty) with a net supply of Forex of $ 2,283m, while simultaneously building-up its Reserves by a substantial $ 5,473m. By doing so, the Central Bank was able to limit the depreciation of the rupee to a manageable 2.8% per year over the nine years 2006 to 2014; by far the lowest average depreciation since 1977.” These statistics are true. His argument is that during his period as the governor of CB, the interventions made in the Forex market by way of supplying and absorbing foreign exchange to and from the market, he and Rajapaksa regime were able to limit the rupee depreciation for 2.8% per year. This is what is false and misleading. We will discuss it later.
On the contrary CB argues, that they too, intervene in the Forex market initially under Good-governance government and has given it up now. I quote; “…during 2011, 2012, 2015 and 2016, the Central Bank has supplied to the market US dollars 3,184 million, US dollars 1,797 million, US dollars 3,429 million and US dollars 1,900 million, respectively, on a gross basis. In spite of these interventions, the rupee depreciated by 10.4 per cent in 2012 and 9.0 per cent in 2015.” This is interesting. CB concludes that interventions in Forex market did not help in stabilizing rupee in 2012 and 2015. So, the CB has changed the course.
CB argues that, “… the Central Bank has increasingly realized that efforts to artificially stabilize the exchange rate extensively by supplying foreign exchange out of its official international reserves have only worsened Sri Lanka’s macroeconomic conditions and medium-term prospects. Propping up the exchange rate through intervention makes imports artificially cheaper, contributing to a continued widening of the trade deficit and leaving the country vulnerable to exogeneous shocks. Moreover, the loss of reserves due to such intervention has been replenished mostly by commercial borrowing including the issuance of International Sovereign Bonds.” In general, all points are valid but useless in practical sense because free float of rupee will not strengthen macroeconomic conditions instead improved macroeconomic conditions would strengthen the rupee.
Let us continue with the CB’s argument further. It argues that, there are a few more factors that affect to the recent depreciation of rupee. Those are, (1) reduction in foreign investment inflows to the government securities market, (2) increased foreign currency debt service obligations of the government, (3) favorable global market conditions prevailed previously during periods of quantitative easing by major economies have now been reversed. 
Finally, justifying recent rupee depreciation, CB points out that most international currencies have depreciated against US dollar in 2018, for example Indian rupee depreciated 13 per cent, Indonesian rupiah depreciated 10.8 per cent, Australian dollar depreciated 9.4 per cent where as Sri Lankan rupee depreciated 10.1 per cent. However, missing point is that Indian currency depreciated by 5 per cent in 2015 while Sri Lankan rupee depreciated by 9.0 per cent and in addition it has further depreciated by 10.1 per cent in 2018 too. Also, some countries allow their currencies to depreciate due to various reasons such as to reduce capital outflow, to increase international competitiveness, to support (accidental) reflation etc. Hence comparing data out-of-context is not scholarly. In fact, this is what both CB and Cabraal did in their arguments. What the country need is a solution, not fake arguments.
Let me ask a fairly simple question. CB and Cabraal have agreed that in 2012 and in 2015 in spite of heavy intervention made in supplying foreign exchange to the market, the rupee depreciated 10.4 per cent and 9.0 per cent respectively. Why? We did not find any convincing answer to this question from CB’s response or in Cabraals article other than CB concluding that intervention in Forex market would not stabilize rupee. 
Now, in 2015, I pointed out that if the new government wanted to increase the salaries by Rs. 10,000/=, then the CB had to reduce the domestic credit growth, so that increased salaries would not badly affect to the country’s current account. If the CB, operates with a macroeconomic view, this was what they should have done. In the year 2014, the credit growth to private sector was 8.8 per cent and in 2015 the credit growth to private sector amounted to 25.1 per cent. In 2015 rupee depreciated by 9.0 per cent. This was the primary causal effect to depreciate the rupee in 2015 and this parameter has nothing to do with the reasons mentioned by the CB.

Read More



Mon, Dec 31, 2018, 10:35 pm SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.


Lankapage LogoDec 31, Colombo: United National Party (UNP) leader Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the leaders of the United National Front (UNF) have unanimously decided not to make any changes to the Article 9 of the present Constitution, which secures foremost place given to Buddhism, in the new constitution to be drafted.

In addition, the UNF leaders have decided state the clause declaring Sri Lanka as a unitary state in all three - Sinhala, Tamil and English- versions of the new Constitution.

The Article 9 of the Constitution says the Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while assuring to all religions the rights.

The decisions have been taken following a special discussion between party leaders of the United National Front led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe at Temple Trees today.

The Premier last Friday assured the Chief Prelates of Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters that the foremost place given to Buddhism and the unitary state policy will not be changed when formulating a new constitution or amending the existing Constitution.


The government intends to begin discussions on the proposed new constitution with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which are represented in the parliament.

CRISIS OF POLITICAL CHARACTERS



Fr. Augustine Fernando-Tuesday, January 1, 2019

The days from October 26 to December 16 were days of crisis never before seen in Sri Lanka since Independence. This unprecedented situation made the unanimous judgement of the seven judges of the Supreme Court one of extraordinary significance for democracy. It was also an expression of the national conscience. While it was also a clear censure of unjust and unacceptable legalisms supportive of outdated, feudal monarchical conceptions and autocratic notions of presidential power, the Supreme Court judgement brought about constitutional sanity, upheld the sovereignty of the people vested in the judiciary and vibrantly reaffirmed the rule of law that every citizen, including the President, is subject to the Law.

Those who venture today into the political arena in Sri Lanka are from various social strata and backgrounds who have had their education in urban, rural schools and private schools. Most have been educated in Sinhala or Tamil while some have acquired a capability also in the English language. A few have also had an education abroad. There are among the party politicians Buddhist monks, university professors, school teachers, lawyers, doctors, accountants, entrepreneurs,
businessmen of small, medium and large enterprises and some who have served in the Police and the Security Forces. But the majority of them are insufficiently educated, far too many not having had a sound integral education nor passed even the G.C.E. Ordinary Level and Advanced/Level examinations.

These people do not have the intellectual capacity nor the temperament and required interest even to read and understand the Constitution besides the documented material coming before them relating to religio-cultural, socio-political, economic, financial and international relations. Then there are parliamentarians who are supposed to have passed their exams by cunningly getting their companions to answer their examinations or secured a privilege of sitting examinations in special places apart from the others sitting the same exam – a peculiar Sri Lankan aberration!

Some others have politically ‘succeeded’ in their ventures by hook or by crook to absolve their corrupt ways. These people lack principles, are devoid of intellectual capacity and moral character and integrity required to be at the helm of national affairs.

At present citizens do not need any educational qualifications to enter even the national legislature or even to contest the presidency except a qualifying age. Unless debarred due to the loss of civic rights, persons even with major social and character flaws could contest elections, be elected to parliament. It has been said in and out of parliament that murderers, rapists, gold chain snatchers, illegal drug traffickers, money launderers and others engaging in unlawful activities have been and are sitting in parliament.

Recently we have seen MPs inside the Chamber of Parliament engaging in brawls, using sharp knives and throwing sacred books along with chillie powder against other members, pouring water on the Speaker’s chair and dragging it away, blocking the Speaker’s entrance, assaulting policemen and creating pandemonium in the House. They showed that they are not mature enough to think reasonably, to debate coherently or act politely.

Acting arbitrarily and violently they displayed they have not learnt what priorities should rule anyone’s parliamentary life. In their home upbringing and in whatever education they have had in their schools they have lacked what was needed to make them humanly decent and not beastly. These are louts. They are never fit to do any kind of governing anywhere. The politicians’ flawed characters producing personal hostility towards rivals conspire to grab power for their personal benefit, flouting even the Constitution they have sworn to uphold. They become not servers of the people but their oppressors. When they fail miserably, they justify their patently unjust attempts, destabilize the country and ruin it economically!

Such rowdies as those who brawled in the Parliamentary Chamber, lacking human, intellectual, moral and spiritual qualities, cannot contribute anything to bring dignity and self-respect to our people, bring economic progress to the nation and raise her to an honourable and respectable level in the modern world.

They are an utter disgrace to Sri Lanka. The people think that these rowdy characters of awful behaviour should be expelled and debarred from ever entering the Parliamentary Chamber. In any case it is up to the party leaders, unless they themselves are in collusion with such characters of low behaviour, not to nominate them hereafter as candidates for any election. Even if they are nominated, the decent citizens should outvote them along with their party leaders.

PREVENT ROWDIES ENTERING PARLIAMENT

In Sri Lanka, politics and the fabric of the State attracts various individuals including the uneducated, defectively-educated but loquacious characters who conceive the State as a mine to be dug into or an enterprise the order and rules of which could be adjusted or treated according to one’s whim and fancy. And they go on to interpret the functions of politics and even the Constitution in their own boorish ways. They keep jumping opportunistically from one side to the other just to survive and carry on crookedly.

In the present context in which we citizens are, merely showing our strong displeasure, mere condemning the criminal wrongdoers are not at all sufficient. Strong and definite steps should be taken to nip in the bud the wrong that takes place not only in the country in general but also in the August Chamber of Parliament in particular. Documents have been set on fire in the Parliamentary Chamber. Coffins have been brought into it and mock funeral wakes held. MPs have been occupying the parliamentary Chamber and sleeping in the well of the house and occupying the Speaker’s chair and pretending to preside.

The recent brawls we witnessed in parliament are the latest crude examples of their insolent behaviour. They not only did not understand what Parliament is about, they wished to prevent orderly debate and by force set up and install an illegal government and thus prevent the investigations into cases of corruption and swindling of government money when these boisterous parliamentarians under their patrons exercised power. Those seemingly accommodating the MPs’ monstrous misbehaviour and not condemning it outright is not only sad but outrageous.

The people call on the government to put a definitive stop to all unparliamentary behaviour within the Parliamentary Chamber whether Parliament is in session or not. The atmosphere of inviolability, respect and honour that the very premises of the August Assembly deserve should be preserved intact.

Those who infringe the acceptable norms of behaviour and defile the Chamber should be severely punished. Otherwise, rowdies who become MPs will think that they could get away even with murder inside the Parliamentary Chamber.

We are facing a national crisis of character. This crisis has its roots in the chauvinist and corrupt wolfish politicians. It has ramified to such an extent into the high rungs of all government agencies, public administration and diplomacy that even some judges had resorted to demanding unacceptable favours from litigants and university dons demanding illicit favours from students appearing before them. No one, whether clergyman, judge, professor, highly placed administrator, politician or policeman should have the power to blackmail any citizen.

REFINED POLITICAL CULTURE

A leader has said that now we need to do in one year the work of ten years to recover from the economic losses of the 51 days of crisis. Our country needs the services of astute and wise men and women who are never lured to veer away from upright conduct. Seven leaders of unassailable integrity could vanquish a corrupt horde twelve times their number and become a beacon of righteousness to the whole nation and the rest of the world!

The more erudite leaders in society should prepare the fellow citizens through sound and unbiased civic, ethical and political education and critical guidance. They need prudent counsel to discard outright the rowdy rebels and elect well educated, honest, sensible and decent men and women who have a sagacious civic consciousness and a keen responsibility towards the whole national community and a compassionate sensitivity towards the marginalized and the helpless poor of our society.

The patriotic citizens’ groups concerned about the sustainable and long-term well-being of all the people of Sri Lanka who are already active should courageously continue their good work and give leadership to the people. It is only by maintaining and building of a responsible civic consciousness that the people would be able to conserve the democratic gains they have accrued and prevent tyranny overpowering them. These gains should not be frittered away by compromising on low nationalistic, racial prejudices and irreligious biases supported and propagated by the defeated conspiratorial political combine. Those proven to be corrupt who have embezzled what belonged to the people, mismanaged and wasted away state resources have shown themselves to be incompetent and inefficient in running a government. They should never be allowed to manoeuvre themselves to state power again.

The corrupt political syndicate craving for power, have a greed for money they get from illicit imports of ethanol, heroin, banned drugs and from lust in addition to siphons from procurements at inflated prices. They with their patrons fail to keep an intelligent, lucid and uncontaminated mind that is needed for genuine service to the nation.

As we cannot keep always waiting for an ideal moment to come, the new year that sees the launch of a new political beginning seems a good time as any to usher a new political culture not using it as a another political slogan but as a genuine attempt at inaugurating a new phenomenon. Culture is a cultivation of refinement of behaviour and an elevation in the hearts of people.

Launching a refined political culture should mean that the large majority of citizens, conscious of their human dignity, law abiding, morally and politically maturing nature are being further stimulated properly in various ways. They as an active majority would be able to elevate the well-educated and wise, unselfish and decent, honest and sincere, dedicated and committed lovers of all the people of Sri Lanka to the highest judicial, legislative and executive offices of the country, to serve everyone justly and fairly. 

Preferred future vs Possible futures How 2019 would shape Sri Lanka’s destiny

2019-01-01
Any day is important, and some days are extra- special. However, the events that unfold on that special day would be fermented for over the years. Some years are extra-special too. The year 2019 is one such year. As the presidency enters into its fifth year, this would be the election year.  

This is also a crucial year on its own, rising from the ruins of the crumbled political alliance of Yahapalanaya and four years of economic stagnation. Causal effects of the not-yet-fully resolved political upheaval may also suggest that this year is an extension of the previous year, with all its ugliness and polarization.   

However, none of the implied and predicted adversities is set in stone. They can be overcome. How that is achieved would need a bit of common sense, and grassroots touch.There are many possible futures, and among them are more likely ‘ plausible’ and ‘probable’ futures. These probable scenarios are based on flow of events, personal/ political preferences and prejudices of leaders, and major events.  

The widening gulf between President Maithripala Sirisena and the UNP/UNF government of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe would likely overshadow this year. President Sirisena lost his political gamble, and beat a retreat, for the time being. But a man who in his teens set ablaze a paddy field to settle scores with his grand father, may not take it lying down.  

PM Wickremesinghe’s over blown ego does not help either. Add to this is the President’s temperament and rash judgements. This conflicting dynamic portends another show down in the immediate future. The country and economy would take the brunt of the fall out.  

Second scenario is that even if he did not opt for a direct show down, President Sirisena would play the role of saboteur of the government’s economic policies and proposed constitutional reforms. That would also lead to a political stalemate.   

Third scenario is a potential impeachment of the president, which may lead to a tit -for-tat prorogation of Parliament and another long political stalemate.  
Fourth, the economy is unlikely to perform better. Economic growth of 2018 is expected to be below 4%, (the growth rate of 2017 was 3.1%) The government has effectively presided over two consecutive years of growth that is below the post-independent average of the country.  

The government lacks decisiveness and pro-activeness in its economic handling. Its vacillation in the implementation of development projects, allegations of corruption and red tape associated with Foreign Direct Investment projects, and the deficit of populist legitimacy have heralded a period of economic stagnation.  
All these factors would come to play in the final scenario: elections. Sri Lanka goes to a presidential election due by January next year (2020). The UNP, already fraught with internal rivalries and, maligned by a poor economic record would be compelled to pick a candidate. Whoever the selected candidate was, would also be the prospective leader of the UNP after the election.   

That prospect makes anyone other than PM Wickremesinghe a difficult compromise for his coterie in the UNP. That would also revive the infighting between the Sajith Premadasa loyalists and Wickremesinghe’s. A wrong choice and internal acrimony would weaken the UNP before it goes to election, against, say for instance, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, or any of MR’s handpicked nominees.  

However, it is not the UNP’s political fortune that is at stake. If it fails the acid test of the presidential election, much of the democratic reforms that were painstakingly achieved so far would be reverted by a future authoritarian president. Sri Lanka will be back to square one. However, there is always a preferred future, and the government should strive to shape events to reach that end.   

The preferred future would be, in the first place, to avert an authoritarian take over of the government through election, and second, fast tracking economic development by the government playing the role of the catalyst.   

PM Wickremesinghe’s over blown ego does not help either. Add to this is the President’s temperament and rash judgements. This conflicting dynamic portends another show down in the immediate future

The first task should be identifying the inadequacies of the government that has caused an erosion of its popularity with the public. The problem lies, partly , in its failure to communicate its vision and achievement to the people. Even the significant achievements of democratic reforms are lost in the nationalist uproar of bigots who see an international conspiracy even in the independent courts. The government’s publicity campaign should be forceful enough to overwhelm the retrograde populism of its opponents.  

The second problem is none other than democratic reforms, this government has nothing to show. The largely rural, conservative electorate in the country needs jobs, infrastructure and better living conditions. When the government is not capable of providing that, they turn to the populist nationalists who reawaken their primordial ugliness.  

 Time is in short supply to do much in this front. Key areas that need concerted reforms if Sri Lanka is to leap frog economically, such as education have been handed over to clowns. Investors have shied away not just due to policy uncertainty and red tapes, but also due to alleged demand for bribes.   

However, even at this late stage, the government can salvage some of its legacy . It should fast track large scale development projects. Expediting the Hambantota FTZ would be a good first step.   

The third is the minority interests. The UNP has a better chance of winning a presidential election than a parliamentary one, thanks to the large swathe of minority voters. The UNP should devise means to sustain their support.  

The fourth is the probability that usually polarized and opportunistic Sri Lankan politics, re-energized under MR would try to scuttle any of the government moves such as those taken to address legitimate grievances and political aspirations of Tamils and Muslims.  

There, PM Wickremesinghe, who reveres JR Jayawardene, who is a sub-par leader of his generation, can learn from far more successful ones, Lee Kuan Yew, Mahathir Mohammed etc.  

They all lessened the corrosive effect of chaotic and polarized local politics by running rings around their opponents. But, they did not do so by turning a blind eye to ethnic pogroms as JR did. Instead, they used courts, which nonetheless were at their beck and call.  

The Rajapaksas themselves and their inner circles are facing series of corruption charges. Potential Presidential contender, Gotabhaya is accused of large scale human rights abuses, including complicity of extra-judicial killings, disappearances and massacre of inmates in the Welikada Prison. 

The government should demand speedy hearing of these cases and allocate resources to the special courts and provide additional financial assistance and expertise to the Attorney General’s Department, CID, anti-corruption commission and other apparatus. Instead of helping, this government has undercut the legal process. It has also been the beginning of the government’s undoing.  

Due process of justice, if undertaken, would remove from the equation individuals who pose a grave danger to Sri Lankan democracy. A government with a shred of realism would have done just that. That is in its self interest too. That would, not necessarily turn Sri Lanka into a paradise. But, it would definitely remove the prospect of some of the dreaded scenarios of probable futures post 2020.  

Follow @RangaJayasuriya on Twitter