Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, October 19, 2018

“Middle Class is not a progressive class”

 


2018-10-17

David North the Chairman of the Socialist Equality Party in the United States and the theoretical leader of the Fourth International, which bases its ideology on Leon Trotsky and the Internationalism contained therein sat down with the Daily Mirror for an interview. The Author and international socialist spoke of a wide range of issues of which excerpts are published below. 


  • The opposition to Kavanaugh was not based on his real demons  
  • History is rife with defending unpopular positions and being absolved of such defence  
  • We have never once betrayed our principles in search of quick solutions  


Q  David, we welcome you to this interview, I believe the first of its kind with the . To start off with, about the “Left” in Sri Lanka- Socialist, Communist parties one of the main issues is about the preoccupation with theory. A theory, which has failed to convince the masses, in Sri Lanka. You could feel that the message has not been conveyed to them. Why do you think the Left as we deem it is still caught up in this theoretical bubble?

I have to be critical frankly about the way the question is posed. It depends on how one understands politics, on how one understands also the relationship of politics to theory. Let me put it this way. I have come to Sri Lanka to give lectures on the theory of the history of the 4th International. 

Building a political party is a very complex process. It is not like a businessman building a hotel. But when one deals with politics, one deals with much more complicated processes involving the lives of millions of people. One has to investigate the objective processes, which give rise and also the different influences in terms of the political experience of the masses. Now, for us, the 20th century was the most revolutionary in history. 

You can say it was the century of world revolution. Massive social movement embracing the working class. 

Undoubtedly the most important political event of the 20th century was the Russian revolution. 
The October revolution, the coming into power of the Bolsheviks resulting in the first workers state in history, which not only transformed Russia and established the Soviet Union but it had immense global consequences. Politics was changed throughout the world. The Bolsheviks believed this to be the beginning of the world’s Socialist revolution and in many fundamental aspects, they were right. 
We also believe that the masses are going to come to conflict with established political parties and our work is based on it. Now it isn’t a guaranteed success but it does point a way forward
And yet we know, that by the end of the century the Soviet Union had been dissolved. China which also went through massive social revolution underwent the restoration of capitalism. 

And how is this to be explained? I mean if you ask the question about the masses, they are increasingly dissatisfied with the world that exists – the world of massive inequality, the concentration of the wealth among a small elite. And yet how can you expect the masses to be drawn to socialism without understanding the fate of the socialist movement?. 

Any discussion of that brings up the fate of Trotsky’s struggle against Stalinism. That was the most monumental political, the theoretical struggle of the 20th century. Stalin came to power representing a bureaucracy which claimed that socialism can be built in one country apart from the socialist revolution in the world. Flowing from these policies which were in stark contrast to what gave rise to the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, tied the fate of socialism throughout the world. That produced catastrophic defeats to the working class in the country after country. 

Fascism took power in Germany, the world war erupted. The working class suffered massive defeats. During that time Trotskyism was a small minority, only in a few countries. Yet, the objective events have vindicated the perspective upon which the 4th International was based. And so a historical standpoint- explaining these lessons, building a political movement upon assimilation is important. These are complicated issues. What will return the message to the revolution? What are the powerful forces that will return the working class to it? Only fundamentally objective forces of the global economy and the breakdown of political forces which we are seeing now… 

Q But aren’t we seeing that all these objective forces you speak of are giving rise to the exact opposite. The rise of Right Wing movements and the rejection of Globalism across the world?

I think what we are seeing here is first all that it is fundamentally a crisis of the Bourgeoisie System. The breakdown of the Bourgeoisie system is what we are seeing here. This is what also gave rise to the 4th International because at that time it was claimed that Bourgeoisie democracy would be defended which led to disaster. But what you must understand is the breakdown of Bourgeoisie democracy is an expression of a deep and fundamental disease of the capitalist system. 

Now, why is the Right wing gaining momentum? Because so-called “Left movements” which are not really the Left- it is really an indictment of all those parties which have fundamentally abandoned the working class who have abandoned the causes of the working class and either taken up to various forms of identity politics and taken up to middle-class politics. If you examine the social layer which propagates identity politics – it really is the politics of the middle class. They really don’t address the issues of the working class. Let’s look at the situation in the United States. 

Why did Donald Trump come to power? The Democratic Party, which is a Capitalist party is a party which has no programme for the working class, which advocates market economics and American Militarism. 

The only difference they seem to have with Donald Trump is on if the War should be with China or with Russia. No one is speaking of the real problems of the workers. Where are they talking about unemployment, social inequality? Elements of the Right are exploiting this vacuum. Steve Bannon was to recently say that every time the Left talks about Gender politics it helps them because they are speaking of the issues of the middle classes. 

Take the controversy about Kavanaugh. He is a dyed in the wool reactionary, he helped design the torture programme, he is the worst sort of Right Wing politician. But the Democrats chose – they chose to make the allegation about an incident which may or may not have happened 35 years ago. Why did they do that? Because they weren’t appealing to the working class by opposing Kavanaugh based on profound class factors. Rather they were appealing to an Upper Middle-class layer which is drunk on Sexual Politics of an extremely undemocratic character. And it is not a politics which appeal to the broad masses of people. 

The only difference they seem to have with Donald Trump is on if the War should be with China or with Russia. No one is speaking of the real problems of the workers

Q  I got back to my fundamental question, as to why haven’t your- Marxist, Leninist Forces -been able to galvanise the masses today?

We have made extreme inroads in the past twenty years or so. The World Socialist Website is one of the most widely read publications in the world, despite the continuous blockings from all major forces. We have fathered around our programme a global audience, yes it isn’t a mass audience but I am convinced that it will do so in the future. For 30 years the working class has been suppressed by the Trade Unions. 

This is an international phenomenon to block every independent movement of the working class. Now for the 1st time in 30 years, you could see a resurgence of the class struggle and the working class is radicalizing. You know the situation in America is very contradictory. Let’s take the figure of Bernie Sanders from my stand point he is not a socialist but he spoke of the Political Revolution. If he was the candidate of the Democratic Party he would have easily beaten Donald Trump, but the Democratic Party isn’t interested in any kind of serious reform programme so he wasn’t the candidate. But he was largely a diversion because he was largely a party of the Democratic Party. I raised this to show you that social processes are very complicated- because in America the land which there is supposedly no sympathy toward socialism, a person who called himself a socialist was able to garner the interest that he did. Whether he was or was not a socialist in reality is a different question altogether. But the issue now is, with the resurgence of class struggle internationally new conditions would emerge. What we are witnessing now is a realignment of social forces, the old order is breaking down. 

Q To stop you there David has this not been the call always of the Communists? That the Revolution is inevitable and is impending. That the social conditions that came about following the globalist domination after World War 2,  it will necessarily give rise to this socialist revolution. Even in Sri Lanka until what took place in the 60’s and the 70’s was this not the slogan or belief?

Socialism is not inevitable if you mean by inevitability that socialism will take place independent of political leadership, no it is not inevitable. What is inevitable is the intense and immense crisis of capitalism by the very operations of the laws which govern it. What we are talking about is about social processes of a conflict between classes, of political forces. The ruling elites are seeking to find ways out of their dilemma. The problem is that within the capitalist framework the solutions they seek don’t help humanity but generally have catastrophic consequences. 

Q Again we have established that…

Yes we have. But what we do experience is that Political parties which have a vested interest in the prevailing system doing everything they can to block the emergence of a real social movement. Now, the Revolutionary forces themselves must take the initiative to try to find a way out of this dilemma. We saw what happened in the 1990s with the emergence of technology. We were one of the very first publications to embrace the internet. We introduced newspapers since the very founding of our organization, we saw the internet gave the chance to reach a wide audience and embraced it.

Despite extreme censorship from Google which we have documented, we have a wide readership across the globe. Our readership still persists. We also believe that the masses are going to come to conflict with established political parties and our work is based on it. Now it isn’t a guaranteed success but it does point a way forward. We are counting two factors. One, the objective factors of the development of capitalism and secondly that these factors are going to result in the radicalization of the working class which we are now witnessing. 

Within the system, there will be renewed interest in the socialist system. Workers understand almost instinctively that a struggle has consequences. It’s not the outlook of a middle-class student who can protest and go home and enjoy a high standard of living. Workers understand that Jobs, lives are at risk. They have to have confidence in a political party. And how does a party gain its confidence? Firstly by demonstrating that it has the capacity to fight and its capacity to present a correct programme and also to demonstrate that in its history it has upheld principles. So now we find more and more people interested in our programme in America. 

Many of them have told us that they could not imagine that a year ago they would be talking to a Socialist party. I know where you are coming from and I hear this argument very often but politics is a much more complicated realm. You say you haven’t been successful and I don’t agree. 

Q Let us take your argument that is a complicated process. But we are seeing forces that appeal to the masses across the world. My main dilemma is with this insistence on theoretical purity by the Hard Left. Now let’s take the example of Corbyn, or Melenchlon in France, even Sanders who have been able to galvanise the masses. But yet, the Hard Left still seems to be still insisting on theoretical purity and rejecting them. If you take Sri Lanka the reality is that the Socialist Equality Party has not made any inroads. You could be patting yourself on the back with regard to its purity but the reality is they have not made inroads.

I must say I rather welcome this discussion. I am not offended and it is a very fundamental and critical issue. First I would make it clear that the problem of the Left has been anything but theoretical purity.

The establishment of unprincipled alliances, what is called opportunism – which is the search for easy and quick solutions which don’t correspond to an objectively correct evaluation of a political situation that is the real problem. Take for example Corbyn or Sanders. Now it is well known that when masses begin to first radicalize, safety models emerge which direct the anger of the masses into political channels which do not ultimately challenge the establishment. 

Now, you are correct to say that masses don’t come into politics with a great amount of theoretical knowledge, without an unwareness of political history or processes. The masses don’t begin with that and they may initially give their allegiance to charlatans. If a person is sick with cancer he is prepared to listen to almost anybody. Also, sorts of cures gain popularity. The obligation of a serious political party is not to go along with them. Take a concrete example, Syriza ( Greek Left Wing Party) came with the promise of the political revolution. We opposed it, we said that Syriza will betray the masses before it did. It didn’t take years for it to happen, it took only weeks. We saw the consequences.

Jeremy Corbyn is another similar example, he comes under attack and his reaction is to retreat. The Right Wing still control the Labour Party and it always will. But the masses go through these experiences and learn through mistakes provided that it learns through a party which consistently seeks to educate them and wins their confidence. Now I present to you the question what is the alternative? Because in presenting your argument the fundamental basis is “If you can’t beat ‘em join ‘em”. 

Now you spoke of my comrades of the SEP in Sri Lanka and I must defend them. It is true that they have yet not been able to win the confidence of the masses, but have their positions been? They opposed Tamil Nationalism, they opposed Sinhalese chauvinism. Trotsky once said, “we can’t be responsible for others, we can be responsible for only ourselves.” The fact that a principled line doesn’t immediately translate in a narrow pragmatic sense is not an argument against a political position. You know when you look back in history, if you look at Lenin who opposed the War in 1914 he was a part of a small minority, and now you look back and think what a brilliant position he took- to defend an unpopular position and to be in a minority in doing so. 
What we are talking about is about social processes of a conflict between classes, of political forces. The ruling elites are seeking to find ways out of their dilemma. The problem is that within the capitalist framework the solutions they seek don’t help humanity but generally have catastrophic consequences
Q I still haven’t got the answer I was seeking at the start of this interview.
I have been telling you, but you haven’t been listening… 

Q One of the main arguments among the middle class, so to say, in Sri Lanka at least, against Marxist- Leninist movements, is that the local movements are far from being truly international, far from progressive politics. If you take the recent struggles of the so-called Left, it lacks a very basic component of international or progressive ideology or of technology. I should be excused for using this term, but what it really is- is a village like Socialism despite all the advances we as a species have made. How do you think this should be addressed?

Well what you are speaking of is a Sri Lankan manifestation of an international phenomenon of the Pseudo Left. I speak of the Pseudo Left which can be identified as a strand of the Frankfurt School of thought. It rooted in the rejection of enlightenment, rejection science. You are right, what dominates today is not Marxism, its various forms of irrationalism and anti-progress. The middle class is always going to gravitate to these types of theories because they are not a progressive class, they don’t have a perspective. So, I think it is important to see through these ideologies.  

Unprecedented judgment by Indian Court Martial in Dibrugarh

The judgment against fake encounters is fatally questioning the inner mechanism of the government by requesting for a different approach to the chronicle violence in the area.

by Our Foreign Affairs Editor-
(October 18, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) A military court in Dibrugarh, one of the remote areas in Assam in India finally enlightened the world by stepping towards Justice through a long road ahead. Seven army men including one high ranking officer were sentenced to life in prison for fake encounters in which they brutally killed innocents, more than twenty years ago. This may seem to be ‘something is better than nothing’. But, as the accepted saying goes, justice delayed is justice denied.
An “encounter” is a term much politicized and distorted in the context of managing law and order on any land to provide common security to the public. India’s North-East, as well as Indian controlled part of Kashmir, is a live example for using this tragic tool against a fellow human. True, that it is no different in Pakistan controlled part of Kashmir and Balochistan too.
Human life has thus become much cheaper than the animals living in that space. No one seems to be living without fear of insecurity and uncertainty. Hope has been replaced with hopelessness while dreaming for a better future is nothing but howling at the moon with an empty stomach. The state mechanism to implement responsibilities vested upon state agencies are nothing but a façade. Social fear is inevitable throughout the day.
In this context, the judgment by the Court Martial in Dibrugarh is very important and memorable. This could be a result of the greater realization by these state agencies about the grave crimes committed against the innocents under the disguise of national security and territorial integrity.
This judgment is the beginning of the restoring of dignity and credibility of the state apparatus itself which kept on wounding the innocent hearts and minds of ordinary citizens. In one incident, caring ladies took off everything to protest before the Army headquarters in the state to express their anger against brutal sexual assault and killing of an innocent female. Disciplining the army was always questionable.
But, the judgment by the Court Martial in Dibrugarh shows the different and constructive approach by replacing the traditional destructive and desperate motivation to this social phenomenon. Now, we hope, “disguise of patriotism” with a tank of crocodile tears, will not come forward in the form of Armed forces and strike on those who delivered true justice against criminals in uniform.
In his well informed and articulated essay, A.G. Noorani, one of the best writers on judiciary, came up with a detailed account by analyzing the real threats vested upon the rule of law by this so-called, “encounter” trick which is nothing more than a despicable failure to restore peace and ensure public safety in the area. His well-balanced essay published in the latest version of the Frontline, biweekly publication by Hindu group, days before the recent judgment from the military court in Dibrugarh was announced.
We must congratulate the judges and those who as military officers stood up for justice. Through their ground experiences in last few decades the good military might have realized that the “encounter” is nothing but a fake justification to eliminate some of the outspoken elements living in what has been named as “risky areas”.
Apparently, from Manipur to Nagaland is getting a bitter taste damaging the cloak of humanity by exemplifying the brutality of the Military that caged human liberty.
True, no one with true senses can justify or stand for those violent activities by armed rebellions. But the armed resistance in many communities is the result of a series of root causes due to the deprivation and discrimination in social, political and economic terms. Despite addressing the root causes but attempting to eliminate the symptoms is nothing but a motivation to deceive.
This is why we have to hail the judgment by the Military Court in Dibrugarh as an eye-opener.
Like other places on the planet, thousands of alleged extrajudicial killings reported in North-East India alone, require the authentic criminal investigative procedure to follow if the government is serious in restoring justice.
Minnesota protocol on the Investigation of Potentially Unlawful Death (2016) confirms the importance of investigation on unlawful deaths for reparation. No doubt, Minnesota protocol and Istanbul protocol are spinal cord of restoring justice. These are essential principles produced as a result of commitments to follow if anyone is serious about restoring justice against crimes committed.
Not only the narration of most of civil societies’ but also well documented independent academic researches over and over again have suggested the inadequacy of addressing the root causes of socio-political-economic problems driving mayhem in North-East India. This has been escalating when the responsible parties are intimidating the forensic criminal investigation in judicial process. The bottom line is people’s resistance and silent protest cannot be eliminated by killing the innocents and undermining the power of their fundamental rights.
The judgment against fake encounters is fatally questioning the inner mechanism of the government by requesting for a different approach to the chronicle violence in the area.

In India, #MeToo triggers watershed moment for journalism

By  | 
AS THE rest of the world debates what has changed in the year since the allegations against Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, the revolutionary #MeToo movement took India by surprise – just two weeks ago.
After a few isolated fits and starts, #MeTooIndia is rattling several high-profile men and institutions in news media and entertainment.
It was sparked when Bollywood actor Tanushree Dutta aired allegations of inappropriate behaviour by her then co-star, Nana Patekar, on a film set about a decade ago.
Multiple women then accused popular stand-up comedian Utsav Chakraborty of sending them unsolicited pictures of his genitals.
It has since taken a dramatic leap forward with scores of women accusing editors, authors, Bollywood actors and film directors of sexual misconduct that ranges from harassment to rape.
The outpouring has offered a much-needed catharsis for many women, some of whom mustered the courage to break their silence after two decades.
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Scores of women are accusing editors, authors, Bollywood actors and film directors of sexual misconduct. Source: Shutterstock
Women journalists — who are required to report on injustices faced by others and strive for accountability — have long endured harassment by senior editors, colleagues and sources, keeping horrific stories about their perpetrators to the confines of whisper networks.
The sexual harassment and abuse that earlier forced them to remain quiet, quit, move cities or change industries is now fuelling them to spearhead #MeTooIndia.
Allegations have led two top editors at prominent newspapers — Prashant Jha of the Hindustan Times and K R Sreenivas of The Times of India — to step down while a former Times of India executive editor resigned from a US think tank.
Seven women journalists had written to the Times Group urging action on the allegations. The paper later released a policy on how they cover #MeToo,  stating that it will investigate complaints against their employees in support of the movement but not of accounts posted online anonymously.

Time for a frank conversation

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Many female journalists in India claim to have been sexually harassed while on the job. Source: Shutterstock
Several other influential editors and journalists are being investigated by their companies’ Internal Complaints Committee mandated under the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013.
Mainstream newspapers and start-ups alike, including those facing allegations, are running articles on the allegations to inform readers and sensitise them to issues related to sexual harassment — while also embarking on some much-needed introspection as they face a major test of credibility.
For journalists, it is critical to seize the impetus of this movement to further the discourse of sexual harassment, from newsrooms to the field.
Most women journalists, including me, have been groped and molested in crowded political meetings or public spaces from which we report, something we have unfortunately normalised as a ‘hazard of the job’.
The solution is not to send only male reporters to unsafe situations, as some of our peers and editors have suggested. It is time for journalists and news organisations to have a frank conversation about women in the field and come up with policies that provide protection and redress — while still giving them the right to pursue stories.

Watershed moment for journalism

The biggest name to be caught up in the #MeTooIndia fury is MJ Akbar, a former newspaper editor once considered a legend in news media circles. At least 14 women have made allegations against him of varying degrees of sexual harassment dating back to as early as 1990.
In response, he has suggested the movement has an agenda ahead of the upcoming 2019 general elections and has filed a criminal defamation suit against journalist Priya Ramani, who first named him. Mounting pressure finally led him to resign on Oct 17 from his post as junior minister in the external affairs cabinet and he has decided to fight the case personally.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has not made any statement in response to the serious accusations against Akbar. It has also maintained a steely silence on the #MeTooIndia movement more generally.
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The Indian government has yet to issue any statement on the #MeToo allegations. Source: Shutterstock
Nevertheless, #MeTooIndia marks a watershed moment in exposing the ubiquity of sexually predatory behaviour in the country’s media industry.
It has opened up much-needed conversations on consent, privilege, power, gender imbalances and everyday sexism. It has facilitated men and women to renegotiate their interactions within and outside office spaces.
And while a few have apologised publicly for their behaviour, many men have denied the allegations. Some of them have anointed themselves as victims of anonymous social media outrage.
Despite finding support and strength from one another, the women who have courageously spoken out are reliving their trauma, with many being intimidated and facing counter-accusations of indulging in Faustian bargains.
But India’s #MeToo movement continues undeterred and resilient, snowballing to other industries.
The modest impact it has made so far is already giving more women in India the confidence that those who put them through horrific sexual harassment and violence can no longer get away with it without facing the consequences.
This article was republished from The Splice Newsroom under a Creative Commons license.

U.N. secretary-general 'deeply troubled' by Saudi journalist's death

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres gestures as he addresses the media at UN House in New Delhi, India October 1, 2018. REUTERS/Adnan Abidi

OCTOBER 19, 2018 

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres is “deeply troubled” by the confirmation by Riyadh of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi’s death, a United Nations spokesman said on Friday.

The U.N. chief called for a “prompt, thorough, transparent” probe into the circumstances of Khashoggi’s death and urged full accountability for those who were involved.

Reporting by Michelle Nichols; Writing by Makini Brice

South Africa’s First Nations Have Been Forgotten

As Pretoria prepares to confront the legacy of colonial and apartheid-era land theft, hardly anyone seems to care about the claims of the country’s earliest inhabitants—the Khoisan.

President Donald Trump recently sparked a fierce backlash when he tweeted that the South African government was seizing white-owned land and that white farmers were being killed on a “large scale.” In the United States, his comment was a flash in the media pan. In South Africa, his words received far more attention and added fuel to an already heated dispute between blacks seeking restitution for colonial land theft and white Afrikaners claiming they are being persecuted. Yet whites are not the only minority feeling victimized by the government’s land redistribution plans—so are South Africa’s first peoples.

The Khoisan were the first inhabitants of southern Africa and one of the earliest distinct groups of Homo sapiens, enduring centuries of gradual dispossession at the hands of every new wave of settlers, including the Bantu, whose descendants make up most of South Africa’s black population today. Since the end of apartheid in 1994, the ruling African National Congress (ANC) party has embarked on a mission to redistribute land. But this process has largely excluded the Khoisan, because South Africa does not acknowledge them as the country’s first peoples, and their land was mostly taken long before the apartheid era. Now, a growing movement of indigenous activists believes the time has come to take back what’s theirs.

One of the Khoisan’s biggest challenges is race. Land restitution was conceived to benefit black South Africans, but the Khoisan are not generally considered black; they are designated as “coloured.” The term, originally coined by the British, was used during apartheid to label citizens who did not fit the binary race model—including most Afrikaans-speaking nonwhites and mixed-race children. This amorphous categorization condemned much of the Khoisan’s history to oblivion and facilitated the theft of their land.

Even the word Khoisan is a foreign term, coined in the 1920s by a German anthropologist trying to describe multiple tribes—including the Khoikoi and San—as a single ethno-linguistic group. Recent DNA research shows that, for tens of thousands of years, the so-called Khoisan were the largest human population on the planet. These days, those who identify as Khoisan are an ostracized minority, not just inside their country but also within the coloured community.

In the third to sixth centuries, northern Bantu groups migrated into southern Africa from central Africa, establishing agricultural settlements and displacing many of the traditionally hunter-gatherer Khoisan. When the Europeans arrived—1,000 years later—the Khoisan were the first to fight against them, leading to a series of of 17th century wars between the Khoikoi and Dutch settlers. Their native resistance culminated in the 18th century in battles that came to be known as the Bushman Wars. Eventually, smallpox decimated the majority of the Khoisan population, making it easier for settlers to take their land and then force the natives to work on it.
 
Nobody knows how many Khoisans currently live in South Africa, and the government does not collect such data. According to 2017 estimates, 8.8 percent of the country’s population—or about 5 million people—is coloured, but the number of coloured people who have indigenous ancestry and currently identify as Khoisan is likely just a small fraction of that number.

The Khoisan have much in common with Canada’s First Nations or New Zealand’s indigenous Maori. Yet unlike other native groups, they are not recognized as their country’s first inhabitants, and their identity is largely invisible, forgotten even by most current descendants. Traditional customs, such as plant-based medicine and hunting, are dismissed as primitive, while the term “bushman” is often used as a slur. One of their languages features on South Africa’s coat of arms, but none of them is recognized among the country’s 11 official languages. This coat of arms—which also includes two human figures based on Khoisan rock art—is stamped on the 5 rand coin, but much of the ancient Khoisan rock art still lies unmarked on private land, where it is desecrated with graffiti and often stolen by thieves and sold to archeology collectors.


Anthony Phillip Williams, the national coordinator of the Khoisan Liberation and Mass Movement, argues that land is a prerequisite for cultural identity. “How can our culture survive if we have no place where to practice it?” he asked.

Williams himself says he grew up resenting his “bushman” heritage and preferred to be seen as coloured. He was already in his 30s when he met a Khoikhoi chief who told him about his people’s history and indigenous status. “It was a real shock,” Williams recalled. “It was really scary to realize most us have been divorced from our identity.” Soon after, he decided to quit his job as a pastor and business consultant to become a full-time activist.

Now Williams’s biggest concern is educating the next generation. Most Khoisan youths have only ever seen themselves as coloured and are often too preoccupied trying to make a living to ponder their cultural lineage. Land restitution is essential for the economic future of the Khoisan, Williams argues, because the earth brings not just heritage but wealth, whether it’s from the trees above or the diamonds below.

The United Nations agrees. In 2005, the U.N.’s special rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, issued a report on South Africa’s Khoisan. He wrote: “The most pressing concern of all the Khoi-San communities is securing their land base, and where possible, re-establishing access to natural resources.”

A decade later, South Africa’s Human Rights Commission published another report on the subject, highlighting the Khoisan’s high poverty rate and criticizing the government’s slow progress toward land restitution.

Still, the ruling ANC party says it has done plenty for the Khoisan. In 1999, then-President Nelson Mandela called for the creation of the National Khoi & San Council to look after the community’s needs. Yet the body was given no legislative power

, which means it has never done more than advise the government when asked. What’s more, most Khoisan reject the council’s authority, because they say it does not represent all indigenous subgroups and is marred with corruption.

In 2012, then-President Jacob Zuma promised to promote the development of the Khoisan. He even mentioned them in his State of the Nation address, saying, “It is important to remember that the Khoi-San people were the most brutalized by colonialists who tried to make them extinct, and undermined their language and identity.” Five years later, he backed the Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill, to recognize the Khoisan traditional leadership structures. The bill passed but had virtually no impact, as it made no mention of the Khoisan’s indigenous status or ancestral land rights.

Last year, Khoisan activists staged a three-week hunger strike in Pretoria to protest the law’s shortcomings. The ANC’s Cyril Ramaphosa, who has since become president, met with the protesters and promised to address their concerns. Yet, so far, he has not taken any initiative on their behalf.
After 24 years of waiting, the Khoisan have lost their patience. “There is a hierarchy of blackness in this country, and it dictates who gets help and who doesn’t,” Williams said. “We are tired of it. We will no longer be sidelined.”

Earlier this year, Ramaphosa announced his support for a constitutional amendment that would enable the state to seize land without compensation. The Khoisan Liberation and Mass Movement used the news as an opportunity to convene the first-ever Khoisan land summit in Johannesburg.



The event was held in a small hotel and attended by dozens of delegates, from elderly chiefs to young pan-African activists. Some arrived wearing suits. Others dressed head to toe in traditional attire, with skirts made of gazelle and headbands fashioned out of porcupine. After three days of fiery debate, the group wrote a long list of demands including the recognition of their indigenous status and the amendment of the Restitution of Land Rights Act of 1994, which only contemplated restitution for communities that had their land confiscated after the passing of the Natives Land Act in 1913. Most Khoisan lost their land before then—many in the early 19th century—so this post-apartheid cutoff is their descendants’ biggest obstacle to restitution.

Their much-debated requests went largely ignored. Just a few days after the indigenous land summit, the University of South Africa hosted an academic seminar on land expropriation without compensation. The organizers invited speakers from all backgrounds, except the Khoisan. Williams and other activists found out about it on the day of the event and, after reprimanding the organizer, they were allowed to attend and speak.

The public applauded when the Khoisan condemned the use of the term “coloured,” but as soon as they brought up the subject of indigenous land rights, the cheers turned into boos. Mosiuoa “Terror” Lekota, the former ANC defense minister who is now president of the opposition Congress of the People party, was the only politician who jumped to their defense, but when he referred to the Khoisan as the country’s original owners, the crowd laughed him off the stage.

Even South Africa’s most left-wing politicians oppose the Khoisan agenda.

 Andile Mngxitama, the president of the fringe pan-Africanist political party Black First Land First, says the Khoisan are undermining the restitution movement by trying to get special treatment. “The Khoisan are part of us, and we will take them to freedom,” he said, “even if we need to drag them, screaming and kicking.”

The Khoisan put on a strong front in public, but their movement is marred by infighting. Their efforts are splintered, not just between political factions, but also among traditional chiefs. There are even several men claiming to be the only Khoisan king. One of them, Henry January, lives in a small town near Cape Town and insists that all of South Africa is his personal property. “This country belongs to my family,” he said. “Everyone else is our guest.”

Each self-proclaimed Khoisan leader has a different solution to the land problem. January wants to take the government to court, while another king has chosen to secede and start a new country. Williams is trying to lobby Parliament, but the First Nation Liberation Alliance, a tiny Khoisan political party, is busy setting up a parallel government.


Larry Fazel Varrie, one of the party’s leaders, says freedom may require violence and claims to have an army at the ready. “South Africa’s black colonial government does not represent the Khoisan,” he said. “If they won’t give us our land back, we are ready to take it by force.”

What Varrie calls his “army” is actually a volunteer group of retired Khoisan servicemen. Most members served in the South African Cape Corps—a battalion of coloured soldiers inside the South African Army, which existed intermittently from the late 18th century until the early 1990s. After apartheid ended, coloured soldiers were meant to reintegrate the South African National Defence Force, but most ex-Cape Corps were dismissed during this transition. Jobless and frustrated, a few hundred of these middle-aged veterans formed what they call the Khoisan Nation Self Defence Unit. Now, some threaten to use their military training to recover their ancestral land.

To be sure, not all Khoisan activists share their goals, and many believe military tactics would be counterproductive. “Some chiefs say it’s time to go to war, but why would we destroy the land that we are hoping to get back?” Williams asked.

Trapped between public disdain and private infighting, the Khoisan movement recently gained an unexpected ally: AfriForum.This activist organization describes itself as a civil rights group for the Afrikaner community, but many say it has a white nationalist agenda. Ernst Roets, AfriForum’s deputy director and public face, recently appeared on Fox News with Tucker Carlson, leading Trump to parrot his concerns about anti-white violence in South Africa. In recent years, the group’s youth arm has issued statements in support of the Khoisan and even joined them during protests at the Department of Land Affairs. Roets was recently invited to speak at the Khoisan land summit, where he defended their indigenous land rights but argued not all colonial land was acquired illegally.


It may seem ironic for descendants of Dutch settlers to defend the rights of a community that their well-armed ancestors helped dispossess. But Roets says their support of the Khoisan is in line with AfriForum’s commitment to advancing minority rights in South Africa. “The only difference between majoritarianism and democracy is whether minorities feel like they are integrated and their rights are respected,” Roets said, “that is why we work with the Khoisan.” Most Khoisan activists have declined AfriForum’s help but vowed not to give up the fight until they see their names on a few title deeds. Their land claims are scattered all across South Africa, from Hangberg, a scenic mountainous neighborhood on the outskirts of Cape Town, to the Kalahari Gemsbok National Park, a wildlife preserve on the northern border with Botswana. 

The coming months promise to be a crucial turning point in the land debate because, in 2019, South Africa is holding a general election. Ramaphosa could use the promise for land restitution to win back dissatisfied voters from Julius Malema, his fiercest opponent and the leader of the left-wing party Economic Freedom Fighters. But after spending 2.7 billion rand ($188 million) per year on land reform, the ANC government may also feel mounting pressure from voters wanting to collect the plots they were once promised.

If the Khoisan succeed in restoring their land rights, South Africa’s first peoples could become an example for many other indigenous groups on the continent, including the Ogiek in Kenya, the Baka in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the neighboring Khoisan-descendant communities of Angola. But if their efforts fail, activists warn they may not be able to stop their people’s anger from spilling into violent protests or even illegal land grabs.

Either way, the political window of opportunity is closing fast on South Africa’s first peoples. With every passing year, their centuries-old land claims get harder to verify, and their children grow increasingly indifferent toward the Khoisan cause. “We need our land back so our people can have a future,” Williams said. “Without it, we will forget who we are.”
 
Laura Secorun is a foreign corespondent based in Nairobi. She covers po

Sexism debate: Should misogyny be a hate crime?


-18 Oct 2018Presenter
The latest crime figures from the office of national statistics were published today and show that violent crime in England and Wales is on the rise.
Hate crime is defined as an act of violence or hostility directed at somebody because of who they are. Racial and religious abuse together with taunts over sexuality are common instances.
Now the Government is looking into whether ageism and misogyny should be included as hate crimes.
I discussed this with Richard Cooke, who chairs the West Midlands Police Federation, and to Laura Bates from the Everyday Sexism project. I began by asking Police Sgt Cook why he’s opposed to the plans.

Is Hindu Religion Discriminated in India ?

Several Hindu temples of great importance and history have been taken over by state governments and have been brought under the administrative control of the government.

by N.S.Venkataraman- 
( October 18, 2018, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) It is strange that in a country where around 80% of the population declare themselves as belonging to Hindu religion, there is widespread feeling amongst cross section of Hindus that Hindu religion is discriminated in variety of ways by successive governments in India.
Though BJP, which is described as “Hindu nationalist party” by western media, ,is in power for more than four and half years now, such feeling of Hindu religion being discriminated persist .
Several instances can be readily pointed out to highlight such discrimination.
Take over of Hindu temples :
Several Hindu temples of great importance and history have been taken over by state governments and have been brought under the administrative control of the government. The income from the temples go to the government treasury. However, no churches or mosques or gurudwaras have been taken over by the government. It is said that churches, mosques etc. belong to the minority religions and therefore, they cannot be under government control. However, there are some states in India where Hindus are in minority and even in these states churches or mosques are not taken over by the government.
In Tamil Nadu, government appoints priests for Hindu temples and choose them for the job based on it’s own regulations. But, the government never interferes in the appointment of priests or in the qualification required for the priests in the case of churches, Mosques and Gurudwaras.
Cow slaughter issue :
Hindus consider cow as a holy and sacred animal and have been worshipping cows historically for several centuries. Many Hindus think that cow slaughter should be prevented.. When cows are taken to slaughter house by anyone, some Hindus protest and they are dubbed by the media as “cow vigilantes”
When some people try to prevent the cows being taken to slaughter house , they are criticized as law breakers and arrested . They are dubbed as Hindu extremists and the campaign against them become so strong that no government want to speak for the protesters against the cow slaughter move.
In the case of Islam religion , millions of innocent goats are being slaughtered at the time of Bakrid festival . No media or animal activists have spoken against this practice.
Sabarimala episode :
The latest episode with regard to Lord Ayyappa temple in Sabarimala is a glaring example.
Sabarimala temple in Kerala is one of the holiest of the temples in India, This temple of great importance observe some strict regulations of which one is the restriction on women in certain age group from visiting the temple. The restriction is not on girl children or elderly women.
This tradition of restricting the women’s entry in certain age group has been banned by Supreme Court terming the practice as discriminatory and not doing gender justice.
All over the world, traditional practices are followed over centuries ,since the devotees believe in such practices out of faith and irrespective of the fact whether they are logical and scientifically appropriate at the present time.
For example, in the case of Sikh religion, for entering Gurudwara, the devotees have to cover their head. In Islam religion women are not allowed to pray in the mosque along with men. In christianity, there is discrimination between men and women in holding positions in the church. No woman can become a pope.
Sabarimala temple in Kerala alone, which has lakhs of Hindu devotees , is being targeted by the so called “activists and reformists”
In the case of Lord Ayyappa temple in Sabarimala in Kerala, restrictions do exist in the case of women of certain age group entering the temple. However, there are so many other temples for Lord Ayyappa in India and abroad, where women of all age groups are allowed free entry. Therefore, it should be recognized that there is no anti women sentiments in Lord Ayyappa temples.
It should be noted that the practice in Lord Ayyappa temple in Sabarimala is not against women as such but only women in certain age group and therefore, it cannot be considered gender injustice in anyway. Entry of women are not banned for their entire life time. Women of all age group are free to visit and pray in any other Lord Ayyappa temple any where else in the world at any time..
Is it a case of appeasement of minorities?
Many wonder whether the government or the media would be daring enough to criticise any aspect of the faith of other religions.. If they would do so ,perhaps, the reaction from the religious groups would be so strong that could even lead to violence. Such developments rarely take place when Hindu faith are questioned.
The main reason for the discriminatory approach of several political parties and government towards Hindu religion vis a vis other religions appear to be vote bank politics. It is very well known that in elections, almost the entire Christian community or Muslim community vote for a particular party enbloc as directed by the religious heads. This does not happen in the case of Hindus . Therefore, the political parties always try to keep those belonging to minority religions in good humour and take particular care not to displease them in any way. On the other hand, the political parties believe that Hindu votes always get dissipated as there is no unified leadership for Hindus and there is considerable difference of views among Hindus and therefore , there is no particular need to appease those belonging to Hindu religion.

Caravan of 3,000 Central American migrants crosses into Mexico


Migrant caravan in Guatemala breaks through border fence into Mexico – video

José Alejandro García in Tecún Umán and  - @el_reportero-

Thousands of Central American migrants have defied Donald Trump and streamed over the international bridge from Guatemala into Mexico, where some clashed with riot police in an attempt to continue their journey north.

Singing the Honduran national anthem and chanting “Yes we could!”, the crowd of about 3,000 people – including entire families pushing wheelchairs and strollers – walked across the bridge over the muddy Suchiate river on Friday afternoon.

Locals cheered and handed out bottles of water, while Guatemalan police officers stood to the side of the road and watched the migrants pass.

Ivys Osorio, 31, said he was trying to return to Houston, where he lived for 16 years before he was deported in 2016 – and where his wife still lives. “I thought they weren’t going to let us cross – but now I feel getting closer to her,” he said.




PlazaPública en Vivo@PzPenVivo

Migrantes forcejean con policías mexicanos. Hay mujeres con hijos entre las filas del conflicto.




PlazaPública en Vivo@PzPenVivo

La logra romper la barrera que les impedía el paso hacia migración y avanzan. pic.twitter.com/dchd3n8jml
An army helicopter hovered on the northern bank of the river, some at the front crowd clashed with a line of Mexican police with riot shields, who fired pepper spray at the migrants.

A few dozen migrants managed to push past, but most of the crowd formed lines on the bridge as they waited to be processed by Mexican migration officials.

The dramatic scenes came a week after a group of migrants set out from the Honduran city of San Pedro Sula, to escape crushing poverty and the violence which has turned their country into one of the most dangerous nations in the world.

The exhausted marchers had spent the night under rainy skies on the streets and in a park in the border town of Tecún Umán, where the shelter for migrants and a local Catholic parish were filled to capacity.

Few were aware of Trump’s attempts to deter the caravan with threats to cut aid payments and deploy troops on the US border.

“I think he’s just trying to scare people,” said Heidy Bonilla, 19, rocking her six-month old son, Jeyden. Bonilla had joined the caravan with her mother Mayra, 52; both women were – like many female migrants – trying to escape domestic violence.

“God has the final word – only he can decide what happens next.”

What awaited them across the border was uncertain.

Mexico’s government has said only migrants with the proper papers will be allowed entry into the country, although anyone wishing to seek asylum was free to do so. In Tecún Umán on Friday morning, representatives from the UN refugee agency were handing out leaflets explaining how to claim refugee status in Mexico.

Mexico received 14,596 claims in 2017 – more than a six-fold increase from 2014 – but half of the claims made last year are still unresolved, prompting the National Human Rights Commission to warn of the “pending collapse of the refugee protection system in Mexico”.
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Mexico appeared to be attempting to avoid a rerun of a previous caravan of migrants, which formed over Easter and swelled in size, capturing the attention of conservative US media – and Trump.

One of that caravan’s organisers, Irineo Mujica, a dual US-Mexican citizen, was arrested during a peaceful protest on Thursday. Video on social media showed him being stuffed into an immigration institute van as protesters resisted.

Late on Thursday, Trump retweeted a video of Mexican federal police arriving at the Guatemalan border and wrote: “Thank you Mexico, we look forward to working with you!”

But for many in the caravan, Trump’s hostility seemed illogical.

“Latinos are the base of the USA; he needs people like us,” said Carlos Orellana, 23, who said he was heading north in search of employment as a welder.

Illegal immigration to the US from Mexico is much lower than in the early 2000s, but growing numbers of families are fleeing the “northern triangle” of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador to escape poverty, violence and the early effects of climate change.

Carlos Omar Caballeros, 48 was travelling with his 17-year-old daughter who didn’t want to be named because they were fleeing threats and extortion by one of the many street gangs that dominate the region.

He was scornful at Trump’s threat to withhold aid to the Honduran government of President Juan Orlando Hernández, who was re-elected in December amid allegations of widespread electoral fraud. Like many Hondurans, Caballeros blames the US for supporting the 2009 military coup against the country’s elected government.

“They destabilise our country, wreck our economy, and protect the corrupt, who keep all the money the US sends. We don’t care if they stop the aid – we never see any of it,” he said.

Caballeros ran his hand through his white hair, then wiped tears of anger from his face. “All we want is to get out of that hell we were living in San Pedro [Sula],” he said.