Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, November 6, 2018

USA IS COMMITTED TO THE IMPLEMENTATION OF UNHRC RESOLUTION ON SRI LANKA, AMBASSADOR TELLS SAMPANTHAN


TNA Press Release/ 06.11.2018.



Sri Lanka Brief06/11/2018

The United States for Sri Lanka Ms. Alaina B. Teplitz met with the Leader of the Opposition and the Tamil National Alliance Hon R Sampanthan today at his residence.

Briefing the Ambassador on present situation in the country, Mr. Sampanthan said, that the events that have taken place in the past week in removing the Prime Minister are unconstitutional. Further, he said proroguing Parliament for a longer period is only paving the way to legitimize what has been done in an undemocratic manner by offering various benefits to those who want to shift sides. He further stated that he had written to the Speaker to take steps to reconvene the parliament at the earliest.

Mr. Sampanthan highlighted that the government did not sufficiently address the issues faced by the Tamil people. He highlighted that on the issues of the Political prisoners, resettlement, and rehabilitation, the release of lands occupied by the armed forces, issue of missing persons the progress has been slow. He further stated inadequate delivery on these matters has caused a sense of disappointment among the Tamil people.

Mr. Sampanthan reiterated that a genuine and acceptable political resolution to the Tamil question within an undivided indivisible Sri Lanka is a must and the country will not overcome any of its problems until such a resolution is achieved. He further requested the Ambassador to keep a constructive engagement with the government with regards to its commitment to the international community and to the United Nations Human Rights Council.

The Ambassador stated that the United States Government wants the democratic process to take its place and a resolution to the current crisis must be found through the democratic process. The Ambassador further assured that the United States remain committed to the aims and the implementation of the UNHRC resolution and towards achieving lasting reconciliation in Sri Lanka.


Along with Ambassador Alaina Teplitz Deputy Chief of Mission Robert Hilton and the Political Section Chief Anthony Renzulli were also present at the meeting which lasted approximately an hour.

Sirisena’s Blatant U-Turn On Deepavali Press Release Indicates Duplicity On Tamil Issues

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President Maithripala Sirisena‘s Media Division, headed by former Sirasa employee Dharmasri Bandara Ekanayake, today took a blatant U-turn by revising its own press release on the Deepavali Celebrations at the President’s official residence.
The first version of the press release, which was circulated among journalists, carried the President’s remarks on the current political situation and his plans for the Northern province and its people.
In the first version of the press release, Sirisena was quoted saying his strong ambition to resolve the problems in North will remain the same.
It also says Sirisena acted with great responsibility when it came to issues concerning to people in the North and he decided to “change” the Prime Minister due to the latter’s failure to find solutions to their burning problems.
The press release also says the President has faith in a political solution that does not divide the country and he has instructed security forces to release all lands belonging to religious places in the North.
However, the second press release, which was circulated minutes after under the title ‘Deepavali Celebration – Edit News’, omitted the President’s remarks about the release of lands, development in the province and the current political situation.
It only highlights Sirisena’s remarks on Deepavali and the national unity.
A source familiar with the matter said the amendments to the press release only indicated Sirisena’s duplicitous policies and double-standards when it comes to Tamil issues.
“It is evident that Sirisena did not want the Sinhala audience to know what he communicated to the Tamils about their issues. This alone is a strong sign that Sirisena was blatantly lying when he made those promises,” she added.

President Sirisena needs to be reached sooner rather than later


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by Jehan Perera- 

Even as the political crisis continues to drag on the cost to the country is immense. This past weekend I was in Deniyaya to meet with civil society activists for an activity that had been arranged prior to the political crisis. This was to create awareness in the rural areas about the mechanisms that the government set up during the past three years to enable people to protect their human rights. These are some of the fruits of the reconciliation process of the past three years since the Government of National Unity came into being. These include the mechanisms of the Right to Information Commission, the revamped Human Rights Commission and the Office of Missing Persons.

The small hotel owner where I stayed was most upset. His newly built hotel stands empty with just two rooms occupied by foreign tourists. He said he has lost 17 bookings by foreign tourists for the next two months that would have assured him an income whereby he could repay the interest on the loans he has taken. The bookings had been cancelled during the peak tourist season on account of the political crisis in the country. It was very unfortunate that just as Sri Lanka made to the Number 1 spot in the world for tourism according to the Lonely Planet guide, that political actions should have caused a crisis that has brought Sri Lanka’s economy to a virtual standstill. When I returned to Colombo, I met a group of small and medium businessmen. One of them is from Maharagama, which is seen as a stronghold of Sinhala nationalism. He bemoaned the political crisis and said it as dealing a severe blow to his business. When there is a crisis, people prefer to save their money and not spend it. He said he might as well put up his shutters, to quote his own words.

The president has come under pressure both from within the country and internationally to immediately end the suspension of parliamentary sittings that alone could determine which side enjoys the majority support in parliament. This would be the democratic and ethical course of action to follow. The irony is that democracy and ethics are now subject to negotiations. Conflict resolution theory states that the possibility of a negotiated settlement arises when there is a mutually hurting stalemate. At the moment it seems that this point has not yet been reached. President Maithripala Sirisena has announced that parliament will be reconvened on November 14, two days prior to the date he originally set.

PRECIPITATED CRISIS

President Sirisena precipitated the crisis by sacking Prime Minister Ranil Wickemesinghe at a time he undoubtedly held majority support in parliament. But with the sacking of the prime minister and suspension of parliament in its eleventh day, this majority is in question. The general public is witness to the spectacle of little known MPs crossing over and being awarded with ministerial posts. It is generally believed that the prorogation is for the purpose of giving extra time before parliament meets again so that horse trading in MPs can take place. It is reported that the going price is Rs 500 million or more than USD 2 million as alleged by UNP MP Ranga Bandara who was one of those targeted for crossover.

The political crisis is being discussed everywhere, in the buses, in the trains, in offices and even in places of religious worship where people speak of the political doom that is to come. But parliament, the highest political assembly of the land, continues to remain closed until November 14. This may be legal, but it is not legitimate. The president’s side argues that when the president’s party pulled out of the government coalition the government itself was no more. This gave the president the right to appoint a new prime minister and cabinet. They also argue that as the president appoints the prime minister, he has the power to dismiss. There is a counter to both these arguments. The first is that even if the coalition dissolved, the government remained. There remained a prime minister and cabinet who could prove their majority in parliament. Second, that the constitution itself sets out three specific circumstances under which a prime minister can be removed, and this leaves no discretion to the president.

The court of public opinion is divided on these two positions. But even if the president was within his powers in removing Ranil Wickremesinghe as prime minister, his position became untenable when he appointed former president Mahinda Rajapaksa as prime minister, at his discretion, and without reference to parliament and to the majority opinion within parliament. Former Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo, and Professor of Law, Emeritus, Savitri Gunasekere has written, "The president fails to fulfil his constitutional duties when he seeks to govern with those he appoints at his discretion as prime minister and cabinet ministers without going to parliament and identifying the lawful government and prime minister who will assume responsibilities of government."

PERSONAL BETRAYAL

In these circumstances, it is understandable if the sense of betrayal amongst those who once supported the president’s election campaign is immense. In 2015, presidential candidate Sirisena presented himself as the candidate for good governance, human rights and basic decency in political life. He appeared to believe in those values and practice them. To his credit he accepted most of the reforms that are needed to make post war healing and inter-ethnic reconciliation in Sri Lanka a living possibility, albeit it was slower than hoped for. He accepted the singing of the national anthem in both languages, which his predecessor refused to do and even seemed to make illegal. He renamed the day that the war ended a day of remembrance rather than a day of victory.

It should be noted that the president did not ask the MPs belonging to his party in parliament to obstruct the passage of the reconciliation mechanisms that the government passed into law, namely the Office of Missing Persons and the Office for Reparations. The president also promised the return of all land taken over from civilians during the war by the end of this year and under his presidency more than 80 percent of civilian land has in fact been returned. These are all significant achievements of the government over the past three years that would not have been possible without the president’s cooperation.

The qualities that made him accept such changes must still be alive in him, and not dead, even as the poet said, "Be noble, and the nobleness that lies in other men, sleeping but never dead will rise in majesty to meet thine own." It must be the case that President Sirisena is hurting. He must be hurt to see those who once supported him now publicly demonstrating against him. The shutting down of parliament is within the president’s powers, but it is neither democratic nor moral to keep it shut for so long when so much is at stake. The date for the prorogation of parliament to be lifted is much too delayed. In the meantime, the shameless spectacle of money and cabinet positions being offered for the votes of MPs will continue. The higher self of the president needs to be reached sooner rather than later.

Sri Lanka: Spring of Butterflies over Colombo sky


President wants Speaker Karu Jayasuriya to consult the Maha Nayakes and the Cardinal. You can run around all the jungles of the ‘nindagam lands’ of our monasteries with butterfly nets. You will not catch any. Our Saffron saints wallow in denial. They do not have butterflies.

by Sarath De Alwis-
( November 6, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) There are times when we are powerless to prevent injustice. There must never be a time when we fail to protest. At yesterday’s rally President Sirisena made a declaration that the whole world heard. Some politicians are ready to dive in to abysmal depths of depravity for political expediency while some still hold on to old world graces of minimal civility.
Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa who was on the stage, on hearing the butterfly remark put his head down, holding it with one hand and mimicked a mock laugh. In sickening contrast, a highly amused Dinesh Gunewardena emitted a bovine belly laugh that encouraged the slayer to stab deeper.
“In the time of the butterflies” is a novel by Latin American novelist Julia Alvarez.
In it she fictionalizes the lives of the ‘Mirabel sisters ‘who were tortured and slaughtered for their opposition to the voracious dictator Rafael Trujillo who pillaged his land from 1931 to 1961.
The novel is a gripping narrative of ordinary people who resist the tyranny of power strengthened only by the dictates of a conscience. The kind of thing that has compelled parliamentarian Manusha Nanayakkara to abandon his brief flirtation with perfidy.
During the last days of the Trujillo dictatorship three young women from a pious Catholic family, become committed to the revolutionary overthrow of the regime. The three girls are ambushed and assassinated while returning after visiting their jailed husbands. Thus martyred, the Mirabal sisters have become mythical figures in their country, where they are known as las mariposas – the butterflies from their underground code names.
This President Sirisena who personifies our collective folly in electing him on 8th January 2015 will never comprehend the abiding humanity contained in the adjective ‘Butterfly’ when applied to describe the simple human innocence resisting tyranny.
I recall Sarath Amunugama describing the murder of Vijaya Kumaratunga as a senseless slaughter of a butterfly. That was when he spoke truth to power. Now he speaks power to truth. I will write on his reverse metamorphosis from butterfly to caterpillar in my next essay.
First things first. The JVP, the TNA have closed ranks. The SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem and ACMC leader Rishad Bathiudeen have reiterated their stance of opposing the appointment of a Prime Minister who does not command the support of a majority of members in Parliament.
The emerging alliance of the minorities and the marginalized in pursuit of the democratic ideal in post insurrection, post-civil war Sri Lanka, however tenuous in the context of dollar denominated horse trading is a positive outcome in these times of Butterflies and leeches as the ever outspoken Mangala Samaraweera has reminded us.
The “Rata Surakina Jana Mahimaya” – the majesty of people protecting the land was the theme of the event at the place that is called the Parliament Roundabout.
The choice of venue reflected its intent. To go around and round parliament in gay abandon until 14th November. The respite will permit the perpetrators of this dark deed of defiling democracy to buy, blackmail, bind, bag and bedevil enough parliamentarians to go past 113. The demonstrated opposition to the president’s clandestine snatch of the constitution had to be intimidated to break its ranks.
There is cruel cynicism in labeling it a ‘Jana Mahimaya’ -majesty of the people. It is classic spin, It is the technique with which language is used to propagate a biased idea.
I will not try to interpret the analogy of the butterfly. That said, I have heard of a hunch back Law Professor who operated a furtive butterfly brigade among his students. The reward of enrolment was a first class at the finals. The Professor we are told is a rare breed – the result of a cross between a butterfly and a gadfly.
The President’s harangue yesterday was coherently insincere. It was an indignant rant of clichés that the joint opposition has been hurling at his government for three long years. Everybody with an iota of a brain knew about Ranil’s neoliberal folly.
For three years, neoliberal folly of Ranil did not bother the brother of the merchant magnifico who controls the rice monopoly of this island.
That is what Mahinda did as well except that no body labeled him a neoliberal. That the neo liberal west did not consider Mahinda a bosom buddy is beside the point.
Mahinda practiced unrepentant free market economics but avoided book keeping. That is why oligarchs attending fireside chats like him.
President Sirisena the principal pirouette artist in this unfolding theatre of the comic went to Georgia in July 2018. There, he addressed the annual conclave of the Open Governance Partnership.
He addressed world leaders in Sinhala. He responded to questions in Sinhala. He assured the world that under his Presidency, Sri Lanka had made giant strides towards the ideals of the OGP the multilateral initiative that aims to secure concrete commitments from national governments to promote open government, empower citizens, fight corruption, and harness new technologies to strengthen governance.
In fairness to Mahinda Rajapaksa we must recognize his ingrained directness and plain talk. He promises democracy, but we know that his democracy is on his terms. Some like it some don’t.
If parliament decides to return to his democracy so be it. But first let us take the head count in parliament – the constitutionally specified venue a good two kilometers away from the point where Sirisena the President told us how he chased away butterflies.
The average intelligence quotient of the majestic attendees was apparent by their lack of curiosity. They did not ask questions. They listened. Why did S.B attempt to entice parliamentarian Range Bandara with Cabinet office?” Has Range Bandara indicated to the president that he is Lepidopterist – the term for butterfly collectors.
Why was the offer followed with a promise of an additional two million dollars?
That the taped conversation appeared long before the reluctant acknowledgement by the private TV channels is damning evidence of the oligarchic capture of our electronic media.
Sirisena the President first explained the reasons for his bizarre bamboozle of the constitution in his address to the nation. He followed it with a more picturesque and more combative explanation yesterday.
Now I must reiterate that I do not want Ranil Wickremesinghe again to muck around with his cronies. That is not the point. If the people want Mahinda back there is nothing we can do at the next general election.
But we can do a great deal to prevent his return by a hijacking, subverting the constitutional process.
The President’s address to the nation and his holier than thou, mealy mouthed, hypocritical harangue yesterday conclusively proves one pivotal fact.
When he decided to remove Ranil he never considered the issue of a parliamentary majority that validates the selection of a prime minister.
He thought in his ‘Gamarala’ reasoning that he could repeat what he did on 9th January 2015.
That he did on live TV at the Independence square at a time when a country excited by the end of the Rajapaksa monolith watched in awe. When Ranil appeared before parliament no one objected. Don’t forget, he met Mahinda at Temple Trees in the early hours of 9th January 2015. So that comparison is as preposterous as the daughters claim that she dreamt of her ‘Jandhipathi thaththa’ long before we made the mistake. Obviously, the Sinhala Buddhists do not recognize the renunciation of prince Siddhartha. They prefer the mythic version where Queen Mahamaya dreams of a white elephant calf enters her bosom.
What happened on 26th October was different. At dusk in the hours of lengthening shadows, the great Mahinda Rajapaksa hopped across from nearby Hilton.
I have often recorded my grudging but unreserved admiration for Mahinda’s inventive ability to justify the indefensible.
The hop across from the Hilton is blot on his copy book. There is a lesson for him. He must not be guided by Butterflies trained in the law with bursaries offered in memory of the colonial buccaneer Cecil Rhodes.
Sirisena the president claims the right to sack the prime minister because he is the appointing authority. Let us concede that faulty premise. Yet, the president is constrained by other provisions of the constitution.
He must be satisfied that his alternative appointee commands the confidence of the house. Sirisena the president never paid attention to that essential constitutional dictate.
Yesterday Sirisena told us why he selected Mahinda Rajapaksa. He wanted a man who could occupy the high office by toppling over the prime minister – Peralagena yana kenek – a person who could overpower the incumbent.
The Sinhala expression ‘perelagena’ is highly nuanced conveying physical power. The rally at the turn off to parliament is eloquent testimony to our tangential trek from the institutional epitome of people’s sovereignty.
This is the man who in July 2015 gave his report card to the Open Governance Partnership in Georgia. This is the man invited by the G7 countries to attend their annual tryst where the young Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau walked up to our fraudster Mandela to greet him.
President wants Speaker Karu Jayasuriya to consult the Maha Nayakes and the Cardinal. You can run around all the jungles of the ‘nindagam lands’ of our monasteries with butterfly nets. You will not catch any. Our Saffron saints wallow in denial. They do not have butterflies.
The Buddha in the vinaya pitakaya deals with the subject. The cardinal is a different matter. The Good Pope Francis has acknowledged the Butterflies and is busy pining them.
Yes. Ranil Wickremesinghe should go. Once this impasse is resolved the President should call for a presidential election on 9th January 2019. 6.2 million people await the day to reclaim their lost dignity. Yesterday, Maithripala Sirisena the president demonstrated his genius. His capacity to fake sincerity is matchless on the face of this earth.

The Quagmire Concerning Our Parliament

Rusiripala Tennakoon
logoThe recent decision by the President to appoint a Prime Minister following a changing of the composition of the Cabinet of Ministers and the simultaneous prorogation of the Parliament has caused a mayhem leading to a tense political situation. Several parties in addition to the parliamentarians representing different segments of the society seem to be seriously involved in this embroil.  Latest is the exacerbation of the confusion consequential to the Speakers announcement that he was accepting the Status –quo- of the Parliament prior to the appointment of Mahinda Rajapakse as the new Prime Minister. 
A statement released by the Speaker on 5th November, (as reported in the Press), contravening a previous statement made by the HIM stating that he  would recognize  Mahinda Rajapaksa as  Prime Minister, as his name was gazetted by President, Maithrhipala Sirisena appointing him as the Prime Minister, came as a complete surprise to the country due to its volte-face 180 degrees turnaround from his previous position. When we examine both these statements in the context of the provisions under the constitution of the country they appear to be worthless. Because the constitution provides a prerogative power of appointing a Prime Minister sans any powers of recognition by any one below him. To be more precise, the article 42, in our constitution (after 19th Amendment) sub titled, “Prime Minister and the Cabinet of Ministers” in sub section (4) reads as follows;
“The President shall appoint as Prime Minister the Member of Parliament, who in the President’s opinion is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament.”
There are no sub clauses or overriding provisions anywhere else in the Constitution regarding this power. Nor is it stated any-where that the Speaker has to recognize or approve this appointment. Therefore we are compelled to state with respect that his first position of accepting him as the PM and his second position of refusing to recognize are both redundant. It looks like something confined to an opinion unenforceable.
In so far as the opinion of the President regarding the likelihood of his appointee’s command to win the confidence of the Parliament, it is a matter for the parliament to prove that it is not so, if it is so! That will have to be done following the laid down Parliamentary procedures. It is not a matter to be preempted. Nor should it be left to be decided arbitrarily by any one at his discretion! 
Our constitution is very clear regarding matters where consultation, advice and approvals are required in exercising powers delegated under the constitution. The constitution also does not provide for any adoption of practices elsewhere to supplement and undermine clearly stated rights and powers. Therefore trying to challenge an act under the powers of the constitution is unconstitutional and may be even considered as illegal and punishable.
To the extent of eliminating any doubts or conjectures it is not harmful to make a statement clarifying a position. Eg: The Speaker making an announcement to the effect that the officials in the Parliament are making the necessary arrangements to facilitate the changes necessitated by the Gazette notification is quite in order. But to make a statement which in effect is an overriding of the Presidential powers as given in the constitution tantamount to a superseding of the constitutional powers. 
The meaning of prorogation in accepted Parliamentary terms is clearly pronounced. Besides how it is to be done under the applicable laws, practices and procedures, there is no ambiguity with regard to its meaning and application under a universal definition;

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Speaker has taken a stand: Now the int’l community should follow suit


2018-11-06
After a long and rather undue wait, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya yesterday announced that the arbitrary sacking of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa in his place as unconstitutional. Noting that it is the view of the majority that the recent changes effected by the president are unconstitutional and carried out in violation of parliamentary traditions, the Speaker informed the president that “I would have to continue with the previous statuses in Parliament until a clear majority was shown in Parliament as a majority of the MPs had requested him to accept the previous composition.”  

However, the Speaker is also helpless before a vast apparatus of partisan acolytes in the bureaucracy and law enforcement services. Even after he announced his decision, Dinesh Gunawardene, who was named the Leader of the House by his party, forced open the doors of his new office and assumed duties in a position that he was never officially appointed. For the moment, Constitution in Sri Lanka stands suspended, and grossly abused. Independent institutions are subjugated. The state has been captured through political thuggery and abuse of power.  

Maithripala Sirisena and Mahinda Rajapaksa have pulled off a sinister gimmick that their kind in Venezuela,Nocalas Maduro and Nicaragua,Daniel Ortega resorted in recent times, with the dual use of misappropriated powers in their offices and thuggery. This high-handedness is unlikely to be subdued. Instead, they will spike it up, with the hope that the UNP, especially its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, whose resolve for a full blown showdown is in doubt, would give up.  

The Speaker’s notice nonetheless provides constitutional grounds for the continuation of Ranil Wickremesinghe and his cabinet. If the UNP leadership really wants to make use of this opening, it should now be prepared to play the hardball politics. Its ministers should go and reclaim their ministries. If the UNP wants to fight this out that requires some real guts, which could probably transform the party itself.   

 That would cause chaos, and inevitable violence. That is after all a necessary cost the parties that strive to restore democracy should be prepared to pay. Democracy in this part of the world has not been given in a platter; it has always been won through tremendous sacrifice, though these very nations have subsequently failed to sustain their democratic achievements.  

Now Sri Lanka has two parallel governments. One  which does not command the support of the majority of the House and is appointed by a self-serving presidency. The other was unconstitutionally sacked by the same president, who has no constitutional prerogative to sack a sitting prime minister. Nor has that government been challenged by a no- confidence motion, or ceased to function by any other means as stipulated by the Constitution.  

The President has plunged the nation into its worst ever crisis in recent times. His arbitrary sacking of the government came days after the Lonely Planet declared the country as the best travel destination for the year 2019. Since then a host of European countries and America have issued travel advisories on Sri Lanka. A mega development grant of US$ 460 million by the United States’ Millennium Challenge Cooperation is now hanging in the balance. The grant, first of its kind to Sri Lanka was to be spent on upgrading road transportation and bus services in Colombo over the next five years. The US bilateral co-operation has hinted that current political development has stymied the process.   

Meanwhile, Japan International Corporation Agency (JICA) has suspended US$ 1.5 billion loan for the Colombo light railway project. If things come to crunch, Japan, the largest and most generous donor of all, would be the first to toe the Western line of approach towards Sri Lanka. To make matters worse, the European Union has warned that the country would lose GSP Plus trade concessions which have been a boon for the country’s garment industry.  

All this is due to one man’s greed for a second term in the office. Yet the President insists on proceeding with his ploy, dragging the entire country down with him. Courtesy of his selfish manoeuvering, Sri Lanka is now going through a phase of extreme manipulation and mechanization of the country’s democratic structure. Legitimacy of the elected office and public trust therein are seriously undermined.  

Arbitrary prorogation of parliament is used as a breathing space to lure the opposition parliamentarians on the back of pecuniary inducements, allegedly as large as  Rs.500 million. One by one MPs are fished out from the UNP and minority parties. This is not statesmanship, this is disgusting low life politics that the Third World is known for. People are forced to witness as their MPs sell their vote to the highest bidder. Both Sirisena and MR have taken an entire nation for suckers.  

Manipulation is not limited to politics. Colombo Stock Exchange has been showing trading behaviour that cannot be rationally explained. Over Rs. 4 billion of foreign investment left the market just in a week since the appointment of MR, compared to Rs. 6 billion total foreign outflow during the first nine months. Despite the net selling by foreign investors during the past two weeks, market has gained a few notches aided by local buying. Though it sounds impressive the explanation lies in the reputation for wash-trading of the large politically connected local investors, whose illegal market practices have been kept under tab by the SEC in recent times. Now that the institutional integrity is undermined, usual culprits have resorted to the old means to give a feigned impression of investor confidence in the new government. It would not be long before these wash-traded stocks get dumped in the market, fleecing small investors who were gullibly bought into this ruse.  

Sri Lankan economy had been going through a phase of painful economic restructuring. MR is now undoing that whole legacy for cheap political gain. Rupee depreciated by Rs.4 to the US$ within four days, and since then, the further slide is averted by selling foreign reserves. That is not economics, that is selling the future of this nation and its children.  

It would not be long before, that the country lurches back to international isolation. Already, rhetoric is getting loud and ominous. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the President’s adversary until two weeks back, and now probably the advisor, says that “we don’t have to reconvene Parliament just because foreign envoys tell us to do so.” The usual conspiracy theories of foreign interference are making a comeback. Non existing threat of federalism is being dug out to use as a bogyman. Sri Lanka is being scarified on the altar to advance the political ambitions of a petty-minded few.  

International community has a role to play. The announcement by the Speaker provides constitutional grounds for the civilized nations to recognize the previous status quo of Parliament. They should make their position loud and clear. Waiting on the sideline would see this country descended into one man’s absolutism. Such a state is more likely to shun the civilized world, and bed with like-minded partners. That would mean, by waiting, the world community would also lose Sri Lanka.  

Follow @RangaJayasuriya on Twitter   

In the time of the butterflies



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Wednesday, 7 November 2018

‘In the time of the butterflies’ is a novel by Latin American novelist Julia Alvarez.

In it she fictionalises the lives of the ‘Mirabel sisters ‘who were tortured and slaughtered for their opposition to the voracious dictator Rafael Trujillo who pillaged his land from 1931 to 1961.

First things first. The JVP, the TNA have closed ranks. The SLMC Leader Rauff Hakeem and ACMC Leader Rishad Bathiudeen have reiterated their stance of opposing the appointment of a Prime Minister who does not command the support of a majority of members in Parliament.

The emerging alliance of the minorities and the marginalised in pursuit of the democratic ideal in post insurrection, post-civil war Sri Lanka, however tenuous in the context of dollar denominated horse trading is a positive outcome in these times of butterflies.

The ‘Rata Surakina Jana Mahimaya’ – the majesty of people protecting the land’ was the theme of the event at the place that is called the Parliament Roundabout.

The choice of venue reflected its intent. To go around and round Parliament in gay abandon until 14 November. The respite will permit the perpetrators of this dark deed of defiling democracy to buy, blackmail, bind, bag and bedevil enough Parliamentarians to go past 113. The demonstrated opposition to the President’s clandestine snatch of the Constitution had to be intimidated to break its ranks.There is cruel cynicism in labelling it a ‘jana mahimaya’ – majesty of the people. It is classic spin – the technique with which language is used to propagate a biased idea.

I will not try to interpret the analogy of the butterfly. That said, I have heard of a hunch back Law Professor who operated a furtive butterfly brigade among his students. The reward of enrolment was a first class at the finals. The Professor we are told is a rare breed – the result of a cross between a butterfly and a gadfly.

The President’s harangue on Monday was coherently insincere. It was an indignant rant of clichés that the Joint Opposition has been hurling at his Government for three long years. We knew about their neo liberal folly.

That is what Mahinda did as well except that nobody labelled him a neo liberal. That the neoliberal West did not consider Mahinda a bosom buddy is beside the point.

Mahinda practiced unrepentant free market economics but avoided book keeping. That is why oligarchs attending fireside chats like him.

President Sirisena, the principal pirouette artist, in this unfolding theatre of the comic went to Georgia in July 2018. There, he addressed the annual conclave of the Open Governance Partnership.

He addressed world leaders in Sinhala. He responded to questions in Sinhala. He assured the world that under his Presidency, Sri Lanka had made giant strides towards the ideals of the OGP the multilateral initiative that aims to secure concrete commitments from national governments to promote open government, empower citizens, fight corruption, and harness new technologies to strengthen governance.

In fairness to Mahinda Rajapaksa we must recognise his ingrained directness and plain talk. He promises democracy, but we know that his democracy is on his terms. Some like it some don’t.

If Parliament decides to return to his democracy so be it. But first let us take the head count in Parliament – the Constitutionally-specified venue a good two kilometres away from the point where Sirisena the President told us how he chased away butterflies.

The average intelligence quotient of the majestic attendees was apparent by their lack of curiosity. They did not ask questions. They listened. Why did S.B. attempt to entice Parliamentarian Range Bandara with Cabinet office? Is Range Bandara a known Lepidopterist? Why was the offer followed with a promise of an additional two million dollars?

That the taped conversation appeared long before the reluctant acknowledgement by the private TV channels is damning evidence of the oligarchic capture of our electronic media.

Sirisena the President first explained the reasons for his bizarre bamboozle of the constitution in his address to the nation. He followed it with a more picturesque and more combative explanation yesterday.

Now I must reiterate that I do not want Ranil Wickremesinghe again to muck around with his cronies. That is not the point. If the people want Mahinda back there is nothing we can do at the next general election.

But we can do a great deal to prevent his return by a hijacking, subverting the constitutional process.

The President’s address to the nation and his holier-than-thou, mealy-mouthed, hypocritical harangue yesterday conclusively proves one pivotal fact.

When he decided to remove Ranil he never considered the issue of a Parliamentary majority that validates the selection of a prime minister.



He thought in his ‘Gamarala’ reasoning that he could repeat what he did on 9 January 2015.

That he did on live TV at the Independence square at a time when a country excited by the end of the Rajapaksa monolith watched in awe. When Ranil appeared before Parliament no one objected. Don’t forget, he met Mahinda at Temple Trees in the early hours of 9 January 2015.

So that comparison is as preposterous as the daughters claim that she dreamt of her ‘Jandhipathi thatha’ long before we made the mistake. Obviously, the Sinhala Buddhists do not recognise the renunciation of prince Siddhartha. They prefer the mythic version where Queen Mahamaya dreams of a white elephant calf enters her bosom.

What happened on 26 October was different. At dusk in the hours of lengthening shadows, the great Mahinda Rajapaksa hopped across from nearby Hilton.

I have often recorded my grudging but unreserved admiration for Mahinda’s inventive ability to justify the indefensible.

The hop across from the Hilton is a blot on his copy book. There is a lesson for him. He must not be guided by butterflies trained in the law with bursaries offered in memory of the colonial buccaneer Cecil Rhodes.

Sirisena the President claims the right to sack the prime minister because he is the appointing authority. Let us concede that faulty premise. Yet, the President is constrained by other provisions of the Constitution.

He must be satisfied that his alternative appointee commands the confidence of the house. Sirisena the President never paid attention to that essential Constitutional dictate.

Yesterday Sirisena told us why he selected Mahinda Rajapaksa. He wanted a man who could occupy the high office by toppling over the prime minister – peralagena yana kenek – a person who could overpower the incumbent.

The Sinhala expression ‘perelagena’ is highly-nuanced conveying physical power. The rally at the turn off to Parliament is eloquent testimony to our tangential trek from the institutional epitome of people’s sovereignty.

This is the man who in July 2015 gave his report card to the Open Governance Partnership in Georgia. This is the man invited by the G7 countries to attend their annual tryst where the young Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau walked up to our fraudster Mandela to greet him.

President wants Speaker Karu Jayasuriya to consult the Maha Nayakes and the Cardinal. You can run around all the jungles of the ‘nindagam lands” of our monasteries with butterfly nets. You will not catch any. Our saffron saints wallow in denial. They do not have butterflies.

The Buddha in the vinaya pitakaya deals with the subject. The Cardinal is a different matter. The Good Pope Francis has acknowledged the butterflies and is busy pining them.

Yes. Ranil Wickremesinghe should go. Once this impasse is resolved the President should call for a presidential election on 9 January 2019; 6.2 million people await the day to reclaim their common sense. A plague on both houses.

New collation between Sirisena and Rajapaksa is danger for Sri Lanka

Writing about places you have never visited might pose a difficulty and also another challenge is how do you write about violence in a way that feels imaginative but not exploitive.

by Windya Gamlath and Akil Kumarasamy-
(November 6, 2018, New Delhi – Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) “The government has backpedaled from those commitments and now Rajapaksa has been named Prime Minister, which means there will be a harsher crackdown on dissent and Tamils in the north-east are in real danger, Akil Kumarasamy the author of just-released book, Half Gods, published by HarperCollins India said in an interview with Windya Gamlath of Sri Lanka Guardian.
A startlingly beautiful debut, Half Gods brings together the exiled, the disappeared, the seekers. Following the fractured origins and destines of two brothers named after demigods from the ancient epic the Mahabharata, we meet a family struggling with the reverberations of the past in their lives. These ten interlinked stories redraw the map of our world in surprising ways: following an act of violence, a baby girl is renamed after a Hindu goddess but raised as a Muslim; a lonely butcher from Angola finds solace in a family of refugees in New Jersey; a gentle entomologist, in Sri Lanka, discovers unexpected reserves of courage while searching for his missing son.
By turns heartbreaking and fiercely inventive, Half Gods reveals with sharp clarity the ways that parents, children, and friends act as unknowing mirrors to each other, revealing in their all-too human weaknesses, hopes, and sorrows a connection to the divine.
Excerpts of the interview;
Question (Q): The New Yorker said that the book tells about war that has happened in Sri Lanka more than 30 years, and it’s like a history lesson for readers unfamiliar with the Sri Lanka war. How did you bring this history to your book?
Answer ( A): I let the history emerge with the lives of the characters, who have been shaped by the war. I cannot capture everything, but at the same time I can be expansive of history. I can mention the 1937 massacre of Haitians in the Dominican Republic in the same line as the 1983 massacre of Tamils in Sri Lanka. By having a story set on the eve of independence, I can speak of the colonial construct of nationhood. I didn’t intend for this book to be a history lesson but the political is intertwined with the personal for these characters. I never tried to be explanatory and just shared what seemed natural to the narrative.
Q: Once you have said ‘Half Gods’ is a struggle regarding ‘identity’; we are living in a Global Village. How ‘the identity’ is important in this context?
A: Identity is the story we tell about ourselves but it is also positioned in larger narratives that are out of our hands. I wanted to explore the messiness of it. Like what does it mean to be Sri Lankan? It is such a loaded term because of the ethnic conflict and the violence that continues to this day. If you are killed by state forces for being Tamil, do you call yourself Sri Lankan, a Sinhala name for the island or do you say Eelam, the Tamil name? What happens to Tamil consciousness when the Jaffna library, one of the largest libraries in Asia is burned down? What happens when tens of thousands of Tamil civilians are killed by government forces and there is no accountability? When you are not given the rights of a citizen, how do you then identify yourself and what kinds of narrative are projected onto you?
Q: Did you read much about Sri Lankan war and do research kind of thing ? have you ever met Sri Lankan refugees in USA ?
A: My own sense of Tamilness is because of the war. I think the burning of the Jaffna library has lingered in my memory, even though it happened before my birth along with stories from refugee families escaping the violence of 1983. News about the north east was circulated through alternative platforms. Can you rely on state media when violence is being perpetrated by the state? Growing up in a mixed Indian Tamil and Sri Lankan Tamil community, I was well aware of how the different platforms and groups reported on the war or the lack of coverage and knowledge in certain circles. I am particularly interested in power structures embedded in language. For example, saying “Sri Lankan refugee” hides the fact that most of these refugees are Tamils.
In terms of research, one of the stories is set in a tea plantation on the eve of independence, and though my grandfather was a laborer in a rubber plantation in Malaysia, I needed to find specific details about tea cultivation.
Q: What kind of challenges that you have to faced when you write about Sri Lanka specially when you were writing regarding wartorn Sri Lankan village, university and an environment like tea especially
A: Writing about places you have never visited might pose a difficulty and also another challenge is how do you write about violence in a way that feels imaginative but not exploitive. The Iraqi writer, Hassan Blasim, was definitely helpful in showing what is imaginatively possible in writing about war. There’s always a question if your vision resonates for the reader.
Q: Have you ever experienced it by yourself? (did you ever visit Sri Lanka)
A: I have never visited Sri Lanka, but the struggle has been in my consciousness since childhood.
Q: Now we are in 2018 and still trying to reconcile the society (specially we have special reconciliation projects under Yahapalana government like Office for Missing Persons, Office for National Unity and Reconciliation, Office for Reparation). When I read several reviews about your book I got to know that you have criticized some of those efforts saying those are only shows that implement to get media attraction. As a writer how did you get guts to criticize those?
A: How many people have the Office of Missing Person “returned”? Has anyone in the government been prosecuted for war crimes? With the election of Sirisena, there were pledges towards reconciliation and accountability. The government has backpedaled from those commitments and now Rajapaksa has been named Prime Minister, which means there will be a harsher crackdown on dissent and Tamils in the north-east are in real danger. It doesn’t take much guts for me to criticize the government from afar when there are journalists and activists risking their lives in the north-east to report on what is happening. Mothers have been protesting for over a year now to find answers about their disappeared loved ones, and still they are waiting. The situation has been dangerous for Tamils in the militarized north-east since the Rajapaksa-led genocidal offensive in 2009 and it looks like it is going to become worse.
Q: What is your ultimate goal as a writer?
A: With writing I’m trying to process the world, but I don’t necessarily go into a book with a set of expectations. I want the work to feel truthful to the human experience in imaginative ways. How readers respond to a work I cannot really control. I hope they find it moving and it makes them see the world in a different light.
Q: Do you have a special message for Sri Lankan readers?
A: Since the publication is only published in Sinhala and English, I would ask readers to think about what does inclusiveness look like? What does it mean if a Tamil readership is not given access? Why is it controversial to call what is happening to Tamils as a genocide even though Tamils have been calling it that for decades? With continued militarization of the north-east and Tamil mothers protesting on the roadside for their disappeared loved ones, I wonder how there can be a path to reconciliation if there is no acknowledgement of past crimes or of the violence that continues to be committed in the north-east of the island.

Situation Report: Speaker Faces Mutiny From Parliamentary Staff Siding With Sirisena

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Speaker of Parliament Karu Jayasuriya is getting flack from democratic minded Sri Lankans all over the country for failing to act to end an ever deepening political crisis caused by President Maithripala Sirisena‘s illegal sacking of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Colombo Telegraph reliably learns that the third citizen of the nation and head of the country’s legislature is facing a major mutiny by Parliament staff led by Secretary General Dhammika Dassanayake.
Jayasuriya
Dassanayake is reportedly leading his staff to openly flout directives from Speaker Jayasuriya constantly using the refrain that he was bound as a public servant “to follow the directives issued by the Presidential Gazette”.
The resistance has also prevented the Speaker from moving to reconvene Parliament in defiance of the President’s illegal prorogation of the House despite mounting calls for him to do so, since SG Dassanayake and the staff have made it abundantly clear they will not cooperate.
On Monday (5) when Dinesh Gunewardena stormed into the Parliament complex with a group of Buddhist monks and decided to “assume office” as Leader of the House highly placed sources Dassanayake opened the doors to the office still legally occupied by Lakshman Kiriella. This was in spite of a specific direction from Speaker Jayasuriya that Gunewardane should not be allowed to do so. When Kiriella called the Speaker later to request him to safeguard the rights and privileges of Parliamentarians, Jayasuriya said he was “powerless” to stop the encroachment and forcible entry. Confidants to the Speaker confirmed that he was unable to rein in the bureaucrats in Parliament because Dassanayake was insisting that he was compelled to follow the Government Gazette and was openly flouting the Speaker’s directives in a bid to please President Sirisena and his newly appointed Prime Minister.
At a meeting of Party Representatives last week SG Dassanayake and his staff attended the meeting last Wednesday only as long as representatives of the illegal Government appointed on 26 October were present to submit a list of decisions made at their ‘cabinet’ meeting held that morning to the Speaker. Once Mahinda Samarasinghe, Dinesh Gunewardena and Nimal Siripala De Silva and Sarath Amunugama handed the memo over and left, Dassanayake and other staff members also walked out of the meeting. Incensed members of Parliament pitched into the Secretary General reminding him that he was an employee of Parliament and did not report to the executive.
Dassanayake has reportedly informed the Speaker that if he chooses to reconvene parliament ahead of the date declared by President Sirisena – which is the wish of over 118 MPs – none of the staff would make necessary arrangements to hold the sittings. In other words staff will refuse to bring in the Mace, record proceedings or conduct any administration work necessary to hold a session.
Meanwhile Sergent at Arms of Parliament Narendra Fernando told the Mawbimanewspaper this weekend that officials in Parliament would only abide by the Gazette issued by the President. In a bold statement Fernando also said seating arrangements in Parliament would be made in line with the Gazette notifications – meaning that they would assign the PM’s chair to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and the Leader of the House seat to Gunewardena etc – and added that “there would be no need to consult the Speaker on such matters.”
The mutiny by Parliament staff has sparked criticism about public officials being party to intentional violations of the constitution and assisting President Sirisena to execute his coup d’etat.

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