278 skeletons found at Mannar mass grave

December 29, 2018 

Some 278 skeletons have been found at one of the biggest mass graves uncovered in Sri Lanka since the end of the country’s civil war almost a decade ago, a top investigator said Friday.

Dozens of women and children as well as men were buried at the site in Mannar where Tamil guerrillas fought security forces during the conflict, said Samindra Rajapakshe, senior judicial medical officer in the northern city.

The mass grave was uncovered in March by construction workers preparing to build a cooperative store.

“After 118 working days we have unearthed 278 skeletons which included the remains of men, women and children,” said Rajapakshe.

More than 20 of the remains were of children.

He added that further forensics examinations would be needed to establish causes of death, but said that some of the victims appeared to have been bound.

“Our task has been to gather evidence to determine the cause of death, time since death, contributing circumstances, and the specific identity of the individuals in this site,” said Rajapakshe.

Mannar was a key battleground in Sri Lanka’s four decade-long separatist conflict in which the Tamil Tigers waged a bloody war against government troops. The war ended in 2009 after a major military offensive.

A government appointed panel said in 2013 that about 19,000 people were missing since the conflict, including 5,000 troops.

The Office on Missing Persons (OMP) which started work this year on accounting for the missing and helping their families will pay for carbon dating on samples from the mass grave, OMP chairman Saliya Peiris said.

Six bone samples selected over the past week are to be sent abroad for radio carbon dating analysis to establish the approximate time of death of the victims.

Source: Dhaka Tribune

-Agencies

Mannar Mass Grave Site - Financial assistance from OMP

2018-12-29

The Office on Missing Persons (OMP), which assisted the investigation into the human remains at the Mannar mass grave site, said that it would provide financial assistance to carry out carbon dating of the skeletal remains as part of its continued support to the investigation.

From December 18 to 20, the OMP observed the process of selecting six bone samples for radio carbon dating at the Mannar mass grave, located near the Sathosa Building in Mannar.

In a statement, the OMP said yesterday the samples from the Mannar mass grave site will be sent to a laboratory abroad which specializes in bomb pulse carbon-14 technique.

“In cases where the skeletons belonged to persons who died after World War II, bomb pulse carbon-14 dating can provide a narrower range of time periods in which the deaths occurred. Six samples were selected to represent the different areas and vertical layers of the site. Human remains had been excavated from the site as complete skeletons and as commingled bones. From complete skeletons, a tooth and a section of the femur bone was selected. From the commingled bones only the femur or where it was unavailable a tooth. The samples were extracted, cleaned, dried, sealed and labelled over the course of three days. Following the samples being tested at a laboratory and the results being submitted, a preliminary combined excavation report including the test results and other findings will be submitted by the investigation team to the Magistrate Court,” it said.

The process of selecting samples was carried out in the presence of Mannar Magistrate T. Saravanaraja. The team carrying out the sample selection included representatives from the Consultant Judicial Medical Officers, the Post Graduate Institute of Archaeology from the University of Kelaniya, the Police and the Government Analysts Department. OMP Commissioners Mr. Mirak Raheem and Mr. K. Venthan were present as observers. Lawyers representing families of the disappeared and a member from the Citizens’ Committee were also present as observers.

Consultant Judicial Medical Officer, District General Hospital Mannar, Dr. S. Rajapaksha said that after 118 working days they have unearthed 278 skeletons, which includes remains of men, women and children.

“There is some damage to the bones, but it is only upon further investigation that we can determine if these are ante-mortem or postmortem injuries, and whether it relates to the cause of death. Our task has been to gather evidence to determine the cause of death, time since death, the contributing circumstances and the specific identity of the individuals in this site, and also determine if all the skeletons are from the same historical period or different periods, while ensuring the integrity of the site and chain of custody of remains and other evidence.” Dr. Rajapaksha heads the investigation team and is assisted by Professor Raj Somadeva who leads the archaeological team.

Prior to the sampling process, the OMP recommended guidelines for selecting and recording the samples and the OMP recommended measures to secure the chain of custody of samples.

OMP Chairperson Saliya Pieris said the OMP remains committed to establishing the truth about circumstances in which persons went missing and their fate. “It is imperative for the OMP to assist the investigation of the remains excavated at the Mannar mass grave,” he said.

The OMP’s application to act as an observer was accepted by the Honourable Mannar Magistrate on 4th June 2018, and it has been observing the process of excavation since.

Since July 2018, the OMP has been supporting the costs of food and lodging of the excavation team and provided additional funds for covers to protect the grave site from the monsoon rain.

“We have sought to impress on the authorities the need to maintain high standards and ensure public confidence and trust in the investigation process,” Mr. Pieris said. (Lahiru Pothmulla)

2018 manoeuvres and 2019 battle lines 

Rajan Philips-December 29, 2018, 6:09 pm

If the Sri Lankan version of political triangulation involving Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Maithripala Sirisena pre-occupied the country for the last three months of 2018, its continuation and multiple manifestations will likely consume almost all of 2019. The tail end of 2018 was a period of heightened manoeuvres with mixed results. The key battle lines have already started to emerge and 2019 will see them intensify even as other battle lines involving the three contenders will open up throughout the year.

Electoral battle lines will obviously involve the most efforts and attract the most attention. But there will be a concerted watch on the shaping of legal battle lines on the crime and corruption front. In a first ever low for Sri Lankan foreign-service, the country’s former Ambassador to the US for six years from 2009 to 2015, Jaliya Wickremasuriya,who is also a first cousin of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa,has been indicted in an American court over multiple charges including fraud and money laundering. The court case in America is bound to have repercussions in legal and political circles in Colombo.

Even though his constitutional misadventure blew up in his face, President Sirisena has succeeded in forging a new political relationship with Mahinda Rajapaksa. There are three significant aspects to this new relationship. The first is the nature of the power relationship between the two men – for the first time in their long political association Sirisena is in a position of power vis-a-vis Mahinda Rajapaksa. Having boxed himself into a presidential corner where he has no political future or personal insurance standing on his own, Sirisena has opted to earn the goodwill of the Rajapaksas while engineering the political destruction of Ranil Wickremesinghe. He was hoping to piggyback on the electoral popularity of Mahinda Rajapaksa and abandon what he thought was the sinking ship of RanilWickremesinghe. But the opposites happened. Rajapaksa has had his popularity significantly dented, and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s political ship did not sink but is sailing again.

Mahinda: Man for

all positions

The second aspect of the new MS-MR relationship is that Mahinda Rajapaksa is not going to break away from Sirisena even though the latter may prove to be more of an electoral liability than an asset in the new (2019) year of elections. Sirisena is the only medium that will keep Mahinda Rajapaksa as close to presidential powers as it can be possible in the current circumstances. This is all the more important considering the multiple legal jeopardies that the Rajapaksas are likely to face in 2019 not only in Sri Lanka, but also by extension from the Wickremasuriya litigation in the US. Ranil Wickremesinghe and Maithripala Sirisena have protected the Rajapaksas as much as they could for the last four years, but come 2019 Ranil’s hands are going to be tied as he will have to demonstrate to his electoral base that he is serious about litigating against corruption. In other words, Sirisena is the only option for the Rajapaksas for having a powerful insider in the establishment, as powerful as one can get, to help fend off legal troubles.

There is another reason for the Rajapaksas to keep the MS-MR tie going, and that is to keep Mahinda Rajapaksa’s SLFP membership intact in order to be the Leader of the Opposition in parliament. Funnily enough, Mahinda Rajapaksa is having a dual-membership (in the SLFP and the SLPP) problem like his brothers having a dual citizenship (Sri Lankan and American) problem for eligibility to political office. While the constitution does not preclude an MP belonging to two political parties, the question is why should it always be a Rajapaksa and not any other UPFA/SLFP MP making a claim to be the Leader of the Opposition.

Mahinda Rajapaksa is Sri Lanka’s man for all political positions – MP, Minister, Prime Minister, President, an unwarranted return-Prime Minister, and now Leader of the Opposition. His status as a former President, a sitting MP and now Leader of the Opposition raises many issues for the compensation and perks that are provided by the state to its political class – especially former presidents. Will he have two houses to live in Colombo and two offices to work from – one as former President and the other as Leader of the Opposition? A related question that I would like to raise is why should former Presidents (with all due respect to Chandrika Kumaratunga) be given a house in Colombo, or anywhere, as a retirement benefit? Which other retired politician, public servant, or even private company executive is granted this luxury?

Former presidents are entitled to a pension commensurate with their presidential salary, a generous allowance in keeping with their level of public activities, and their security detail which should be severely scaled down now unless the country wants to permanently pretend that the LTTE will one day return (in the case of President Sirisena, what developed as Rajapaksa paranoia has now become a RAW paranoia). Anything more and everything else should be paid out of their own resources. Be that as it may.

There have been a few complimentary commentaries that the TNA leader R. Sampathan has been quite a Spartan in the use of his official entitlements as Leader of the Opposition. To his credit, even Maithripala Sirisena started off as a Spartan President but has since discredited himself in the use and abuse of his powers and entitlements – directly by himself and indirectly by his children and family. The question is which example Mahinda Rajapaksa will follow, or, what example he will set for future office holders like his children in the use and abuse of perks and entitlements. He has already broken with the example of Sampanthan in the Constitutional Council and sided with Sirisena in pushing for candidates of dubious merit for Supreme Court appointments.

President Sirisena has started an unnecessary tug-of-war with the Constitutional Council over nominations to the Supreme Court, and Mahinda Rajapaksa is using his position in the Council as Leader of the Opposition to support the President’s favoured candidates against the majority of Council members. It is obvious, that Sirisena and Rajapaksa are trying to ‘pack the Court’ with their preferred candidates, who according to knowledgeable observers do not deserve to be on the court based on their merits and qualifications. This is their (MS-MR) political response to the new assertiveness and independence of the judiciary from the apex to the original courts. For now, the judiciary is safe given the current composition of the Constitutional Council, but it will be a different story if the Rajapaksas were to return to power after a general election.

Ranil’s challenges

and opportunities

That brings me to the third aspect of the new MS-MR relationship, which is also a new challenge to Ranil Wickremesinghe. It will be extremely difficult, almost impossible, for RW to retry his old trick of politically two-timing both Sirisena and Rajapaksa. It is not only a pity but also a tragedy that for three years Ranil Wickremesinghe did not try to use his dual relationship with Sirisena and Rajapaksa to produce positive results for the country – in terms of constitutional reforms and the strengthening of its institutions. Instead RW has been playing the cynical two-timing game for electoral advantage, but his tricks backfired spectacularly in the Local Government elections, in February, and he almost lost his official pants eight months later in October.

There is a school of thought among politically concerned citizens that reform measures could and should have been pursued even if it meant striking a deal with Mahinda Rajapaksa –such as offering clemency from legal jeopardy in return for supporting positive governance reforms. Admittedly, such a deal, or compact, would be indefensible morally and in theory. But the criminally tragic reality is that for four years RW and MS have been offering protection to the Rajapksas, in one form or another, without getting anything in return for the country. Between them, they have created an opportunity for the Rajapaksas to come back to power as if January 2015 never happened.

What is more, Sirisena is now on a determined mission to rake Ranil Wickremesinghe over the (Central Bank) bond scam and use that as a pretext to protect Rajapaksa from his legal jeopardies. President Sirisena may have been thinking that he could get away with exposing only Ranil Wickremesinghe’s misdoings while protecting the Rajapaksas from theirs, but it is not going to be easy for him to selectively target only Ranil Wickremesinghe while the American court case against Jaliya Wickremesuria starts exposing names and connections within the Rajapaksa familial and political circles. And Sirisena will have his own baggage to account for if and when crime and corruption become a public issue during the many (provincial, presidential and parliamentary) election campaigns in 2019 and 2020.

Many who support of Ranil Wickremesinghe in the present context do so not because of his political record, attributes or qualifications, but in spite of them. And they do so because January 2015 meant something for the country and what the people achieved by their vote in that election should not be allowed to wither away before all possibilities for protecting and building on that achievement are thoroughly exhausted. That sentiment became the defining tweet of the political protest movement that Maithripala Sirisena insanely provoked: we are here for democracy, not for Ranil! That was also the meaning of the Supreme Court’s historic ruling: the affirmation of constitutional democracy as opposed to unlimited government by a single individual elected for a handful of years. All of this is at the peril of being lost if the gains of January 2015 were to be electorally reversed.

Colvin R de Silva guided the transition of Sri Lanka from a monarchy to a republic – as he colourfully described it, "not merely despite the Queen, but in defiance of the Queen!" And the Supreme Court has now slammed two Attorney Generals – thirty five years apart, for pathetically suggesting that in the Republic of Sri Lanka its President can pretend to be a monarch! Even the Queen of England doesn’t pretend to be in possession of powers over parliament. But there are monarchists in Sri Lanka who would like to have a presidential king who would allow them to do anything they want to and get away with it.

And it so happens, that Ranil Wickremesinghe is the only person representatively standing between Sri Lanka continuing as a parliamentary democracy or turning into a presidential monarchy. That Mr. Wickremesinghe is the only person standing between democracy and monarchy does not mean that he will necessarily win the looming electoral contests. The conventional fear about RW is that given his history of pulling defeats from the jaws of victory, that history may repeat itself in the numerous – provincial, presidential and parliamentary - elections that will take place throughout 2019 and 2020. The conventional fear has become a little too real for too many people after seeing the way the Prime Minister is handling his new lease in government and his new cabinet of ministers.

Rise and fall of JVP and JHU

JVP founder Rohana Wijeweera

Saturday, December 29, 2018

The Jathika Hela Urumaya, [JHU] a non-minority group who fielded Buddhist Monks came up with some trumps assuming the king-maker’s role. They won 9 seats and the UPFA was short of eight, while the JVP in alliance with SLFP securing 41 were the highlights of April 2, 2004 Parliamentary Election.

The life expectancy of the new government as well as the constraints under which it would have to operate in fulfilling its mandate was doubted by outgoing PM Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Prime Minister claimed that no party has an absolute majority in parliament to form a stable government. Wickremesinghe said the government, expected to take over shortly, would be a minority one which would be unable to carry out business in parliament. Another poll could not be ruled out, although the UNF would strive to preclude it. “We have reached a state of affairs similar to the March 1960 elections where no party gained a majority. The party which got highest had not lasted long” he said. According to him UNF’s defeat was not due to the rejection of the peace process, but due to other issues.

The UNF formed in December 2001 obtained an absolute majority with 114 seats with a mandate to function for six years. “We were on target and had come to a decisive stage when the President suddenly dissolved parliament and called for a general election. [Constitution prior to 19A allowed dissolution in 12 months] Now the result shows that no party has an absolute majority to tackle these issues. This itself poses problems. It is a question mark as to how long such a government could continue,” he said.

It was not possible to count the exact number who voted for the UPFA because they liked the JVP, this party made incredible gains on April 2, 2004. They increased their numbers to 41, a gain of 25 over the 2001 result. Their candidates, most of the districts, came on top in preferential votes polled. This would mean that they make up close to half the support enjoyed by the UPFA. If the JVP listed 60 candidates they would have won about fifty seat in parliament; the JVP as it promised stayed corruption-free but not productive, otherwise they could very well achieved a higher share in the nomination list at a future election pushing the SLFP/UPFA slipping to third place or even to a worst position if the JHU improved based on their achievement. JVP beat several top SLFPers in the preference voting. JVP candidates topped the lists in most of the districts including Colombo, Gampaha, Galle, Kurunegala, Kegalle, Ratnapura and Kalutara while in some areas, they over took senior SLFPers.

Wimal Weerawansa was ahead of UPFA group leader Susil Premjayanth in Colombo while Anura Bandaranaike the Gampaha group leader was behind JVP’s Vijitha Herath. All three top slots in Ratnapura and Galle districts were occupied by JVP members. Anura Kumara Dissanayake led in Kurunegala. Mangala Samaraweera and Mahinda Rajapaksa SLFP heavyweights. In Matara and Hambantota had JVPers hot on their trail. According to some SLFP sources at one stage the JVP had broken away from the UPFA campaign to launch its own propaganda, promoting its nominees. On a Presidential directive, the SLFP had called off its poster campaign midway, but the JVP had gone on pasting posters till the eleventh hour.

For the first time, both major parties suffered at 2004 polls. The voters were saying “enough”. They did not trust the two parties. If not for the number of JVP MPs and those secured by the other smaller parties of the Alliance, the SLFP would have got a little over 50 seats. The same with the UNF.

Without the minority parties like CWC and SLMC, the UNP would be left with a little over 60 members. On April 2, 2004, the franchise holders of this country reduced both these parties the worst defeats they have suffered since the PR system came into being. They have proved beyond doubt that they are incapable of or will not deliver, and the people were not left high and dry without alternatives. The JHU grabbed a fair portion of UNF while JVP siphoned out quite a segment from UPFA, which is why, there were “winners” to talk about.

Another “winner” at 2004 was the Jathika Hela Urumaya polling over half a million votes and securing 9 seats, a performance that no one foresaw when CBK dissolved parliament in February or on nominations day. The result indicated the sense of discomfort among sections of the Buddhists in the country. The JVP and certain sections of the SLFP tried to tap into this nervousness among Buddhists by launching the Desha Hitheishee Jathika Vyaparaya, but the JHU was smart enough to know how they could handled the situation by entering the Bikkhus into the fray.

The people voted in 31 new faces through smaller parties; 25 through the JVP and nine from the JHU. Quite a few undesirable characters lost in the process, a sign of maturity exhibited by the electorate. The JHU, however failed to gain in the areas the political monks claimed as 100% Buddhist areas. Anuradhapura and Galle realized only 2.2%, Polonnaruwa and Monaragala just 1.3%, Matale, Matara Ratnapura and Kegalle a poor 4% are the votes they received. It is a good eye opener to genuine followers of the Buddha.

The UPFA threw every trump slandering the JHU bikkhus. They abused state media using monks loyal to the SLFP and the JVP to condemn the decision of the bikkhus to contest elections. They went to the extent to spread a rumour over state media on the eve of the election that the Sangha Council of the JHU had withdrawn en masse.

SLMC and UNF

A disputed electoral pact between the SLMC and UNF helped their opponents in the East and Puttalam that contributed to the final result.

This hastily arranged agreement, brought the two parties to contest Trincomalee, Ampara, and Batticaloa districts separately. Kurunegala they contested under the UNF ticket, with UNP giving into an unreasonable SLMC demand that only one Muslim candidate should be on the Puttalam list.
CWC leader A. Thondaman threatened to have his party contest the Kandy and Nuwara Eliya districts on their own if the UNF denied nomination to CWC nominee Mustapha, CWC sources said. Mustapha succeeded in his bid.

President Kumaratunga’s desire for power

The power sharing struggle reached a new height with the take-over of the three Ministries by CBK on November 4, 2003 and subsequently dissolving and calling a General Election. UNPers attribute this crisis to President Kumaratunga’s desire for power and her devious scheming for eliminating all impediments for her to remain at the highest levels in politics after 2005. It is also surmised that the pressure from the extremist factions including JVP with whom her party struck an alliance –the ‘Sandanaya’ and contesting this election - may have been among other vital reasons.
One cannot however discount the successes of UNF during the two and a half years under the Leadership of Wickremesinghe. The successes were in the economic spheres. Signing the controversial MoU with LTTE though failed to achieve expected outcome; laying foundation towards re-establishing political stability which the country lacked during the past two decades were considered achievements.

kksperera1@gmail.com

CB keeps policy rates unchanged

• Says low growth emphasises need for structural reforms 
• Reduction of SRR in Nov. released Rs. 90 b but liquidity deficit has widened 
• Interest rates close to upper limit of policy rate corridor 
• Expect inflation to be below 5% in 2019
• Rupee depreciates by 15.9% up to 27 December, reserves drop to $ 7 b at end Nov.

 Saturday, 29 December 2018 


Despite low growth and moderate inflation, the Central Bank yesterday decided to keep policy rates unchanged due to an increase in private sector credit and pressure on reserves.

The Monetary Board of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, at its meeting held on 27 December, decided to maintain policy interest rates at their current levels. Accordingly, the Standing Deposit Facility Rate (SDFR) and Standing Lending Facility Rate (SLFR) of the Central Bank will remain at 8% and 9%, respectively.

The Board considered current and expected developments in the domestic economy and the domestic financial markets as well as the global economic environment, with the broad aim of stabilising inflation at mid-single digit levels in the medium term to enable the economy to achieve its potential growth.

As per the provisional estimates of the Department of Census and Statistics (DCS), the Sri Lankan economy recorded a modest real GDP growth of 2.9%, year-on-year, during the third quarter of 2018, compared to the revised growth of 3.6% in the second quarter of 2018.

As per the available economic indicators and other economic developments, real GDP growth is likely to be low in the fourth quarter of 2018 as well, before picking up gradually in 2019. The continued low economic growth re-emphasises the need for implementing broad based structural reforms without further delay.

Notwithstanding the elevated market interest rates and rupee liquidity deficit, private sector credit growth accelerated. The reduction of the Statutory Reserve Ratio (SRR) at the last monetary policy review in November released around Rs. 90 billion of rupee liquidity to the banking system.

However, the liquidity deficit has widened thereafter, and the Central Bank continued its open market operations (OMOs) cautiously to manage liquidity on overnight, short-term and long-term basis as appropriate.

Given high credit growth and foreign exchange market developments, overnight interest rates in the money market have been maintained close to the upper bound of the policy rate corridor. Other market interest rates remained at elevated levels, both in nominal and real terms.
In spite of the increased cost of funds and tight liquidity conditions, the year-on-year growth of credit to the private sector accelerated since September, partly reflecting the private sector advancing its activities in anticipation of measures by the government and the Central Bank to curb excessive import growth. Nevertheless, with the contraction in net foreign assets of the banking system, the year-on-year growth of broad money (M2b) remained within the expected levels.

Headline inflation, based on both the National Consumer Price Index (NCPI), and the Colombo Consumer Price Index (CCPI) remained at low, single-digit levels. Core inflation has also remained subdued thus far in 2018. Recent downward adjustments to fuel prices and selected administratively determined prices, as well as the reduction of special commodity and telecommunication levies, along with the ongoing recovery in the agriculture sector are expected to impact favourably on inflation in the near term.

Volatile global commodity prices, possible weather-related disruptions to domestic supply chains due to unpredictable weather patterns, and the possible pass-through of the effect of the rupee depreciation in recent months to domestic prices pose risks to the inflation outlook. The current projections show that inflation, on average, will remain below 5% in 2019 and stabilise in the range of 4-6% thereafter with appropriate policy adjustments.

External sector continues to face international and domestic headwinds. The trade deficit widened further in the first ten months of 2018 with the expansion in import expenditure outpacing the growth of export earnings. However, a moderation in import expenditure is expected, in response to the measures adopted to curb imports of motor vehicles and non-essential goods as well as the impact of the depreciation of the rupee.

While earnings from tourism continued to grow, a slowdown in workers’ remittances was observed. In the financial account, both the Government securities market and the Colombo Stock Exchange experienced net outflows of foreign investment, although marginal inflows have been observed in December.

The widening trade deficit, tight conditions in the global markets and excessive speculation in the domestic market exerted pressure on the exchange rate and the Sri Lankan Rupee has depreciated by 15.9% against the US Dollar thus far during 2018 up to 27 December. Meanwhile, gross official reserves amounted to $ 7 billion at end November 2018, providing an import cover of 3.7 months.

Although inflation remains subdued and economic growth remains below potential, the Monetary Board of the Central Bank was of the view that it is appropriate to continue the current monetary policy stance to stabilise overall economic conditions and domestic financial markets in a context where there has been an uptick in private sector credit as well as continued pressure on external reserves.

Accordingly, the Monetary Board decided to maintain the Standing Deposit Facility Rate (SDFR) and Standing Lending Facility Rate (SLFR) of the Central Bank at their current levels.

This cabinet is better than Yahapalana’s

Impeachment of P unfeasible in Lanka’s supercharged partisan context 

This thing never made any sense to me
(http://www.themorning.lk/cartoon-of-the-day-45/)

Kumar David-December 29, 2018, 6:17 pm

The Cabinet of Ministers Sirisena grudgingly swore in on 20 Dec is, in the circumstances and taking into account the material available, a pretty decent one. There are five simple reasons why I say so. It is not bursting at the seems with crooks; to an extent core-competences have been recognised; people who can’t stand Sirisena have been given prominent and powerful places (Harin, Patali, Rajitha, Kiriella and Harison); the media ministry after considerable standoff has gone to a democrat (Mangala); and the absence of an SLFP contingent of proven bribe takers has improved cleanness compared to the yahapalana Cabinet that Sirisena torpedoed. Misplaced cunning and petulant obstructionism have boomeranged on him; it has helped launder dirt from the Cabinet.

Before saying any more nice things about the new Cabinet I need to express reservation about the swollen number of Ministers; there are a total of 55 Cabinet, non-Cabinet, State and Deputy Ministers and the filigree differentiation probably contributes nothing to getting the job done. More than half the UNF’s MPs carry the additional title Minister of some variety. Love of title and avarice for perks (salary, additional staff and vehicles and accommodation) are obvious motives.

I am pleased by many of the reappointments; Mrs Athukorale (Justice), Rajitha (Health), Hakeem (Higher Education), Mano (National Integration), Sajith (Housing), Mangala (Finance, averting a fright that it would be assigned to an aspirant unacceptable to the middle-class radicals who rescued the government from its predicament). Kabir Hashim taking over capital-intensive Highways and Petroleum will keep the filthy fingers of potential miscreants out of the jampot; friends tell me Akila Viraj Kariyawasam is a good choice for education. This is a bourgeois democratic mainly UNP liberal ornamented Cabinet and within these parameters the outcome can be graded as satisfactory.

Those of you know my style of thinking will be surprised to hear what I say next: Giving the Power & Energy Ministry to Ravi may pay off. Hold on, before incinerating me; hear me out. The first premise is that thanks to power balances within the UNP and the deft style in which Ravi manoeuvred in recent weeks he cannot be excluded from a substantive post, but Finance was out of the question as it would have led to an uproar in the classes and forces that united to defeat the Sirisena-Mahinda conspiracy. The second point is that Ravi is able and efficient at getting things done; a businessman with Jaycees and Banker magazine nods, a man of many parties (Athulathmudali, Gamini, Srimani, Chandrika and now UNP loyalties) and a shrewd manipulator of the political scene. The third great advantage (yes advantage) is that he hasn’t got a clue of the difference between a mega-VAR and an auto-reclosing circuit-breaker.

To my mind the outcome will be is an ambitious 55-year-old businessman-politician, keen to prove himself and willing to (he has no choice) guided by sound opinion. The last point is important because of the

shambolism, corruption and blunders of the Siambalapitiya-Batagoda regimen in which the Power Ministry has been immersed for three years. I speak with some subject knowledge in declaring that it has been the most costly and damaging institution of the yahapalana regime. Ravi has no reason to swallow all this shit despite Batagoda’s reappointment by Sirisena as Ministry Secretary. It is possible that a new broom though not expertly designed for the job, may be able to sweep some of the muck off the stable floor. He will have to address long-term power and renewable planning, revisit coal, repair relations between the CEB and the Regulator, and intervene in the massive scams re oil-power and LNG now in full swing. Why not give it a shot, he is not dense and not Pavitra? On the other hand, vultures may already be ringing his door bell; we’ll have to see how things pan out.

The reasons why the appointment of Sarath Fonseka was resisted tooth and nail, and why there was a battle (eventually unsuccessful) to wrest away the police ministry from Sirisena are open secrets. Of much contention in the next 12 months is whether murder and corruption cases against leading actors of the Rajapaksa regime and investigation of claims of multi-million-rupee scams by relatives of the current incumbent will be pursued. Failure to pursue these prosecutions with enthusiasm buried yahapalana and will do the same to the new Administration. This is the bottom-line, the minimum demand of all who mobilised to bring this government back to life after it was illegally ‘overthrown’. Sarath Fonseka is much motivated to pursue Rajapaksa era crimes and this makes him a threat to SLFP-PP leaders. The police have will have a role to play in both issues. It is obvious the ability to interfere in these matters was much prized by Sirisena.

Impeachment, retirement or sick-leave

George III of England reigned for 60 years (1760-1820) though in the last 10 years he was so stark raving crazy that a regency was established. However, from about 1802 his mental illness (bipolar disorder, a blood disease porphyria or unintended arsenic poisoning, the choice was never clinically confirmed) he was intermittently disciplined by parliament or forcibly restrained by his physicians. As early as 1783, Parliament voted in favour of a motion condemning the "influence of the monarch in parliamentary voting as a high crime". It is true that, comparatively, the UK had to undergo this agony for a much longer period though the country did have powerful Grandees who would intervene to redress the balance when George’s mental health problems drove everyone to distraction.

Caligula was Roman Emperor for just four short year (AD 37-41) but coincidences don’t end there. He was known as a moderate emperor during the first six months of his rule but after that most accounts present him as an insane tyrant. He became unconstrained in the use of personal influence and irrational in the abuse of imperial power. The most hilarious example of irrationality are popular but unconfirmed accounts that he made his horse Incitatus a Senator – not an appointed MP, there were none in those days. He was assassinated by a conspiracy of the Praetorian Guard and Senators in AD 41.

Impeachment in Sri Lanka will have to be a joint initiative of the two major parties, the UNP and SLFP-PP. This is out of the question because in terms of the provisions of our Constitution the incumbent Prime Minister will automatically accede to an interim presidency. For example, if for any reason Sirisena is incapacitated or removed from office Ranil will become acting president. Of course, there is nothing, not even the devil himself that will terrify the other side more. The converse is also true. Professor Ratnajeevan Hoole asserts "The Gazette (dissolving Parliament) was surely misbegotten and unlawful . . the President does not have the authority to order something so brazenly illegal". Though he is quite right it will not make a fig of a difference to our parliamentarians; we had better adjust to accepting reality and bear the unavoidable with fortitude. At worst it’s another twelve months only and we will be rid of this person.

The matter that needs urgent attention of parliament is changes to the Constitution. A JVP resolution calling for abolition of the Executive Presidential system is being debated right now. It is certain of securing a simple majority, maybe even two-thirds if a sufficient number of UNP and SLFP-PP members see common sense. Since it is not a Constitutional Amendment securing two-thirds is of no extra advantage. It is urgent that a Twentieth Amendment at a minimum abolishing the Executive Presidency be promulgated within the next few months. Otherwise we may have to go through a similar nightmare once again.

Sri Lankan polity has taken a horrible turn for the worse; simply asserting the supremacy of Parliament over President and Executive, and continuing the independence of the Judiciary won’t do in the long-run. That’s a nice formula but with the collapse of political ethics on all sides, inherited notions of the independence of the three branches of state and the supremacy of the people don’t make enough sense anymore. It seems that cock won’t fight anymore – and similar crisis seem to stretch to other countries as well. What when the people themselves have become corrupt? Who will keep watch when the watchman has become truant?

Many countries including Lanka are in uncharted waters; a big rethinking of fundamental categories has fallen due. The democratic will of the people has become counterproductive on a variety of local and/or global issues including absence of concern for minorities (the present worst case in Burma), proclivity to elect corrupt or criminal politicians to parliament (Sri Lanka and India for example), a short-sighted drive to consume now without concern for the future, insensitivity to climate change (Macron’s travails, Trump) and specific mistakes like Brexit. Alt-right Populism and the right of neo-Nazi movements in parts of Europe have mass support. Quite clearly the old formulae of democratic liberalism are being outflanked and posing social democracy as an alternative only address the economic and socio-economic side of things. There is a need for discourse and action on a wider scale.

Following in the footsteps of Mandela and Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln-Nelson Mandela

Saturday, December 29, 2018

After the reactionary intervention to usurp power which was defeated by the progressive people and judicial power centres, there is general criticism that the two main parties in Lanka’s political arena – the UNP and the SLFP – have degenerated in both theory and practice. Though the criticism is formidable in the direction of the SLFP there is strong intellectual revulsion on UNP too. They say brilliant liberals as well as charged populist do not commit in to these two parties any more.

Further, each time they form new coalitions to accommodate the uncommitted, their identities and symbols are changed more frequently than their attire, the average voter is left so utterly confused. They may vote the wrong person say the new comers to politics. The UNP tried to keep the symbol steady while changing name. That too could have pushed out those who do not want to commit to UNP symbol. On the other hand because SLFP have not used hand symbol several decades consistently, it has virtually vanished into oblivion.

Modern liberalism and social democracy

Young UNPers firmly dispute the above opinion and say that there is serious attempt made by the leadership to train the new comers absorb modern liberalism and social democracy, and also to train in democratic practice. Apparently even outsiders interested in such programmes could participate.

It is a fact that there are modern civil society organisations backed by the West that involved in spreading democratic practice to handle the problems faced by Lanka. These organisations really show the power of social democracy in the western world more than the reactionary pressure of governments. Eran Wickramarathne, Vajira Abeywardane, Mangala Samaraweera, Harsha de Silva, and M. A. Sumanthiran, are some who benefited or contributed to these programmes. On the other hand populism of the SLFP has degenerated and having corrupted social welfare perspectives too, has become raw Sinhala fascism. In a recent Sama Samaja meeting Sumanthiran claimed their ideology is much closer Sama Samajism than any version of liberalism.

The JVP is doing well; carefully erasing and recovering from its notorious bloodthirsty anti-democratic reputation earned in the late 80s for which in spite ego has apologized indirectly. They have explained the mistake.

Correct direction

It is clear Anura Dissanayake and the new leadership has understood the nature of the crisis in democracy and JVP played a great role while keeping their independence. The TNA that has no chance in hell of ever forming a government; but it played a role of a political giant to move politics in correct direction. They have agreed to participate in a left political front.

Some say the future of our country is entirely in TNA’s hands!

If that happens one can be assured that the crème of patriotic professionals and workers with integrity to come together to be the leaders of that force. Those who have so far refrained from entering the currently vile political arena will not hesitate to join this movement. All those true patriots of Lanka irrespective of nationality: Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim will back this movement to the hilt.

That is most probable; one can assure oneself!

These ethical committed young politicians are ONLY hope to take our country out of this dark abyss we are spiraling into and take it forward towards a better future. They owe it to us and the future generations of Lanka.

These young leaders are currently in their 50s, maximum.

Hence they have to do it NOW before it’s too late, because if they don’t, no one else may succeed.
If this is the reality, some critiques say, the time has come for one to break away from the politically bankrupt parties one presently belongs to, and become NOT the 3rd force but the first and MAIN political force in Lanka that could push present Ranil regime to follow Lincoln of America if not Nelson Mandela of South Africa.

When Politicians Fail: Politics, Power & Morality

By Siri Gamage –DECEMBER 29, 2018

Dr. Siri Gamage

Politically acquired power is dominant in countries like Sri Lanka even going beyond the sphere of governance to the extent of claiming exclusive rights and privileges in the name of representative democracy. There is a lot of unhappiness among well-meaning Sri Lankans of all ranks about the current state of play in the political arena. Democratic system of governance and associated institutions have been diluted over the decades by introducing an executive President, politicisation of institutions and tampering with the constitution. The safeguards that average citizens can expect from a text book parliamentary democracy are not in existence. Politics as a means for acquiring power to govern have become extremely antagonistic and acquired power by the elected politicians is not utilised for the benefit of many.

In this context, we need to look for another force that can guide the country out of the mess that have been created collectively by our political leaders since independence. In my view, this force is none other than the moral force already existing in the broader society in various forms. As the Buddhist monks in ALUTH PARLIMENTUVA (26.12.2018) argue, the religious leaders may be called upon to organise a liberatory national movement without succumbing to further political pressure. After all, the moral order in societies like Sri Lanka with a history of culture, civilisation, religious pluralism is much stronger than the political order which is subject to various divisions, distortions, upheavals and conflicts. When politicians fail, moral power has to be invoked collectively to become a force for positive change.

The best example of a moral leader making demands and commitments from political leaders and parties in Sri Lanka in recent times comes from the role played by Rev. Maduluwawe Sobitha (1942-2015) and his National Movement for Social Justice before the 2015 Presidential election. At the time, political leaders of various colours visited Naga Viharaya day and night to obtain his blessings for the party or coalition they represented. Rev. Sobitha had a blueprint for good governance. He did not deviate from it when meeting different political leaders. He occupied the moral high ground in a country where the corrupt political culture had eaten into the core of body politic. It was beginning to impact on the moral order as well. Unfortunately, before he demanded accountability and transparency in government decisions in accordance with his blueprint for which present leaders made commitments, he passed away. This was the misfortune of the people and country. Had he lived this long, perhaps we may not have witnessed a bond scam. Punishments for corrupt behaviour of elected and public officials in the previous regime would have been meted out. Ruling class, instead of serving themselves once in power, would have been made to understand that their prime responsibility is to serve the people at large. Executive Presidency would have been abolished. In its place, a more representative democratic parliamentary system of governance would have been installed. Most of all he and his organisation would have been able to keep an eagle eye on any deviations from the commitments made in the name of Yahapalanaya.

Unlike in some other countries such as Cambodia, since democratic and solidarity space for change is not completely overtaken by the state and/or governing political parties, even today initiatives of such nature shown by Sobitha phenomenon have the potential to occupy the third space over and above mainstream political coalitions formed to acquire and retain state power in order to bring about much desired positive change in governance with a humanistic slant.

Politics of Disunity, Self Interest and Privilege

Already, there is enough criticism of the existing political culture and behaviour of elected politicians. This has been the case for decades. Criticism alone is not going to deliver the anticipated results in terms of Yahapalanaya if we rely on the existing ruling class itself. We need to look beyond. The ruling class has been transformed in the last few decades, especially after the introduction of Provincial Council system in 1987. Layers of politicians from lower socio-economic classes, with low education and poor moral convictions have entered the field of politics from the provinces. Some of them have entered national politics and national government also. Thus, the composition of national parliament today is quite different to what it was during the time of Dudley Senanayake, N.M.Perera or Colvin R de Silva etc. Instead of a house of debate, disciplined critique, consultation and compromise for the national interest, it has become a place of petty rivalry, division, pseudo heroism and conflict.

What we have witnessed in the last few months, especially after October 26th, 2018, highlights the importance of power in controlling the lives of people, institutions, public revenue, and how conflicts among those holding formal power in the ruling class can lead a country to a very chaotic situation. Formal power is acquired by leaders of political parties during elections that are colourfully conducted with grand shows, advertising, manipulation of media to galvanise support from the party hierarchies spreading into rural hinterland. Political parties are the vehicle on which leaders of parties gain formal power. Before, during and after elections politics within such parties and outside involve a lot of horse trading, promises, commitments (public and private) by the leaders. No one in the right mind will engage in party politics merely for symbolic purposes –though this cannot be completely ruled out at the grass roots level where party symbols have made some individuals and families lifelong supporters irrespective of what the party offers them after the elections

Read More

Chanting ‘open sesame’ to communal and racist hatreds

Sunday, December 30, 2018

As a foreboding New Year by way of the Gregorian calendar dawns for Sri Lankans, the choices before us (at least, politically) are not felicitous by any stretch of the imagination.

Atavistic demons conjured up by opportunists

A cynic may question, ‘when were the choices ever felicitous during the past five decades or more?’ That query has a sting of truth to it. Even so, what faces this country in 2019 portends a special tinge of darkness, touched with fears of rampant racism. Increasingly we hear politicians closely associated with the political camp of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa chanting ‘open sesame’ to seething primal hatreds. These are atavistic demons, never satiated but always thirsting for more blood,
conjured up from time to time by opportunists when the democratic cards are stacked against them.

Some of this ugliness came out in the open following the surreal October turbulence when Sri Lanka had (initially) two contenders for the post of Prime Minister and then, for a period, no Prime Minister at all and when the Speaker was besieged in the House by parliamentary ruffians. As the challengers retreated, nursing their wounds  with little good grace following reprimands by the Supreme Court for the constitutional trespass committed, they resorted to open communalistic rhetoric which bodes ill for Sri Lanka.

So while one battle may have been won, this is not the end of it. True, civic minded citizens resisted the extra-constitutional attempt to capture power as a result of profoundly unwise machinations of an abominable coterie of men surrounding President Maithripala Sirisena. We may heave a sigh of relief as the Courts (from the highest to the lowest) demonstrated their independence. Indeed, the breathing of new life into moribund institutions, most crucially, the judiciary, may be the signal achievement of this doomed ‘yahapalanaya’ marriage of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United National Party (UNP).

Will the crisis take a different course?

In fact, the events of the past few weeks must propel long pending reform (even if not, the abolition of the Executive Presidency) in regard to mandating severe consequences for members of Parliament who cross the floor for pecuniary gain. Though the reinstated Government has been promising that it will tackle the ill effects of judicial adventurism in this regard (propounded in a very different era), concrete proposals are still not forthcoming. This will be, of course, quite distinct from the acknowledgement that a parliamentarian who dissents with his or her party on a matter of principle should not be penalized for that. Though it has now become almost idiotic to think that Sri Lankan parliamentarians act on conscience in any given situation, that principle must not be lost sight of, nevertheless.

That said however, the very real fear is that the crisis bubbling under a seeming normalcy may take an entirely different course as old, atavistic demons take shape, reform and return to the attack. And  what makes the reawakening of these tensions particularly dangerous this time around is a weariness with repeated failures of mainstream political parties coupled with undeniably difficult economic times that lie ahead. In one way, the fact that no significant public concern was evidenced even though Sri Lanka lacked a  functional Government just over a month ago underscores that massive breakdown in legitimacy.

Returning after a few days overseas during that time, I was engaged in a conversation with a cheery immigration officer at the virtually deserted Katunayake International Airport who shrugged the fracas off by saying, ‘well, the country goes on as normal despite having no ‘Government’; it is just these useless politicians behaving terribly as usual.’ That ebullience is remarkable. Nevertheless, this also shows the sheer contempt with which the populace regards those on both sides of the political divide.

Championing transparency rather than skulduggery

So where does this leave Sri Lankans, justifiably apprehensive of what the year may bring them? Do we risk a political vacuum, coupled with the fact that communal weapons may be wielded with impunity by interested parties in a rapidly worsening economic climate.   There is little reassurance even as the political turbulence subsides on the surface.  While the SLFP is a spent force politically, the UNP and its top tier leadership appears to have learnt few lessons from the stunning political upheavals that took place since October 26th. Its Cabinet, as constituted recently, includes old tarnished faces. Necessarily this has evoked public scorn from the very voices who stoutly championed the cause of democracy not so long ago.

Some may try to justify this inclusion on the basis of political expediency but that is a slippery slope. That same argument may be used in respect of President Sirisena’s much critiqued bringing in of politicians rejected by the people through the National List in 2015. After all, political expediency is a peculiarly bitter sauce which, if tolerated for the gander, must equally be so for the goose.

One disconcerting feature of law-making under the ‘yahapalanaya’ aegis was quite antithetical to that very concept in that drafts such as the Counter-Terror Act was attended by such mystery that rumour-mongers delighted in causing mischief. Therefore it is vital that reforms of the constitutional text are engaged in by those with requisite skill and conducted with a measure of transparency rather than skulduggery. Such exercises involve the construction of text that can, by the slip of one careless word or sentence, hold the country to ransom as was excruciatingly experienced recently.

Salutary reminders for the future

It is well and good that the Supreme Court interpreted (as surely it should have) Article 33 (2) (c) of the 19th Amendment as confined to the general manner in which the President is entitled to exercise the power of summoning, proroguing and dissolving Parliament. Consequentially that provision was ruled to yield to the specific delineation of the power of dissolution in Article 70(1) through the issuance of a Proclamation. This meant that the Presidential dissolution of Parliament before the expiry of four and a half years of its term and absent a resolution passed by not less than two thirds of the Members of Parliament, including those not present, was unconstitutional.

But the question remains as to why that provision (Article 33 (2) (c)) was brought in at all into the constitutional text through the 19th Amendment, creating a fig-leaf which deviously manipulative legal minds used to justify precipitating the country into a crisis. The confusion that can arise was presumably why the adroit framers of the 1978 Constitution tactically refrained from insertion of such a ‘general power.’ Such absurdities must be avoided surely, at least in the future.  For the next time around that judges are called upon to resolve constitutional redundancies, a Court may not be as bold or as sagacious.

That is a salutary reminder to be kept in mind.

Farmers’ Federation reveals another financial fraud by Ranil’s govt.

December 29, 2018 by

The plan to get a long-term loan of Rs. 10.103 billion from Yuhan Company in China, with the mediation of the government, by a spuriously set up ‘Cooperative Society of small and medium rice Mill owners of Sri Lanka’ stating it is for the development of paddy storage and rice production in the country is a large scale financial fraud reveals All Ceylon Farmers’ Federation (ACFF).

This was stated by the National Organization of the Federation Namal Karunaratna speaking at a press conference held in Dambulla today (29th). The Secretary of ACFF T.B. Sarath, the Member of the National Committee of ACFF Sunil Ranaweera, the Secretary of Dambulla United Farmers’ Foundation W.M. Tillekeratna were also present.


Mr Namal Karunaratna revealed that the small and medium rice mill owners in the country formed an association registered under සමු / 60 on 31st July this year to find solutions the mill owners were confronted with during the past. However, with the intervention of subject minister Rishard Badurdeen cabinet approval has been gained to get the loan to an association formed with the mediation of the Minister using six mill owners and stealing the data from the association that was registered earlier.

The process to get the relevant loan with an annual interest of 7.5% and to be settled in 15 years has already begun and the Prime Minister and the cabinet staying mum regarding the issue is a serious matter said the National Organizer of ACFF Namal Karunaratna.

He asked the Prime Minister whether making available a loan to private traders with the mediation of the government a ransom given to the subject minister to settle the political crisis that has sprung up in the government.

MP’s party membership is for Courts to decide – Speaker

 DEC 29 2018

The position of the Leader of the Opposition in the legislature is appointed as per the Standing Orders of the Parliament and the question of whether a Parliamentarian holds the membership of a certain political party or not is a matter for the Courts to decide, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya said.

These views were aired by Jayasuriya when he met the chief representatives of the multi-religious summit at the Speaker’s official residence on 26 December.

Explaining further about the post of the Opposition Leader, Jayasuriya added that while Tamil National Alliance Leader R. Sampanthan had always acted on behalf of the country as a mature and respected leader, it was as per the Standing Orders of the Parliament that he as the Speaker had announced his decision regarding the Opposition Leader post.

He further added that the question of whether a certain person possessed a particular political party’s membership or not was a question to be decided by the Courts and that he as the Speaker need not intervene in this regard.  

Back to business with same old ways

by Rajeewa Jayaweera-December 29, 2018, 6:13 pm 

Last week, I wrote about ‘Back to business with same old faces.’ This week is about back to business with the same old ways by our worthy politicians and public servants, despite all that happened during the recent political crisis.

The Supreme Court decreed President Sirisena’s decision to dissolve Parliament as unconstitutional. It resulted in the restoration of Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) to his previous post of Prime Minister. It was a triumph for democracy in Sri Lanka.

Given the recent crisis, one would have thought the new government would have learned its lesson and move cautiously in the formation of a new cabinet of Ministers besides appointing Deputy and State Ministers (now another category of non-cabinet Ministers have been added).

Last week I wrote of the appointment of Ravi Karunanayake MP as a cabinet minister. It is rumored, Mangala Samaraweera had to threaten to sit with the Opposition to dissuade RW from appointing Karunanayake to the Finance portfolio. Karunanayake was nevertheless appointed Minister for Power and Energy. Despite President Sirisena’s brouhaha over the two Central Bank Bond scams and the appointment of a PCoI, swearing in Karunanayake with scant regard for the commission findings smacks of political expediency.

Another inexplicable appointment is the appointment of Vijayakala Maheswaran as State Minister for Education. She resigned from her previous post of State Minister for Child Affairs in July 2018. During a public meeting in Jaffna, she stated; "Now we remember how we lived before May 18, 2009. In the present conditions, our main intention is to bring back the LTTE. If we want to live, if we want to walk freely, if we need our children to attend schools and return back" in the aftermath of the brutal gang rape and murder of a 17-year-old Tamil school girl. Her solution for preventing the fast-rising crime rate in Jaffna was neither strengthening the Police force or even deploying the armed forces. The revival of LTTE was the solution to this People’s Representative. Both the UNP and Attorney General‘s Dept. are still conducting investigations. The Speaker failed to suspend Maheswaran from Parliament pending investigation but deftly passed the issue to the AG’s Dept. Her reappointment as a State Minister by RW rather than another Tamil politician from the North is an insight to the Prime Minister’s mindset.

A free for all developed inside parliament between UNP and UPFA MPs on November 15.Furniture was broken, objects thrown at the Speaker, blows exchanged, chili powder mixed with water thrown at MPs and UNP MP Palitha Kumara Thewarapperuma, judging from visuals in the press and video footage in social media was seen brandishing an object very similar to a knife. One would have expected the Speaker to have pushed hard for a quick and thorough investigation into such shameful behavior. We now hear of Police seeking statements from 400 MPs, Parliamentary staffers and others who were present that day. Not one single MP has been suspended pending investigation based on available CCTV footage. Meanwhile, MP Thewarapperuma has been appointed State Minister for Social Empowerment. Would an MP be permitted to smuggle a knife to a meeting with the President or into a courtroom?

A one-time proponent of a no-confidence motion against RW, UNP Puttalam District parliamentarian Palitha Range Bandara according to media reports has given an ultimatum expiring next month. He has threatened to make a "Tough Decision" unless he is given a ministerial portfolio, his justification being, he declined a ministerial portfolio and a bribe of Rs 500 million to cross over during the recent political crisis. We are now faced with a situation of politicians demanding gratification for doing the right thing and ministerial portfolios becoming an entitlement.

There are rumblings of seeking an opinion from the Judiciary on the vexed issue of exceeding the constitutionally mandated limit of 30 cabinet ministers. RW and the UNP are desperate to increase the number to 32 to accommodate several opposition MPs waiting to cross over in return for ministerial positions. The argument used is: the President and Prime Minister, despite holding several ministerial portfolios do not fall within there striction of 30 ministers. RW and his cohorts should understand, if the President and Prime Minister hold ministerial positions, they should be counted as part of the 30 cabinet members. If not, RW should give up his five portfolios comprising of National Policies and Economic Affairs, Resettlement and Rehabilitation, Northern Province Development, Vocational Training & Skills Development, and Youth Affairs and function as Prime Minister as do his peers in the UK, the mother of parliamentary democracy. He could then appoint another for the several portfolios currently under him. Excluding the Prime Minister from the group of 30 can always enable him/her to take on more ministries and appoint an MP for a newly created ministry.

To avoid such ambiguities, one hopes the next constitutional amendment will specifically prohibit both President and Prime Minister from holding any ministerial portfolios.

Not to be outdone, Tamil National Alliance (TNA) spokesperson MA Sumanthiran MP has written to the Speaker voicing objections to the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa MP (MR) to post of Leader of Opposition (LoO). Contents of his letter have been released to the media. He has listed seven reasons outlining MR’s unsuitability for the post. The main thrust of his argument is that if MR is in parliament as an MP representing the UPFA, he cannot hold the position of LoO due to the fact, UPFA leader President Sirisena functions as Head of Government and holds several ministerial portfolios. He also opines, if MR is a member of the SLPP (Pohottuwa), he ceases to be a member of UPFA and will no longer be an MP under Article 99 (13) (a). Sumanthiran has twisted facts in his letter by claiming President DB Wijetunga did not hold any cabinet portfolios once People’s Alliance government was elected to office on August 19, 1994. He held the post of Defense Minister from May 7, 1993, till November 12, 1994, and did not surrender the post until he relinquished the Presidency. He reluctantly gave up the Finance portfolio on August 31. Col. Anuruddha Ratwatte was appointed State Minister for Defense. Between August 19 and November 12, President Wijetunga was the leader of UNP, President of the Republic, Minister for Defense and Head of a Government consisting of a Prime Minister and cabinet of ministers from the People’s Alliance. Gamini Dissanayake of the UNP functioned as Leader of Opposition for 60 days followed by RW. Ratnasiri Wickremanayake of the SLFP functioned as LoO from December 18, 2001, till January 31, 2002, followed by MR till February 7, 2004. This was during the government of PA/SLFP leader CBK in which RW was Prime Minister and UNP MPs cabinet ministers.

The appointment of TNA leader R Sampanthan as LoO in August 2015 by nature is a greater travesty than MR’s appointment to the post (his unsuitability stems from his abysmal attendance and participation in Parliamentary proceedings rather than reasons espoused by Sumanthiran). Sampanthan’s appointment is based on a technicality of 14 elected and two National List MPs being the largest non-governmental group in parliament. The two main alliances UNF and UPFA were in a unity government ignoring the fact, 53 of 95 UPFA MPs did not support the unity government and belonged to the Joint Opposition. Consequent to 2015 Parliamentary elections, the number of voters represented by the 53 UPFA MPs sitting in the opposition by far out-numbered the half a million voters represented by TNA which amounts to 4.6% of the popular vote. With UPFA pulling out of the unity government, they as a group now become the single largest opposition group. The post of Leader of Opposition should rightfully be theirs. A President from one party heading the government comprising of members of another party with a parliamentary majority while the President’s own party becoming the main opposition party in parliament is a feature of the Executive Presidential system globally and will remain so unless and until the system is done away with.

Ruwan Wijewardene, one of the younger UNP MPs, assumed duties in his former position of State Minister of Defense a couple of days ago. Those gathered around Wijewardene for the signing ceremony (in this land like no other, assuming duties is ceremony) were: non-cabinet Minister Harsha de Silva, State Minister Eran Wickremeratne, Defense Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, Chief of Defense Staff, Commanders of the Army, Navy and Air Force and Inspector General of Police among others. Considering the important portfolios given to them less than 48 hours previously, does not ministers de Silva and Wickremeratne have more important work to attend rather than hang around the signing ceremony of a junior ministerial colleague? Must the CDS (in full uniform despite being released on bail), forces commanders and IGP all turn up at such events? Do they not have more important work their offices? Hanging around ceremonies of politicians is usually a common practice among political lackeys (pandankarayas). It is time we did away with this time-wasting culture of dozens of persons turning up to receive and greet new ministers, deputies and state ministers. As done in the west, the administrative head of the ministry (in this instance, the Secretary) and one other staffer such as Secretary or Office Assistant should be more than adequate to settle in a new person to his/her office.

Nothing seems to have changed. Everything seems to be moving in the same lackadaisical snail’s pace, and matters in parliament dealt with deviously for political gain.

It is back to business with the same old ways.