Financing Economic Growth: Macroeconomic Perspective

METHMALIE DISSANAYAKE- NOV 21 2018

Sri Lanka’s Parliament which was conve3ned yesterday (16) to find a solution, in a democratic manner, for the prevailing political turmoil in the country, ended up as a rowdy brawling arena for the third consecutive day, with the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) Parliamentarians trying to block the Speaker from entering the Chamber, attacking Police officers who escorted the Speaker, hurling books at the Opposition side, throwing chillie powder mixed water at the United National Party (UNP) and Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) MPs.

It is said that yesterday was the worst day in the entire history of the Sri Lanka Parliament.
The House convened yesterday to take a vote on the No-Confidence Motion against appointed Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and his Cabinet of Ministers, following President Maithripala Sirisena’s instructions. The Sitting was scheduled for 1.30 p.m.

However, commencing the Sitting at 1.30 p.m. had to be postponed as the UPFA MPs were conducting a mock sitting, with MP Arundika Fernando in the Speaker’s chair, surrounded by a group of his fellow MPs, when the quorum bell rang.

Pavithra Wanniarachchi and Dilan Perera, same as on 15 November, were leading the group with slogans which demanded the arrest UNP MP Palitha Thewarapperuma for sneaking in a knife into the Chamber and UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake for grabbing it and keeping it with him. MP Susantha Punchinilame was seen seated on the Secretary General’s chair and video recording the scene.

The MPs shouted slogans “Palithaya pihigenawa”, “Gon-Ranja pihigenawa”, “Pihikaraya remand karau”, “Karuwata enna kiyapiya, mewata uttara denna kiyapiya, berinam daala yanna kiyapiya” and “Oka tamai api kiwwe-mehema karala be kiwwe”.

As the quorum bell rang, the United National Front, the Tamil National Alliance and JVP MPs arrived in the Chamber and took their seats in the Opposition. Secretary-General Dhammika Dasanayake, his Deputy and Assistant also took their seats. Thewarapperuma and Ramanayake were also seen seated in the Opposition side.

The quorum bell again rang for the second time at 1.40 p.m. and again at 1.50 p.m. for the third time, but the UPFA did not end their mock sitting. They then started to make speeches near the Speaker’s chair. Vasudeva Nanayakkara, making   a speech said that arresting the criminal who brought a knife to the Chamber was a pre-condition of theirs to let the sittings commence. The Opposition members responded to Nanayakkara by hooting.

Amidst the speeches, Perera was heard insulting Mangala Samaraweera in offensive language. Samaraweera too reacted in the same language.

Then, the UPFA MPs who were near the Speaker’s chair, held posters which read “Kethai Karu”.
Wimal Weerawansa, in a speech given while standing near the Speaker’s chair, said that they do not accept Karu Jayasuriya as the Speaker. Wanniarachchi, Bandula Gunawardena and Mahindananda Aluthgamage also made speeches. They even called MPs Lakshman Kiriella and Anura Kumara Dissanayake saying that they could be given the floor for 10 minutes.

UPFA MP Prasanna Ranaweera was seen guarding the closed door near the Speaker’s chair which the Speaker usually uses to enter the Chamber.

The quorum bell rang for the fourth time at 2.05p.m. At 2.20 p.m, a side door to the Chamber opened and a large number of unarmed Parliament Police personnel (close to 100) entered as a human chain guarding Jayasuriya and Sergeant-at-Arms Narendra Fernando who carried the Mace in his arms.

The UPFA MPs then removed the official chair of the Speaker. A Police officer tried to place an extra chair for the Speaker. And, then the brawl got more violent.

Weerawansa was seen grabbing the chair from the Police officer and Johnston Fernando broke it into pieces. Fernando then threw the pieces back in the direction of the Speaker. The pieces hit the Parliament Police.

To protect the Speaker from the attack, Parliament staff assistants and the Police held cushion covers around the Speaker. The Speaker, sitting on a chair allocated for the Parliament staff addressed the House.

At this juncture, the aggressive UPFA MPs then hurled thick bound books in the direction of the Speaker and the Police.

Minutes later, they began to throw more books and chillie powder mixed water at the Opposition MPs.

The Speaker, under Police protection, commenced the Sitting officially. Then, the majority of the House voted, by voice, to suspend the Standing Orders. All Opposition MPs, who were in their seats, supported the Speaker to carry on with the proceedings.

After suspending the Standing Orders, the No-Confidence Motion was presented to the House again after deleting the first Clause as agreed at the meeting with President Maithripala Sirisena on 15 November night.

The Speaker asked all MPs for support to go for a vote by name, but since the UPFA MPs did not obey him, he said that he would go for a voice vote. The Opposition MPs raised their hands and said “aye”.

The Speaker: “I want to take a vote by name. But since it can’t be carried out the ‘ayes’ have it. The Parliament will be adjourned till 19 November.”

While the UPFA MPs threw books, shoes and several other items within their reach, the supporters of both Parties who were in the public gallery also began to shout at the MPs.

MPs Vijitha Herath and Gamini Jayawickrema Perera came under the attack of chillie powder mixed water. Several other MPs sustained minor injuries. UNP MP Harin Fernando and several others hurled the same big books thrown at them back at the UPFA MPs.

The podium, on which the Mace is kept, fell to the floor due to the roar of the UPFA MPs.

Both Mahinda Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe were seen walking out from the Chamber after making a brief appearance.

Sri Lanka’s Unfolding Political Crisis & Muslim Community’s Indifference

By Latheef Farook –NOVEMBER 20, 2018

Latheef Farook

As we all know Sri Lanka is passing through the worst ever political and economic crisis since  

President Maithripala Sirisena shocked the nation by sacking Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Friday 26 October 2018. The irony is that it was Mr. Wickremesinghe’s United National Party which played a crucial role in elevating Sirisena to a position as President which he never dreamt of. 

In yet another bombshell President Sirisena appointed former President Mahinda Rajapaksa who was accused of crime and corruption and pledged to bring him to justice. Instead he handed over power to this very same Mahinda Rajapaksa who appointed number of ministers who too were accused of corruption and fraud.

In short President Sirisena has betrayed the people who brought him to power and handed over power to the very same people whom he promised to punish.

Responding swiftly people vehemently condemned the move in public statements, public meetings, demonstrations and in every other possible ways demanding restoration of democracy.

Tamil political leaders who condemned the move were swift to act to secure community’s interests. Tamil National Alliance leader R Sambanthan met President Sirisena, Prime Minister appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa and Janata Vimukthi Peramuna leaders.

Unlike Muslim politicians who rushed to perform Umrah, they did not go to Madurai Meenakshi Amman Templel, Tirupathi or Sabarimala seeking the intervention of gods and goddesses to deal with the political crisis. Instead they remained here and dealt with the fast changing political crisis.

The island’s Muslim community, living scattered all over the country, does not have a national political party or a national political leader. They only have regional politicians who, by and large, do not believe in community issues, but earned reputation for striking deals, securing ministerial portfolios while burning issues of the community remain unattended. 

Over a period Sinhala leaderships have realized this weakness of Muslim politicians and exploit it to suit their agendas as it has been happening during the past few decades.

In the aftermath of the removal of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe the Muslim community was silent in general. Muslim politicians, didn’t know what to do and whom to join as money offered for crossover to Mahinda camp was too tempting. 

They were busy calculating whether to cross over or not.

In the midst there were widespread speculations in the electronic media of some Muslim parliamentarians trying to cross over to Mahinda side. It was speculated that to avoid such a development they rushed to Makka to perform Umrah –perhaps political Umrah seeking divine blessings to take the right decision.  

With the political scene changing fast, Muslim politicians’ absence were talked about in the ongoing move to ensure the restoration of democracy. They returned from Umrah in time to join the others in seeking court order on the dissolution of the parliament.

From the very inception Christian religious leaders, both Catholics and Anglicans as well, were quick to condemn the sacking of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister in violation of the constitution.

However there was no such statements from the island’s politicized and commercialized Muslim religious body, All Ceylon Jamiathul Ulema, ACJU-demanding the restoration of the constitution and condemning the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksda as Prime Minister.  

The ACJU was heard only when they received the controversial Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Mahinda Rajapaksa was received at a meeting chaired by ACJU treasurer Mubarak Moulavi at ACJU premises. In their excitement the moulavis have forgotten to remind him about the atrocities his government committed to Muslims. Even in his welcome speech the Hambantota Moulavi has miserably failed to remind him about the plight of Muslims under his regime and failed to   ask whether that Muslims would be safe in a future government under him.

Such a request was essential because after Mahinda Rajapaksa was appointed Prime Minister, even before ministers were sworn in, Mahson Balakaya leader Amith Weerasinghe and nine others who were in custody accused of involvement in the violence against Muslims in Digana, were released on bail on Monday 29 October 2018.

Amith was given a rousing welcome by his supporters who carried him on their shoulders. Added to this after the new government was sworn in, a mob went to Digana Town putting firecrackers and shouting “slogans  “Thambilawa Maranawa” and later damaged the Kandy Line Masjid name board. 

This sent a wrong message to beleaguered Muslims. This was the reason why ACJU came under criticism for not raising this issue with Mahinda Rajapaksa.

On Friday 16 October 2018 religious leaders including Ven Ittipane Dhammalankara Thera and Archbishop of Colombo Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith met President Sirisena in a bid to resolve the present political crisis through a dialogue of all political parties and offered to play a role in it. 

However there was no mention of ACJU participation. The question is why this indifference? Isn’t it the responsibility of ACJU to get involved in such activities?

I went to a mosque in Colombo for Friday Juma prayer after the sacking of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe. Sermon was conducted in English language and more than 90 percent of the congregation were not English speaking. The topic for the sermon was life in the hell and heaven. 

Many were shocked and disgusted at the ignorance and complete insensitive of the preacher to the unfolding political changes in the country. Some said it is due to their ignorance they confine their sermons to spiritual side and fail to deal with issues concerning the community.

As the third most important community what happens in the country also has its impact on the Muslim community. Under such circumstance isn’t it proper to explain and guide the people of what is happening and what they should do to save democracy, country and ensure their own rights and privileges.

Even in the subsequent weeks unfolding political developments and its overall impact on the Muslim community was not taken up in Juma sermons. This showed that Friday sermons have become out dated, unproductive and far away from the present realities. This is the reason why many suggested for long that ACJU and other groups who control mosques to   use Friday sermons to educate and enlighten people to deal with current issues. This is extremely essential as the community doesn’t have a proper media.

Read More

Shouting in Israel’s face

Mahmoud Jihad Abu Ataya was shot on 30 March, the day the Great March of Return began. Mohammed Hajjar

Ola Mousa-19 November 2018

The Abu Ataya family has paid a heavy price for taking part in the Great March of Return. Fifteen members of the extended family have been injured during Gaza’s mass protests over the past seven months.

Mahmoud Jihad Abu Ataya was the first member to be wounded. He was shot in the right leg on the morning of 30 March, the day the demonstrations began. The damage caused to his bones and arteries was severe and required considerable treatment. He had to have metal rods inserted in his leg.

The right of return for Palestinian refugees – the main issue highlighted by the protests – is vitally important to the Abu Atayas.

Now living in the Nasser neighborhood of Gaza City, the family is part of the Tiyaha Bedouin tribe. They are originally from Bir al-Saba (Beer Sheva) in the Naqab region of historic Palestine but are unable to go back there. The family was displaced during the Nakba, the mass expulsions carried out by Zionist forces in 1948.

A few generations of the Abu Ataya family joined the 30 March protest. They were deeply shocked by the brutality used by Israeli forces against unarmed demonstrators. A dozen Palestinian protesters were killedand almost 1,500 injured on that day.

Mahmoud was not the only one from his extended family to be wounded on 30 March.

His 21-year-old cousin Oday Wael Abu Ataya was shot in the thigh later that morning.

In the afternoon, another member of the family, Abd al-Karim, 31, was shot in the head with a tear gas canister.

“Hear our demands”

One member of the family, Ahmad Jihad, 23, received a particularly serious injury. He was shot in the arm during the first Friday of June, resulting in major damage to his bones, tendons and nerves. The surgery he requires is unavailable in Gaza’s hospitals.

So far, he has not received the necessary referral so that he can travel to Egypt or Turkey for an operation.

“If I don’t get treatment abroad, my arm will be paralyzed,” he said.

The Abu Ataya family has paid a heavy price for its determination to protest against Israel’s crimes. 

Mohammed Hajjar

Khalil Abd al-Karim Abu Ataya, 40, was shot in the back by Israeli forces on 10 September. Khalil was in a boat sailing towards Zikim, a beach in Israel, when he was wounded. He was taking part in an attempt made under the Great March of Return banner to break the naval blockade Israel has imposed on Gaza for more than a decade.

“Many people have called for the march to be stopped,” said Khalil. “But why shouldn’t we defend our rights? Staying in our homes will not end the siege. It will only make the siege tighter.”

The oldest member of the extended family to have been shot this year is Ahmad Abd al-Karim, 48. He was shot in his right leg on 24 September during another attempt to sail towards Zikim.

“There are 15 young people in our family – all of them are more than 20 years old – who are unemployed,” said Ahmad. “They used to work but now they are unable to meet their needs. Our young are participating in the Great March of Return so that the world will hear our demands. If we stay at home, we will die slowly.”

“Freedom is precious”

Six-year-old Muhammad Majid Khalid is the youngest member of the family to have been injured. He was hit in the head by shrapnel during one of the protests. As a result, he lost consciousness for a number of hours. Muhammad still has anxiety attacks because of the incident.

He is not the only child in the family wounded by Israel. The eyesight of 9-year-old Abd al-Karim Jihad has been damaged because he was hit with an Israeli tear gas grenade. Thirteen-year-old Abd al-Rahman was also injured by a tear gas projectile.

Other members of the family to be wounded include 19-year-old Sundus and 37-year-old Ayman Jihad. They received injuries to their legs and pelvis, respectively.

Despite the pain inflicted on them, some family members have gone back to protesting as soon as they were well enough.

Mahmoud, the first member of the family to be injured, was arrested by Israeli forces as he tried to sail towards Cyprus in a protest on 29 May. He was brought to Ashdod, a port in Israel, where he was interrogated. Along with 10 others, Mahmoud was returned to Gaza via Erez – an Israeli-controlled military checkpoint – late that evening.

“I have been unemployed for a year,” Mahmoud said. “I used to work as a blacksmith but my life is stalled and I don’t see any future. I am a man living in a dead body and I know that freedom is precious. The Israeli occupation wants Palestinians to die slowly without shouting in its face. But I have shouted.”

Ola Mousa is an artist and writer from Gaza.

Quakers first UK church to boycott companies profiting from Israeli occupation-#BDS

The decision fits into the church's history of boycotting the fossil fuel industry, arms companies and apartheid South Africa

A Palestinian boy walks past a mural calling people to boycott Israeli goods in the al-Azzeh refugee camp near the occupied West Bank city of Bethlehem on 17 September 2014 (AFP).

Mustafa Abu Sneineh

Monday 19 November 2018

Britain's Quakers announced on Monday that they will not invest any of their centrally held funds in companies that are profiting from Israel's occupation of Palestine, making it the first church in the United Kingdom to do so.

“Our long history of working for a just peace in Palestine and Israel has opened our eyes to the many injustices and violations of international law arising from the military occupation of Palestine by the Israeli government," Paul Parker, recording clerk for Quakers in Britain, said in a statement.

“With the occupation now in its 51st year, and with no end in near sight, we believe we have a moral duty to state publicly that we will not invest in any company profiting from the occupation."

Israel has occupied East Jerusalem, the West Bank and effectively the Gaza Strip since the 1967 Middle East war and has since built settlements there and profited from the use of confiscated Palestinian lands, in contravention of international law.

We believe we have a moral duty to state publicly that we will not invest in any company profiting from the occupation

- Paul Parker, recording clerk for Quakers in Britain

According to Ingrid Greenhow, clerk of British Quakers' trustees, the church doesn't hold investments in any companies profiting from the occupation. However, from now it will make sure that this rule applies to all investments in companies that have interests in occupation-related businesses, she said.

"This includes companies – whichever country they are based in – involved for example in the illegal exploitation of natural resources in occupied Palestine, and the construction and servicing of the separation barrier and Israeli settlements," Greenhow said.

The upcoming publication of the UN Business and Human Rights Database will list companies complicit and involved in the illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank. The Quakers are now going to boycott those companies, the church said. 

The decision, the statement said, fits into a long Quaker history of pursuing "ethical investments" by not investing church funds in the fossil fuel industry, arms companies and apartheid South Africa.

Historic solidarity

The Quakers' solidarity with the Palestinian people is longstanding.

In 1948 during the Palestinian Nakba (Catastrophe), when 700,000 Palestinians were driven from their homes during the creation of Israel, the US branch of the Quakers set up refugee camps in the Gaza Strip which are still in existence.

The American Friends Service Committee, as the US Quakers are known, established the camps after finding the United Nations' Disaster Relief Project (UNDRP) was ineffective in aiding Palestinian refugees.

The Quakers, also known as the Religious Society of Friends, are a Christian group formed in England in the 1640s by George Fox, a young man who was displeased with the teachings of the Church of England.

Membership of the church in the UK was estimated to be 22,641 people in 2017.

In 1947 the Quakers were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for their opposition to "violence in any form".

Since 2005, the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement has sought to highlight Israel's violations in East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and pressure Israel into ending its 51-year occupation.

Recently, several US churches including the Presbyterian Church, the United Church of Christ and the United Methodist Church (UMC) and several Quaker bodies have voted to divest from Israeli and international companies targeted by the BDS movement.

U.S. Military Targets Growing Russian and Chinese Influence in Latin America

The Air Force chief of staff pushes back during a visit to Colombia.

BY LARA SELIGMAN-

NOVEMBER 19, 2018, 2:38 PM
Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David Goldfein and Commander of the Colombian Air Force General Carlos Eduardo Bueno salute during a ceremony at the Memorial Heroes Caidos en Combate in Bogotá on Nov. 15. (U.S. Air Force photo by Tech Sgt. Anthony Nelson Jr.)

U.S. Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David Goldfein, returning from a trip to Colombia, said over the weekend that the Trump administration is making a push to strengthen alliances across Latin America as part of an effort to counter rising Chinese and Russian influence in the United States’ backyard.

In an interview with Foreign Policy, Goldfein said Colombia and other Latin American countries risked being locked out of U.S. and allied operations if they stopped buying military hardware from the United States and turned to other markets instead.

“While there may be other cheap hardware out there that might be available on the market, at some point it becomes really hard to make it connect and share within the system,” Goldfein said by phone Saturday while flying home from Colombia.

His trip was part of a broader administration effort to reinforce alliances across Latin America as the region grapples with a range of security threats, from narcotrafficking and terrorism to Venezuela’s economic collapse and ensuing refugee crisis. During the two-day visit, which followed U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis’s own South America tour in August, Goldfein met with Colombia’s minister of defense, commander general, and air force chief, and he spoke with students at the Colombian war college.

“When it comes to China and Russia, we are looking at cooperation where we can and pushing back aggressively where we must,” Goldfein said. “We keep a close eye on their activities globally, but certainly we keep an eye on their activities [in Latin America].”

Underlying the outreach effort, experts say, is U.S. recognition that China and Russia are quietly exerting economic and military influence in Latin America. China is a master at leveraging trade and direct economic investment for geopolitical gains, they say. Driven by a desire to tap into Latin America’s vast oil reserves, as well as to bolster anti-American sentiment, China has invested large sums of money in the region. It has surpassed the United States as the main destination for exports in seven countries in the region. In five of those countries—Brazil, Chile, Cuba, Peru, and Uruguay—China is now the largest export market. It has also been working with Argentina on a space station in Patagonia.

“The Colombians are concerned that the U.S. has been leaving the region behind, and it has created a void, this vacuum to fill,” said Moises Rendon, an analyst with the Center for Strategic and International Studies. He noted Colombia’s dilemma: It “can’t say no to China, because they are providing opportunities and investment, [while] the U.S. is not providing the same types of opportunities.”

Russia, meanwhile, is seen as less of a power player in the region but has sold billions of dollars of weapons to countries across Latin America. Unlike China, which wants to use Latin America’s natural resources for its own economic growth, Russia’s interest in the region is primarily strategic, Rendon said.

Both nations are using these commercial ties to support Latin American regimes that violate human rights and are antagonistic to the United States, particularly Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Bolivia, with the end goal of undermining America’s influence in the region, analysts said.

“One very important concern for the U.S. government is that the Chinese are propping up [Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro’s] regime and other nondemocratic leaders like Nicaragua [and] Bolivia,” Rendon said.

The escalation of Chinese influence in Latin America is reflected in the number of nations in the region that now recognize Taiwan as part of China, according to Ana Quintana, an analyst with the Heritage Foundation. This group now includes El Salvador, Costa Rica, Panama, and the Dominican Republic.

The goal is not just “sticking it to the Americans,” but also “amplifying their power,” Quintana said, noting the region’s wealth of oil reserves. Both China and Russia “want to be in a position to be a power broker in Latin America.”

The U.S. administration’s approach to countering Chinese and Russian influence in Latin America is rooted in building new alliances and strengthening the ones that already exist. Maintaining strong military-to-military ties is key, Goldfein said.

“There are times when our diplomatic relationships may change based on the political environment, but we are able to maintain a military-to-military relationship and dialogue,” Goldfein said. He stressed his close friendship with Colombia’s Air Force chief, Gen. Carlos Eduardo Bueno, and lauded the country for leading the region in promoting democracy.

“Colombia is really the gold standard for how you take the resources of the country and, through strong leadership and perseverance, you turn a country around and get it on a path toward democracy,” Goldfein said.

Ensuring U.S. and Colombian forces can operate seamlessly together involves not just frequent joint exercises, he said, but also using interoperable equipment. For example, the Colombian Air Force is a world leader in employing light attack aircraft to fight drug traffickers, a practice the U.S. Air Force is hoping to emulate against insurgents in the Middle East. The United States has in recent years provided A-29 Super Tucanos, the same aircraft the Colombian Air Force operates, to the fledgling Afghan Air Force, and it is now looking to buy that platform for its own pilots.

During the visit, Goldfein said, he and Colombian leaders discussed partnership opportunities “to protect the sovereignty of their airspace,” including potentially selling Colombia U.S. military aircraft such as F-16 fighter jets.

Reinforcing U.S. alliances in Latin America is also part of a “layered defense approach” to protecting America’s borders, Goldfein said. One current concern is the crisis of Venezuelan migrants, who are pouring into Colombia at rates of more than 4,000 a day. At the request of the Colombian government, Mattis this fall sent the U.S. Navy’s hospital ship USNS Comfortto Colombia to provide medical care for the migrants.

Another challenge the two air chiefs discussed is a recent spike in cocaine production across Colombia. Goldfein said the United States is exploring how it can help the Colombian government eradicate the coca fields.

“We need to be there for our Latin American counterparts for the good and the bad,” Quintana said.

“This is a very critical time, because there is a lot of positives happening in the region.”

Drugs, weapons, people-smuggling: Why PNG border is a concern for Australia

Papuan villagers in traditional costume go through the security screening at Parliament House in Port Moresby on November 16, 2018, ahead of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit. Source: Saeed Khan/AFP

By Anthony Bergin | 19th November 2018

AS a backgrounder to the APEC meeting in Port Moresby this week, we recently set out in The Australian some of the broad maritime and border security issues Papua New Guinea (PNG) faces.

Here we’d like to focus in a little more detail on the increasing national security challenges that PNG’s borders pose for the country’s government.

Indirectly there are serious consequences for Australia if PNG’s borders aren’t secure. PNG is our nearest neighbour and it’s not too difficult to move people and goods that have illegally entered PNG on to Australia.

Providing security at PNG’s borders is difficult and requires a large commitment from the country’s scarce administrative, security and law enforcement resources.

PNG’s major border security threats are linked to a range of illicit activities such as smuggling of drugs, weapons, tobacco and people, as well as health and biosecurity risks.

SEE ALSO: Is the future of Australia’s ‘Asian invasion’ dystopian or utopian?

Life on both sides of PNG’s borders with Indonesia, Solomon Islands and Australia is intertwined in terms of culture, family and economics. And transactions and movements at the country’s borders have been growing.

The 720-kilometre border with Indonesia is the one that most requires protection. It is mainly a land boundary, except for a small stretch where the Fly River marks the border.

Indonesia also attaches high importance to the border and in recent years has undertaken major infrastructure and social development projects in the area. Indonesia is now establishing bases every 10 kilometres on its side of the border. These developments have not been matched on the PNG side.

Apart from the northern border post at Wutung, the border is largely open to the uncontrolled movement of people and goods by both land and sea, which poses a high quarantine risk to PNG.

military providing security to the cruise ships, which will accommodate delegates and journalists at this year’s Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit, in Port Moresby. November 13, 2018. Source: Saeed Khan/AFP

Boats make illegal crossings at night, and contraband is smuggled in along the northern and southern maritime borders. Illegal crossings also occur by canoe along the river systems around the southern part of the land border.

PNG has limited surveillance capabilities on sea, land, and air along the Indonesian border.

In the south, Daru is a designated PNG port of entry and is the entrance to Western Province. But it seems the government has no real assets to monitor the area, especially boats coming along the coast from Indonesia.

PNG’s border with Australia is managed under the Torres Strait Treaty, which establishes several maritime boundaries between the two countries and addresses a range of related issues, including sovereignty over islands, fishing rights and protection of the marine environment.

SEE ALSO: Here’s why New Zealand is beating Australia when it comes to Pacific workers

The treaty is complex. It creates four different kinds of maritime boundaries and limits, including a zone for protecting the traditional way of life and the livelihoods of local inhabitants, allowing free movement and access to fishing grounds. Under the treaty, ‘traditional inhabitants’ come from 13 villages in PNG.

Day-to-day negotiations on border issues are conducted by treaty liaison officers appointed by each country.

The border is the best controlled of Papua New Guinea’s borders, but some illegal movement of goods and people still occurs.

PNG has no resources to mirror the patrolling that takes place on the Australian side of the border. In the Torres Strait Treaty villages there’s no network of border liaison officers (or quarantine officers) like Australia has on its side.

Australia will need to maintain its efforts to work collaboratively with PNG on border security. The joint cross-border patrols that occur several times a year to mutually protect the shared border might, for example, be expanded to areas outside the Torres Strait protected zone.

security guards keeping watch over the cruise ship Pacific Jewels, which will accommodatedelegates and journalists at the upcoming Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit, in Port Moresby. November 13, 2018. Source: Saeed Khan/AFP

No patrols are conducted in the ‘dog leg’ of PNG’s exclusive economic zone in the western Torres Strait, which isn’t covered by the Torres Strait Treaty. A high level of illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing is believed to occur, including by fishing vessels from Indonesia and by licensed PNG-flagged vessels. Some form of trilateral cooperation for enforcement in the area would seem appropriate.

PNG’s boundary agreement with Solomon Islands isn’t yet in force, but both countries respect the integrity of a maritime boundary that’s around 1,800 kilometres long.

The border has been problematic in the past, but since the end of hostilities on Bougainville, it’s reverted to its role as a peaceful and artificial dividing line between related communities. Movement of goods and people across the border is virtually uncontrolled on the PNG side. For example, there’s currently no border post at Kangu Beach between PNG and Solomon Islands.

In the case of the southern border with Solomon Islands, unauthorised movements of people and goods occur. There are no registration cards for border crossings. Beer is apparently a border currency: the beer is stronger and cheaper in Solomon Islands. Illegal homebrew also comes in.

SEE ALSO: Op-ed: Note to Australian politicians – Your job is to work for the people

In effect, PNG’s southern border is self-regulating, and night-time crossings from Solomon Islands are common. In the event of a security, humanitarian or heath crisis in Bougainville, many PNG citizens would seek refuge across the border, as occurred during the armed conflict in Bougainville in the 1990s.

Uncontrolled border movements, particularly across the borders with Indonesia and Solomon Islands, mean that PNG is both missing out on possible customs revenue and being exposed to illegal imports such as drugs and arms, as well as the unrecorded entry of people.

PNG agencies working on the borders are severely starved of equipment and funding. One positive development here is the report that Australia will commit hundreds of millions of dollars towards a new multi-nation investment to deliver power and communications infrastructure to PNG. This is a step in the right direction as it will facilitate communications between border posts as well as links with Port Moresby.

Papua New Guinea security forces on display in Port Moresby, the host city for the upcoming Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit from November 17. Papua New Guinea has deployed a multi-national force of warships, fighter jets and elite counter-terrorism troops to protect world leaders attending the APEC summit in its crime-plagued capital this week. Source: Ness Kerton / AFP

Secure borders are also a gateway for greater wealth for PNG through trade and commerce. PNG’s border security strategies will need to facilitate the legitimate movement of people and goods while keeping the borders secure from illicit contraband and irregular people movements.

Last year PNG appointed its first immigration and border security minister, a long overdue move which should help achieve a more focused approach to border protection.

Australia will need to maintain its efforts to work collaboratively with PNG on border security. PNG is a key strategic interest for Australia that has been underappreciated since its independence. While we have paid attention to our own border security with PNG in the Torres Strait, we should also provide greater support for PNG in maintaining its borders with Indonesia and Solomon Islands.

This article was originally published on Policy Forum, Asia and the Pacific’s platform for public policy analysis and opinion. 

Elections for Bangladesh’s eleventh Parliament will be different

 2018-11-20

Elections to Bangladesh’s eleventh parliament are to take place on December 30 and they are going to be very different from the elections to the tenth parliament which took place in January 2014.  

In 2014, the elections were boycotted by the main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Khaleda Zia.   

The BNP had contended that the elections will not be free and fair in the absence of a neutral caretaker government, a system the Awami League (AL) government led by Sheikh Hasina had abolished in 2011.  

The BNP’s anger was justified in as much as the caretaker government system was introduced after a struggle jointly waged by it and the AL in 1991.   

As a result of BNP’s boycott, more than half the 350 seats in parliament (153), were won by the AL uncontested. The AL won 87 of the uncontested seats (59%), and 105 of the 147 contested seats (almost 69%).  

The only party in the opposition was former military dictator Gen.H.M. Ershad’s Jatiya Party (JP) which got 41 seats (eventually).  

In 2015, the frustrated BNP unleashed violence which led to the killing of 197 people, 72 of whom were burnt alive. To the advantage of the AL, the violence alienated the BNP from the people.   

The virtual one-party rule of Prime Minister Hasina was further bolstered by the institution of corruption and money laundering cases against BNP chief Khalida Zia and her son Tarique Zia.   

While Khalida was jailed, Tarique became a fugitive in London. The BNP became leaderless and began to wither.   

However, Hasina’s one-party rule bolstered the country’s economy. In 2017 the economy grew at 10% with lots of foreign investments. Per capita income rose to US$ 973. Manufacturing boomed and became the single largest contributor to the GDP (Bangladesh Taka 18 billion). With exports going up, the trade deficit came down to US$6.2 billion. Remittances were at a high US$ 15 billion.  

But the boom did not produce as many jobs as it should have. 31% of the people live below the poverty line.According to independent agencies, 47% of graduates are unemployed though the Bangladesh Bank said that 98% of those in the working age group are unemployed. There is under-employment rather than employment.  

It was to check the Hasina government’s unbridled power that the BNP  decided to give up its policy of boycotting elections until they are  held under neutral caretaker governments

But the political stability which contributed to economic growth came at a cost. Perhaps deservedly, Islamic terrorism and the drug menace were tackled ruthlessly by extra-judicial killings. Extra-judicial killings numbered 128 in 2014, but rose to 195 in 2016 partly because of the killing of foreigners and upper class guests in a posh restaurant in Dhaka by boys from elite English speaking families.  

Recently, under the Special Powers Act of 1974, 14,000 people were rounded up and 300 persons were killed in crossfires.   

Human Rights groups cried foul, but the government and the people welcomed the use of extra judicial measures as Islamic terrorism and drug trafficking had spread like cancer, claiming lives of liberals.   

But unbridled power also led to the Hasina regime dominating and manipulating the administration, the judiciary and the Election Commission. It abolished the election-time caretaker government system in 2011.The Election Commission came under the Executive and the ruling party de facto.  

Recently,the Chief Election Commissioner K.M. Nurul Huda said that he cannot guarantee an election without irregularities. And one of the Election Commissioners, Kabita Khanam, said that the commission cannot ensure a 100% fair election but can ensure an “acceptable election”.   

Jatika Oikya Front - BNP Alliance 
It was to check the Hasina government’s unbridled power that the BNP decided to give up its policy of boycotting elections until they are held under neutral caretaker governments. As a first step the BNP contested the local bodies elections in 2016 and it is now contesting the December 30 parliamentary elections.  

The BNP has joined hands with Kamal Hossain’s new group, the Jatika Oikya Front (JOF). Hossain, who was Bangladesh’s first Foreign Minister, may not be politically very relevant, but he gives the BNP legitimacy. Its image is tarnished by charges of thuggery and violence. The liberals brand it as a fellow traveler of Islamic radicals.  

In 2014, the elections were boycotted by the main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Khaleda Zia

JOF has demanded free and fair elections; appointment of a neutral government ahead of elections; the release of BNP chief, Khaleda Zia; withdrawal of all cases against her and other BNP leaders and activists; reform of the Election Commission by appointing people acceptable to all parties; usage of electronic voting machines; assurance of freedom of speech for individuals, newspapers and electronic and social media, and all political parties’ meetings and rallies; and a halt to legal proceedings in all political cases after the announcement of the election schedule.  

Press freedom had come under attack under the Hasina regime. For example, 79 cases, including some sedition cases, were slapped on the editor of The Daily Star for example. Chief Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha had to flee the country after he gave a ruling against the 16th Constitutional amendment which had allowed the impeachment of Supreme Court judges.  

Sinha had also said that the Supreme Court could unseat a Prime Minister as the Pakistan Supreme Court did in the case of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.   

Hounding Continues 
The Hasina government is continuing to go after the BNP even though it is a much weaker party now with its leader in jail and her heir apparent living in London as a fugitive.   

After the announcement of the December 30 elections, 773 BNP cadres were arrested. The BNP has submitted a list of the arrested to the Election Commission.  

It is difficult to predict which way the December 30 election will go. A recent survey by the International Republican Institute (IRI) found there is still “significant support” for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League. But the support base is narrowing.   

62% said the country is going in the right direction, but one year ago, it was 75%. There is also an increase in the number of people not wanting to answer the questionnaire. 40% of respondents declined to say whether they thought political stability would improve or worsen, compared to 29 per cent last year.