Wage hike calls grow stronger in Sri Lanka

File photo of workers plucking tea leaves at an estate in Nuwara Eliya, Sri Lanka.   | Photo Credit: REUTERS

Meera Srinivasan


-OCTOBER 13, 2018 19



As Sri Lankans grapple with rapidly soaring living costs, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe told Parliament last week that “the increase of oil prices is inevitable in the current global context”. Fuel prices went up from six to eight rupees — 92-octane petrol costs LKR 155 (roughly ₹68) — slowly but steadily pushing the costs of a wide range of products and services upward.

In September, the Sri Lankan rupee hit a record low of 166 per dollar (₹72.06) and has since dropped further. The government, which has to deal with a turbulent global economy, the plummeting Lankan rupee and a final year in office before the next national election, is in no enviable position. All the same, its concern and sympathy appear limited to its own plight, which, economists say, is no one else’s doing.

Meanwhile, over the last week, workers in the island’s scenic tea estates are trying hard to persuade their employers to increase their daily wage to LKR 1,000 (about ₹435). The unions are renegotiating a “collective agreement” with the employers’ federation, encountering familiar resistance from their paymasters.

The Sri Lankan government, which has to deal with a turbulent global economy, the plummeting rupee and a final year in office before the next national election, is in no enviable position

A predominantly female workforce, the tea estate workers of Sri Lanka not only earn crucial foreign exchange for the country but have also won the island’s famed brew a prominent place on the world tea map. An average estate worker today earns a basic wage of a little over LKR 500 (roughly ₹220), with another couple of hundreds by way of incentives and allowances tied to their productivity and attendance. Ask any Sri Lankan, they will tell you how little they can buy with that money, at a time when even a kilo of rice costs LKR 100 upward (₹44).

Two-year-old demand

Last month, the state-run Tea Board said it may have to downgrade its full-year forecast for production due to a prolonged drought. For an industry faced with tumbling outputs, wages become the first and easiest target for cost-cutting. Consequently, the workers are forced to renew their call for higher wages. In fact, the LKR 1000 wage demand is at least two years old, and living costs have since escalated .

A 2018 study by the Kandy-based Institute of Social Development showed that an estate worker would need a minimum living wage of LKR 1,108, assuming she gets 25 days of work per month, to lead a decent life. Some unions, factoring in today’s costs, have arrived at LKR 1,300 as a fair wage. However, when producers and unions met to discuss a possible raise last week, the employers were not willing to consider anything more than a 15% wage hike on existing basic wages.

Understandably, the unions are in no mood to take crumbs for their exhausting labour. Sri Lanka’s plantations, spread across its Central and Uva provinces, are among the most scenic landscapes in the country. Their lush tea bushes and pleasantly chill weather are what good holidays are made of, be it for affluent locals or tourists. All the same, plucking tea there all day, in rain or shine, braving blood-sucking leeches or stinging wasps, cannot be easy. That too with wages that still bear the stamp of the community’s Colonial-era exploitation.

In the coming week, negotiations are set to resume. While the government misses no chance to make a compelling case for increasing prices, especially in the run-up to the annual budget, will it push employers to rethink wages for estate workers, who are the backbone of the country’s export sector?
Meera Srinivasan works for The Hindu and is based in Colombo

Postponed Provincial Council Elections: The importance of October 28th, 2018

If Parliament does not approve of the Delimitation Committee report in the manner prescribed in Act, No. 17 of 2017, the Speaker has to appoint a Review Committee

By C. A. Chandraprema-October 18, 2018

The Sabaragamuwa, North Central, Eastern, North Western and Central Provincial Councils have now ceased to exist and the Northern Provincial Council will stand dissolved next week, bringing the number of provinces without functioning Provincial Councils to six. Under normal circumstances, we would already have had elections to the Sabaragamuwa, North Central and Eastern Provinces and been preparing for the second leg with regard to the North Western, Central and Northern Provincial Councils. The law is very clear on when elections to Provincial Councils should be called. According to Article 154E of the Constitution, a Provincial Council will continue for a period of five years from the date of its first meeting and on the expiration of this period of five years shall operate as a dissolution of the Council. After the dissolution of the PCs in that manner, the provisions of the Provincial Councils Elections Act, No. 2 of 1988 come into operation and what should happen thereafter is as follows:

Within one week of the dissolution of a Provincial Council, the Commissioner of Elections is required by law to publish a notice of his intention to hold an election to that council and this notice will specify the period during which nomination papers shall be received by the returning officer of each administrative district in the province for which elections are to be held. The nomination period is to commence on the fourteenth day after the date of publication of the Election Commissioner’s notice and expire at twelve noon seven days later. Thereafter the returning officer of each district shall publish a notice in the Gazette specifying the date of poll, which has to be not less than five weeks or more than eight weeks from the date of publication of the notice announcing the election which was issued by the Elections Commissioner.

The reason why this entire process has not come into operation with regard to the five councils that have already been dissolved is the government introduced the Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017, which changed the entire system of elections to the provincial councils and made necessary the demarcation of constituencies. It is due to the deliberate delay in the process of demarcating constituencies by the partners in the yahapalana government that no PC elections have been held since last year. According to the provisions of the Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017, a Delimitation Committee has to be appointed by the President within two weeks of the commencement of that Act and the Delimitation Committee has to fulfil its responsibilities within four months of its appointment and thereafter submit its report to the Minister.

The Minister shall within two weeks of the receipt of such report, table it in Parliament for its approval by a two-thirds majority of the whole number of Members of Parliament (including those not present) voting in its favour. If Parliament does not approve of the Delimitation Committee report in the manner prescribed in Act, No. 17 of 2017, the Speaker has to appoint a Review Committee, consisting of five persons headed by the Prime Minister. This Review Committee has to fulfil its responsibilities within two months of the Minister having referred the report for its consideration and thereafter submit its report to the President. Upon the receipt of the report of the Review Committee, the President shall by Proclamation publish it, thus completing the delimitation process.

We are now at the stage where the Speaker has appointed the Review Committee headed by the Prime Minister and the latter are engaged in the review process. The Speaker appointed the Review Committee on the 28th of August this year and its two month period will be up on the 28th of October. According to the provisions of the Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017 the two-month period of the Review Committee commences from the time the Minister refers the Delimitation Committee report for its consideration. After the Speaker appoints the Review Committee there is no provision in the Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017 to extend the time given to the Review Committee any further. The only extra time the Review Committee can legally have is the few extra hours or days it took for the minister to refer the Delimitation Committee report to the Review Committee after the latter was appointed by the Speaker.

That is what gives the 28th of October 2018 special significance.

If by the 28th of October, give or take a few hours or days for the Minister’s delay in sending the Delimitation Committee report to the Review Committee, the latter is unable to submit its report to the President, then that means that the process has stalled and the operation of Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017 is now officially in abeyance. The Interpretation Ordinance is very clear on when an amendment to a law takes effect. Section 6(2) of the Interpretation Ordinance states the following: "Whenever any written law repeals in whole or part a former written law and substitutes therefor some new provision, such repeal shall not take effect until such substituted provision comes into operation."

Thus, if the Review Committee fails to submit its report to the President on or around the 28th of October this year, that will mean that the Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017 is not operational and the provisions of the Provincial Councils Elections Act, No. 2 of 1988 described at the beginning of this article will come into effect not only with regard to the Provincial Councils that have already been dissolved, but with regard to the PCs that are to stand dissolved in the future as well, because for all practical purposes the Provincial Councils Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 17 of 2017 will be a dead letter and the provisions of Section 6(2) of the Interpretation Ordinance will come into effect. Everybody knows that the present government has been performing incredible contortions to avoid holding elections. So come the 28th of October, what could they do to prevent the electoral process from kicking in?

It may be possible for Review Committee to claim on or around the 28th October that the Minister in charge of the subject has not forwarded the Delimitation Committee report to them yet. The Minister in turn may claim that the dog ate the Delimitation Committee report. Given the absolute shamelessness displayed by this government in the actions they took to dodge elections, nothing should come as a surprise to the public. This is a government that stood the law making process on its head by changing the election laws to both the local government institutions and the Provincial Councils by bringing in committee stage amendments to Bills that had been presented to Parliament for totally different purposes. So anything is possible come the 28th of October.

Don’s Diary III: Kilinochchi

By Mahesan Niranjan –OCTOBER 18, 2018

Prof. Mahesan Niranjan

Last week, I travelled to Sri Lanka on a very short trip. My task was to conduct a review of a degree programme in the recently established Faculty of Engineering at the University of Jaffna, as part of an accreditation exercise. It was a poorly planned trip on my part, too short to visit friends and family. Before travelling, I had to set aside my prejudices relating to quality assurance processes in higher education. These, pioneered in the UK and adopted elsewhere, add excessive bureaucracy to the job of scholarship the likes of me came to pursue. I have often stated that quality assurance processes are necessary but not sufficient indicators of quality, but never managed to wake my own University Senate from its deep slumber on the topic. But this week, I had a job to do. So I keep private views private. 

Monday:  Arrive in Colombo. Sri Lankan airlines makes welcome announcements in three languages. The Tamil she reads sounds funny, clearly not a speaker of the language but is making an effort by writing it out in Sinhala script and reading it: “ongo lukku nal vaa ravu kooru kiraar, ([the captain] welcomes you)” splitting the syllables in all the wrong places. Just as Hindu priests would do, writing out Sanskrit mantras in Tamil font and memorising them. Lucky for them, it is unlikely they will have a Sanskrit speaker in the congregation. And God has so far not commented on it either. 

I take an airport taxi to the hotel in Fort. As on previous occasions, I start a conversation with the driver who expresses delight that an expatriate, settled in London (for the whole of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is referred to as London here) would come back to teach here (for that is what I told him I was here to do — translating “accreditation by professional body” into Sinhala was somewhat beyond me). He says Tamils and Sinhalese are very similar people. Our Gods are also the same, he claims. Kataragama is his example of our common God. For us, mortals, being the same, he picks as example some leader whose son is married to the daughter of another leader. He cannot recall who these leaders are and stammers, “Eh ara mahaththaya (that Sir)…” I help him with the polysyllabic names of Vigneswaran and Nanayakkaara. 

Then he makes his strongest argument towards the need for unity. His trump. His Conclusive Proof. “The real problem are the Muslims,” he claims. “Unless we Tamils and Sinhalese are united, we are in serious trouble,” he predicts. I felt uncomfortable nodding, the desire to reach my destination taking priority over making a political statement.

Interesting Monday night. The hotel puts on a Sri Lankan cultural event. A devil dancer who was chasing ghosts away and a young Chinese lady showing off a bit of martial arts movements. It was pretty basic stuff, lacking in skill, subtlety or even synchrony with the drummer. Perhaps having a Chinese national in the team was significant. She could take over a piece of the Hotel’s land, should they fail to pay her salary on time. The two for one beer deal was, however, a nice enough compensation to suffer the show.Tuesday: Train journey. I leave at 5.30 from Fort and reach Kilinochchi at 11.30. Early parts of the journey had the train showing off six degrees of freedom in its movements, far better than what the young lady managed the previous evening. From about Vavuniya and beyond, however, the tracks are on concrete sleepers and the ride was smooth.

At Kilinochchi is a new campus of the University of Jaffna, with the Faculties of Agriculture and Engineering. There is also a new addition – Faculty of Technology – of which I have not managed to learn much.  I think of the last time I visited here, back in 2014. Then, a temporary building had just been set up, a gravel access road cut through dense shrubs and the first batch of 35 students sent letters of admission. There now is a fully fledged campus with teaching laboratories, lecture halls, student accommodation, keen students and committed young staff. They have done an amazing job in just four years.

It is difficult not to reflect when you are here, for this place was the centre of attention during the long running dirty war in our country. Of blind carpet bombings. Of killings. Of conscriptions of children. Of rebels running their own government. Of callousness of a chauvinistic political class. Of warped logic of hope from nationalistic thought. There is only one conclusion you can reach. One theorem you can prove. 

In peace, our people will prosper. 

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CPA CONDEMNS CENSORSHIP OF ‘UNFRAMED’ AT THE UNIVERSITY OF PERADENIYA

18/10/2018

18 October 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka: ‘Unframed’ is a compelling collection of photography, curated by Vikalpa, the Sinhala civic media platform anchored to the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). The exhibition highlights and places in context critically acclaimed photography featured on the site or taken by editorial staff over ten years.

This week, the exhibition was blocked from showcasing content at University of Peradeniya in Kandy.

‘Unframed’ has previously exhibited in Colombo, Negombo, Matara and Anuradhapura. It was due to be showcased at the University of Peradeniya from October 16 – 18 as part of the University’s Literature Festival, entitled ‘Let My Country Awake’ (මාගේ දේශය අවදි කරනු මැන).The event was organised by the Student Literary Subcommittee of the University of Peradeniya.

Starting around October 15^th, however, a slew of comments and content online inciting hate, including death threats, were levelled against the exhibition, Vikalpa and in particular its Editor, Sampath Samarakoon. The organisers at the University of Peradeniya decided to suspend the exhibition on October 16^th, the day it was to open to the public. On the same day, at 5pm, a discussion which was attended by a large number of students took place at the Management Faculty of the University. The University of Peradeniya Student Union as the organisers and the Literary Subcommittee led the discussion.

A group of students who attended the meeting said that the exhibition should not be showcased on the grounds that it was linked to a non-governmental organisation, that the material displayed was about and supportive of the LTTE and that Vikalpa itself was supportive of the LTTE, since the exhibition showed many photographs of Tamil people. Distressingly, another reason this group averred the exhibition would never be allowed to be shown on University grounds was that it featured photographs of Prageeth Eknaligoda, an individual they said deserved to be disappeared.

The students also rejected the idea that land-grabs had taken place and the occupation of private land by the State. Noting that photographs framing political prisoners were actually members of the LTTE, they went on to say that Sinhalese who remained the majority population in Sri Lanka, were a majority on campus too. Adding that they co-existed harmoniously with Tamils and Muslims, they said there was no space or room for any further debate around this.

The organisers stated that banning this show was censorship, noting that showing the photographs would lead to a more informed debate on these issues. However, the group of students opposed to ‘Unframed’, growing visibly more agitated and intolerant, responded insisted they would not allow it to be shown.

CPA believes the action of this group of students at University of Peradeniya to block and ban ‘Unframed’, particularly in the manner they did, is an attack on the freedom of expression. It is both risible and tragic that this behaviour, invective and mindset continues to flourish  within a tertiary education system intended to produce scholars and academics who can think critically. CPA also notes with concern that what Vikalpa staff and ‘Unframed’ faced in Peradeniya occurs at a time when the freedom of expression and the critical appreciation of media, including inconvenient narratives, particularly within the University system, is under threat and at risk in the North as well as the South.
CPA believes the measures taken to block ‘Unframed’ pose a serious threat, larger than the exhibition itself, around the future of meaningful reconciliation and transitional justice processes, post-war.

The raison d’etre of ‘Unframed’ is to showcase the lives of fellow citizens for whom justice, equality and equity remain elusive. The exhibition captures ground realities that are hidden, marginal or forgotten. The action by some students at the University of Peradeniya sets a precedent and creates a context of anxiety and fear for those who champion critical reflection of contemporary politics and post-war realities.

Unreservedly condemning what led to ‘Unframed’ being blocked by those who represent a deeply debilitating, disturbing illiberalism and intolerance, CPA calls for a full investigation of this incident by relevant authorities, as well as a broader, deeper discussion amongst faculty, staff and students at the University of Peradeniya, and beyond.

Tying political knots

Thursday, October 18, 2018

With just three weeks to go for the Budget, there have been renewed attempts to reconcile the two major factions of the United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA), despite major differences of opinion surfacing during initial consultations.

That President Maithripala Sirisena and his predecessor Mahinda Rajapaksa held discussions on this matter is now in the public domain. It is also known that the Sri Lanka Progressive Party (SLPP) faction headed by Rajapaksa and aided by his brother Basil Rajapaksa negotiated from a position of strength at these talks.

This was possible because of their resounding victory at the local government elections in February this year which pushed the mainstream Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) into a distant third place. The SLPP is insisting that the mainstream SLFP cast the first stone- by pulling out of the National Unity government with the United National Party (UNP)

That would be a drastic step for President Sirisena and would be against the very mandate he received at the 2015 January presidential election. There is also no guarantee, at least at present, that the SLPP is willing to endorse President Sirisena for the next presidential poll. Hence the reluctance by the President to move in the direction of severing all links with the UNP.

Next presidential candidate

Meanwhile, the SLPP is proceeding with its own plans. Recently it was announced that the party’s leadership would be passed on to Mahinda Rajapaksa, if it was so required. Rajapaksa has also been given sweeping authority, both regarding negotiating with the mainstream SLFP and also in deciding the SLPP’s next presidential candidate, if these were to become necessary.

In such a context, The SLPP is viewing its negotiations with the President and the mainstream SLFP effectively as ‘Plan B’. Their first option, of which they are confident of, is contesting presidential and general elections on their own steam.

It was against such a backdrop that President Sirisena was called upon to make a nomination for the position of Chief Justice last week following the retirement of former Chief Justice Priyasath Dep. For various reasons, the nomination of a Chief Justice had become an issue of political significance.
One of outgoing Chief Justice Dep’s final tasks was to affirm the death sentence handed down to Duminda Silva, a former parliamentarian known for his loyalty to Rajapaksa. Silva was convicted of the murder of Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra, father of UNP parliamentarian Hirunika Premachandra.
President Sirisena nominated Supreme Court Justice Nalin Perera for Chief Justice and this was approved unanimously by the Constitutional Council which itself had been freshly reconstituted. Chief Justice Perera was not initially a frontrunner for the position where speculation centred between Attorney General Jayantha Jayasuriya and Supreme Court Justice Eva Wanasundera.
Chief Justice Perera’s appointment has been hailed as an achievement for career judicial officers as he is the first career judicial officer to be elevated to the highest position in the judiciary after thirty years, a similar appointment being made previously in 1988 when Chief Justice Parinda Ranasinghe assumed office. In terms of seniority however, Chief Justice Perera was the fifth senior most judge in the Supreme Court.

With this appointment, President Sirisena has once again demonstrated that, despite the many political pressures that are brought upon him, he is able to make key decisions disregarding such influences. That the Constitutional Council unanimously backed his decision must be a source of strength to the President. However, it has been noted that the President’s decision may only buy him a few months’ time as Chief Justice Perera will also reach retirement age next year. The President will then be called upon to nominate fresh choices for the post of Chief Justice all over again.

Another controversial appointment that President Sirisena has had to deal with is that of Inspector General of Police (IGP) Pujith Jayasundera. Jayasundera’s position as head of the country’s law enforcement agency has been under the spotlight after a Deputy Inspector General was implicated in an alleged plot to assassinate President Sirisena and former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

IGP’s resignation

Opposition political parties have accused Jayasundera of acting in favour of the UNP. Others have said that his actions, in the aftermath of revelations about the alleged assassination plot, have made his position as IGP untenable. The issue at stake was that President Sirisena could not sack him without a vote in Parliament- a vote that he could not be confident of winning.

Although he was previously resisting calls for his resignation Jayasundera this week hinted that he may be considering this option. Posts in social media that targeted his elderly mother appear to have affected him greatly. Questioned by journalists, the IGP said that it would be better for him to resign if it were the wish of everyone that he does so.

“I think I have done enough. I have been working for the police department for thirty three years. I have not taken even a pittance from anyone. I earned only the goodwill of people and my self-respect. You will probably not believe me when I tell you I do not even own a house. I have to get one on rent so that my family has a place to stay,” Jayasundera said.

The IGP said that neither President Sirisena nor Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had asked him to resign but that he formed the impression that they would prefer him to quit. “If they do not have confidence in me it is of no use me staying on any longer,” Jayasundera said.

In response to these comments, Law and Order Deputy Minister Nalin Bandara has stated that the IGP had not formally indicated any intention of resigning. “He is free to resign if he wishes to do so. We have not asked him to resign or to act in a particular manner,” Deputy Minister Jayamaha said. At the time of writing, IGP Jayasundera continues in his post.

As the government grapples with these issues and President Sirisena contemplates the best political course for himself and the SLFP, it is clear that the SLPP has its own political agenda and is pursuing it with enthusiasm. Similarly, the UNP also realises that come 2020, it will be on its own and that it should not expect support from the mainstream SLFP, the party it is cohabiting with now in the government.

The main obstacle the UNP is faced with is the economic crisis. While the party maybe justified to some extent in claiming that it is due, at least in part, to the massive debts undertaken by the previous Rajapaksa government, the masses will perceive that as a lame excuse. When the next elections are held, the UNP would have been in government for five years and that is ample time to rectify any errors by its predecessors. This, the UNP has failed to do convincingly so far.

Much then will depend on whether the SLPP and SLFP reconcile. If they do so, the UNP will face a tougher challenge at the next national elections. However, even as the dialogue between the hierarchies of the two parties continues, there are many political and personal obstacles to overcome before the two parties can work together.

It is the outcome of this proposed political marriage that political observers are eagerly awaiting in the coming weeks. The vote on the Budget will indicate which way this potential union is heading.

Government’s cohabitation stuck in the past or what?

      Friday, 19 October 2018
               
The appointment of career judge Nalin Perera as the new Chief Justice, who has served in the judiciary for over 30 years, provides a snapshot into President Maithripala Sirisena’s thought process, amidst various stories of clashes with his coalition partners.

The new Chief Justice like his predecessor has maintained a relatively low profile and has been non-controversial. Before sending his name to the Constitutional Council it is reported that President Sirisena, considered several other high-profile names, including those of Attorney General Jayantha Jayasuriya and Eva Wanasundara, the senior-most judge in the current Supreme Court. In fact, two separate groups were strongly backing both Jayasuriya and Wanasundara for two completely different reasons.

Appointments to the Supreme Court must have bipartisan consensus. It is unworthy of democracy to be otherwise. The current government has less than 14 months to go and it should be engaging in productive discussions about the future rather than who should get what. It was about 40 months ago when many right thinking people watched with alarm and disappointment the steady decline in moral values of our nation with politics for material benefit overtaking cherished values.

The breakdown of our religious values, traditions and culture, the level of politicisation of the public administration reached new heights, which led to nepotism, bribery and corruption never seen before in our history.

The election of President Sirisena gave Sri Lanka an opportunity for real change. Many people hailed the election of Sirisena as a victory for liberty, justice and democracy, as against autocracy and nepotism. The new government went out of its way to protect the newfound political and social freedom. Many people are slowly getting disillusioned with the style of governance, largely because the Government has done very little to educate the public about the challenges it is facing and the negativity largely driven by inaction and some people in authority not knowing what their roles and responsibilities are in the administration. As a result, to the diehard supporters of Yahapalanaya these are days of fading hope and overwhelming despair and those who toiled hard for Yahapalanaya are slowly giving up and many of them are openly venting their frustration on social media. Therefore, it is important that the people who have put their future in the Government are not let down by an underperforming government and thereby undermine the January 8 mandate. Moreover, people are now lamenting that the Government has no backbone to deal with national issues.

Achievements
Pre-2015, the Executive Presidency in Sri Lanka was strengthened by the dictatorial powers added on by the 18th Amendment. As a result the entire State administrative machinery of the country in all aspects of functioning was politicised beyond redemption.

The 18th Amendment not only led to a gradual and systematic destruction of liberty and democracy, but also destabilised the economy by creating an opportunity for corruption and free spending of public money without accountability, destroying the very social fabric of our society.

The Sirisena Government passed the 19th Amendment in record time and that paved the way to establish law and order and an independent public service.

 The promise to establish an accountable parliamentary system, strengthening democracy with accountability and transparency, was delivered after 18th August 2015.

In addition, the Government worked tirelessly to restore human values, human rights, rule of law, decency and economic freedom. The question now is has the Government gone overboard and created a culture of indiscipline and lethargy? The general view is the Government needs a rapid and major course correction. They need to stop taking party and progressive voters for granted and make challenging the status quo a top priority.
Need for change
People are seeing that the Government’s policies are a continuation of the past. Rather than challenging the cronies and poorly-performing public servants, the Government is seen to be rewarding them. The priorities for the Government should be debt management, healthcare, housing and jobs. The UNP and SLFP should not take their voter base for granted assuming they have nowhere else to go. They will pay a hefty price and the price will get higher if they do not learn the obvious lessons: excite the base, challenge bureaucracy and business and demonstrate a change in direction by remaking the government.

The Government needs to reach outside, to get a clear reading of the mood of the country. From most of their appointees they will not hear the right message. It is time to clean the house, restart and set a new direction more consistent with the President’s promise to change the way government operates and delivers on the promises made.

If the President and Prime Minister really want to bring hope and change, they need to become progressive populists. The Government in the remaining 14 months needs to create a conducive climate to do business. Rebuilding business confidence amongst investors, both locally and internationally, must be a top priority. By continuing to depoliticise the system a lot of the demotivated business leaders can be rejuvenated and re-energised. The stock exchange must be supported to ensure the exchange attracts genuine investors and also provides opportunities for a broader group of investors to benefit by investing in the stock exchange.

To ensure this the Government should only act as a facilitator and that requires better regulation and governance. Therefore the message that is required is that business will only be done by the private sector and the Government will provide a level playing field and provide long-term investment-friendly policies that will benefit all businesses, irrespective of their affiliations.

Therefore many regulations and tax and fee structures that are perceived as a deterrent to investment and doing business must be removed via a consultative process between the public and private sectors. The tax system must be fit for the purpose. Special emphasis also needs to be given to the welfare of the weak, disabled, elderly and unemployed as well as environmental conservation.

However, to do this it is important that people with the right competence and credibility are appointed to key government positions; the mistakes of the past should be avoided. Those secretaries and head of public institutions who have failed miserably must be removed immediately.

The Government today is on the wrong side of a battle between certain government cronies and voters.

There are signs across the country that young people are galvanised by new non-political people who are willing to fix the mess created by politicians.

The Government should not get caught up in a political gridlock that will further heighten the political drama. That can only result in policy instability and intensifying bitterness in the political sphere, leaving the government machinery impotent.

(The writer is a thought leader)

GOVT. in turmoil as prez-PM clash Interim Government with Mahinda Rajapaksa a remote possibility

2018-10-18

Sri Lankan politics is full of confusions, contradictions and contrasts. The political situation was hotting up even with the possibility of a change of government a week ago. It happened after speculation was rife that President Maithripala Sirisena was contemplating the formation of a new government. The media reports about a secret meeting between President Sirisena and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa at the residence of MP S.B. Dissanayake gave rise to such speculation. 

However, political euphoria, generated by it within the opposition, fizzled out last Sunday as the President communicated that he would prefer such a change of government only after the 2019 budget was passed in Parliament. 

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• The President, through his emissaries informed his position to the JO or the MR camp
• After a month-long debate, it will be put to a vote only on December 5, 2018
• The Prime Minister is slated to visit India this weekend and will meet with Premier Modi

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The President, through his emissaries such as MPs S.B. Dissanayake and Dilan Perera, informed his position to the JO or the MR camp. 

Incensed by the latest position of the President, the MR camp now believes that it was yet another ruse by the President to hoodwink them with the false promise to form an interim government.

According to the President, the United National Party (UNP) has the numerical strength in Parliament to defeat even the annual budget of the interim government. As such, the President believes it is not advisable to form such a minority government with MR at this hour. So, he indicated his interest in considering such a proposal only after the budget. 

The dates are already fixed for the budget debate. After a month-long debate, it will be put to a vote only on December 5, 2018. Afterwards, everyone will be in holiday mood for the New Year. After the holiday vacation, things will be on track properly only in January, next year.
 
After weighing pros and cons, on the contrary to what the President appears to be thinking, the MR camp sees that it is not the correct timing to form a government. All in all, the formation of a new interim government now remains a remote possibility with such contrasting thoughts between the President and the former President coupled with skepticism. Also, the JO makes it conditional that the SLFP led by the President should detach itself from the government for any dialogue on the formation of a new government. A formal decision by the SLFP to this effect is also unlikely under the current circumstances.
 
The President’s meeting MR created rumblings within the UNP last week. Now, the UNP can breathe a sigh of relief because a change of their government is not imminent. 

President, PM lash out each other at Cabinet

Be that as it may, animosity between President Sirisena and PM Ranil Wickremesinghe took new heights on Tuesday as the two leaders embroiled themselves in a heated exchange of words at the weekly Cabinet meeting. It started after Ports and Shipping Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe presented a Cabinet memorandum seeking approval to develop the East Container Terminal of Colombo Port by Sri Lanka Ports Development Authority (SLPDA). 

The Prime Minister, however, opined that that it should be done under an Indian investment. Development Strategies and International Trade Minister Malik Samarawickrama also stressed the need to hand over the terminal for development to India. 

The suggestion infuriated the President. In an excited mood, the President unleashed his verbal barrage in all directions sparing no one, and even charged that the country would compromise its sovereignty by alienating its seaports to external parties in this manner. 

While rapping the government for leasing out of the Hambantota Port to a Chinese company, he said it would spell more doom in the event of alienation of a stake of the Colombo Port to another country in the same way.  “If we act like this, we will not be able to berth our own ship in our own port,” he said. 

The Prime Minister defended his position saying that a bulk of transshipment business at Colombo Port was done with India. He cited it as justification for handing over the East Container Terminal for development to India. But, the President, at this point, referred to his meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi Sectoral and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) summit in Kathmandu, Nepal last month. 
“PM Modi does not mind the SLPDA developing it single-handedly,” he said. 

It enraged the Prime Minister prompting him to remark in Sinhala, “Modi agamethithuma dannawanam, ona Bambuwak (Hang it if PM Modi knows it!) The Prime Minister is slated to visit India this weekend and will meet with Premier Modi and discuss the issues at hand. The President did not stop at that. He struck a note of criticism on Chinese involvement in development projects as well. “I met with Malaysian Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohammad. He asked me to exercise caution in dealing with China,” the President added. 

RAW conspires to kill me- President 

In addition, the President spoke out his disillusionment with the lack of progress in investigations into the alleged assassination attempt on him. 

“If I am the person with authority in this case, I will not keep the present Inspector General of Police (IGP) even for a week,” he thundered.
 
Commenting on the Indian national questioned over the assassination plot, the President called him an agent of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). In this way, he tried to tell that RAW was conspiring to eliminate him physically. 

“I know Indian PM Narendra Modi does not know about it,” he said. 

Earlier, the accusation was that RAW played a pivotal role in unseating the MR regime and installing the current President. Today, the President accused the very same RAW of hatching a plot to kill him. 

Sirimavo’s foreign policy the best - Rajitha

Amidst tension between the President and the PM, Health Minister Dr. Rajitha Senaratne tried to douse the fire. He opined that Sri Lanka, as a small nation, could not dictate terms to big powers. Instead, he said Sri Lanka needed cooperation of all. In this respect, he cited the foreign policy of former Prime Minister, late Sirimavo Bandaranaike as the best model for Sri Lanka. 
“She nicely balanced out relations with China and India,” he said. 

Come what may, the President seems to be toeing a national-minded approach which is, in fact, characteristic of his political upbringing with the SLFP. The SLFP has given leadership till recent times to the left-of-centre political forces of this country. In contrast, the UNP is pursuing the liberal economic model. 

The policy contrasts between the UNP and the President are becoming more and more prominent. It has led to indecision in the government on crucial issues. Some of the UNP Ministers doubt whether the President has struck a deal with MR to topple their government. Rising bitterness between the President and the PM has given reasons for them to harbour such thoughts. However, the JO is not that keen to form a government at this hour. Instead, its leaders who met at MR’s Colombo residence and discussed measures to apply pressure on the government to conduct provincial council elections.  

Fate of Sirisena who displayed his chameleon colors to India..

-Analysis of a former officer of the Intelligence division of the forces.

(Lanka e News - 17.Oct.2018, 11.55PM) Throughout civilization espionage services had raged. During the stone age when people went on hunting they too spied on the movement of the animals. It was because of the spy service of the pundits the aggressors who came to capture city of Kandy had to flee for dear life .

The Arab spring which turned everything topsy turvy in the middle East was not only a people’s uprising but also an espionage service.

Based on the Wansaya stories , the dynasties of Sri Lanka were comprised of 194 kings. Of them 169 became kings by killing the other. There is historical evidence that a great majority of these murders were committed following conspiracies with the assistance of India

When one reads the history , it is very evident any Sri Lankan King who overrode India could not live peacefully. In other words in the making of kings and in the destruction of kings of Sri Lanka, India ‘s exertion of pressures had not been minimal.

Dhatusena who became prey to the river bank

Dhatusena became the king by terminating the Chola rule which reigned for nearly three decades in 459 A.D. Dhatusena who freed the country from the Chola rule, was killed and buried in the bank of Kala Wewa . That punishment was inflicted on the orders of Dhatusena’s son Kasyapa .However the mastermind behind this conspiracy was the chief commander Migara and that was no ordinary conspiracy. It was a most hair raising geopolitical plot. If one delves into history one can understand the unseen force which was behind Migara

The force that controlled Migara

After Kasyapa became King it was Migara who was appointed as the chief commander (Mahasenevi). Kasyapa received the patronage of prince Mugalan the son of the concubine of King Dhatusena to work against Kasyapa. When the Kasyapa- Mugalan embitterment aggravated , it was Migara who took Mugalan to India. Finally when the war was waged against Kasyapa by Mugalan who came from India , it was Migara who betrayed Kasyapa. Migara was a follower of Jainism religion. It is very clear from this the actual spy responsible for the deaths of Kasyapa and Dhatusena was the Indian spy Migara.

Is Gatekeeper becoming king a joke?

In SL’s history , stories have been written about how the ruling Kings were murdered and the gatekeeper became the King. Though the gatekeeper becoming a king has been mentioned as a joke in history books ,it is not so. Anyway , It is not possible for a gatekeeper alone to single handedly take the true king to the guillotine and decapitate him .

The gate keeping job is the lowest rank in the King’s administration. The conspiracy was hatched by the high ranking administrators and powerful courtiers of the king .The gatekeeper was just a pawn in it. If the story is read carefully ,it can be perceived to what extent the Indian espionage service had its ramifications in this murder.

Whose pawn was Suba?

It is by murdering King Chandra Mooka Seeva , Yasalalaka Tissa became king.Chandra Mooka Seeva was married to a Tamil princess and had very close ties with India. According to Mahavamsa, Chandra Mooka was killed by Yasalalaka Tissa when he was bathing in the Tissawewa river .

It was a close supporter of Chandra Mooka who had the necessity to avenge the killing of Chandra Mooka.Those who were close to Chandra Mooka were Indians.The gatekeeper Suba was an ordinary bloke without any royal background. It is therefore important to figure out whose pawn was this Suba.

The gate keeper who did not even spend for a plain tea became king !

The gate keeper received the assistance of the high ranking courtiers and administrators of the King to most craftily kill Yasalalaka Tissa .Not only the gatekeeper , the high ranking courtiers and administrators were conspirators. Without doubt those courtiers and administrators too must have wanted to become king.

At any rate the gate keeper was a cunning wolf. From the moment he sat on the throne he began greeting like an angel. In short the minion became the Captain. And so he ruled for 7 years.Yet the gate keeper could not go on for long. Even the conspirators went ‘address less’

Sirisena who tried to fool India jointly with Mahinda ..

Mahinda joining hands with China marginalized India to a half penny position. In 2014 , India which was offended used ‘gatekeeper’ Sirisena as a pawn to chase out Mahinda.Sirisena the gatekeeper who did not spend even for a plain tea became ‘king’. Sirisena who re awakened history is a most cunning fox. He not only began biting the hand that fed, but even amputated it.

It is by now a well and widely known fact Sirisena within 48 hours of becoming president joined with Rajapakses who were defeated and discarded on the people’s mandate ,to hold discussions secretly in the nights after extinguishing the lights in order to dupe India. Though such low bred wolves in sheep’s clothing like Sirisena are of no consequence to India , certainly India is not going to hesitate or think twice to eliminate such poisons and poisonous influences from the zone. .

Sirisena who turned his back on India..

In the days gone by Sirima was suffering from an acute paranoia that CIA was spying against the country , which led her to work hand in hand with the Soviet union. With the advent of JR Jayawardena nicknamed ‘Yankee Dickie’ because of his great affinity for the US unyieldingly took a firm stand and turned tough against India . . 

India which spawned armed groups with the RAW organization ‘s support , throughout the 30 years of war ‘supported’ not only JR but the entire country up to the point of saying , enough, and that ‘support’ could only be halted after India said , ‘okay’ .

Late Premadasa on the other hand harbored a fear for the Mossad .He even appointed a Commission to investigate it. In the end he died of Babu’s bomb , not owing to Mozzad organization .

Whereas Mahinda went off the track to woo China while turning his back on India . It was Mahinda himself who told, RAW was responsible for his defeat. In addition through the 19 th amendment the political future of Rajapakses was crippled .It is in this climate and context Sirisena had shown his true chameleon nature and hypocritical colors to India . Sirisena bidding farewell to politics can be soon witnessed by one and all.

Even in distress humans will not attempt to kill diyabariya (a kind of snake). They will only hold it by a pole and throw it.

By Keerthi Ratnayake

Former intelligence division officer

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by     (2018-10-17 23:20:24)

Sri Lankan Government Utterly Embarrassed By Sirisena’s RAW Paranoia: Rajitha And Shiral Present Contradictory Denials

Sirisena

OCTOBER 17, 2018

Utterly embarrassed by the statement made by President Mithripala Sirisena at the Cabinet meeting last night, Cabinet Spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said the President did not refer to an “assassination plot” engineered by RAW, the state intelligence agency of India.

Senaratne, addressing the weekly press briefing at the Government Information Department this morning, said President had only noted that there were claims being made that RAW was linked to the allegation of the assassination plot.

However, Sirisena’ Advisor Shiral Lakthilaka, speaking to the Daily Mirror newspaper this morning, had contradicted Senaratne’s story. Lakthilaka said the President did not mention the name of “RAW” and only said an Indian intelligence agency was planning to assassinate him.

Sirisena’s remark, however, has sparked a fresh controversy concerning diplomatic relations between India and Sri Lanka.

Sirisena’s controversial statement was also followed by an intense argument with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe when the subject of development of the Colombo Port came up for discussion. The Hindu newspaper said Sirisena vehemently objected to any Indian involvement in upgrading its east container terminal – a project that New Delhi has been keen to take up.

“However, Mr. Wickremesinghe is said to have countered by saying Colombo had already promised New Delhi on collaborating on the project, and it was important to rope in India at the terminal, given that about 80% of the cargo handled at the transhipment hub was meant for India. He reportedly sought a week’s time to sort out the issue, since he would be meeting Mr. Modi soon ,” the Hindu newspaper added.

Meanwhile issuing a statement a short while ago the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said: “the attention of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been drawn to media reports attributed to President Maithripala Sirisena alleging the involvement of an Indian Intelligence Service in a plot to assassinate him.

“The Ministry wishes to clarify that the media reports in this connection are baseless and false.

“The Ministry wishes to emphasize that relations between Sri Lanka and India including at the highest levels of government are strong, encompassing multiple spheres including intelligence sharing. It is disappointing therefore that matters of this nature have become the subject of distorted and erroneous media reports taking the President’s remarks out of context, which has given rise to further media and social media speculation and the spread of unfounded fear among the public.

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Sri Lankan President Sirisena alleges that RAW is plotting his assassination

Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena at a seminar in Colombo on October 11, 2018.   | Photo Credit: AFP

“Prime Minister Narendra Modi may not be aware of the plan,” he says at the Cabinet meeting.

Meera Srinivasan



-COLOMBO , OCTOBER 16, 2018


In a charge that might seriously impair New Delhi-Colombo relations, Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena on Tuesday accused India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of plotting his assassination.

At the weekly Cabinet meeting, Mr. Sirisena told Ministers that the Indian intelligence agency was “trying to kill” him, but “Prime Minister Narendra Modi may not be aware of the plan,” The Hindu has learnt from sources present at the discussion.

“We were just shocked when he said it,” a source said, requesting anonymity.

When contacted for verification, a senior officer at the President’s media unit said: “We will verify this and revert.” However, there has been no response till Tuesday night.

Ahead of Ranil's New Delhi visit

President Sirisena’s claim comes days before Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s scheduled visit to New Delhi, meet Mr. Modi and discuss bilateral matters, including key, India-assisted projects on the island.

This is not the first time a Sri Lankan leader has accused the Indian agency of interference. Following his poll defeat in 2015, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa held RAW among those responsible for the change in regime.

Mr. Sirisena’s allegation, the sources said, came when he raised concerns over the government’s “indifference” to an assassination plot targeting him. Reports of the said plot emerged last month when an individual named Namal Kumara, part of an anti-corruption outfit, claimed he was aware of a plan to assassinate Mr. Sirisena and former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The CID interrogated Mr. Kumara. The police subsequently arrested an Indian national late in September. Local media reported that the Indian, identified as M. Thomas hailing from Kerala, claimed he knew of the plot.

However, the Sri Lankan government issued an elaborate denial of the report and clarifications came from the highest level. Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera slammed it as a “disinformation campaign”, urging reporters to be responsible.

At Tuesday’s meeting, Mr. Sirisena reportedly said “the Indian national must be a RAW agent trying to kill me. The Indian PM may not be aware. That is often the case. Trump may not be aware of CIA’s similar moves.”

The Hindu, on Tuesday evening, spoke to multiple sources in government — across political parties — who attended the meeting, and they confirmed this.

Argument between Sirisena and Wickremesinghe

Tuesday’s meeting also saw a heated argument between President Sirisena and Mr. Wickremesinghe, when a Cabinet paper on developing the Colombo Port came up for discussion. Sources said Mr. Sirisena vehemently objected to any Indian involvement in upgrading its east container terminal – a project that New Delhi has been keen to take up.

However, Mr. Wickremesinghe is said to have countered by saying Colombo had promised New Delhi on collaborating on the project, and it was important to rope in India at the terminal, given that about 80% of the cargo handled at the transhipment hub was meant for India. He reportedly sought a week’s time to sort out the issue, since he would be meeting Mr. Modi soon.

Meanwhile, the President’s media unit on Tuesday called off a scheduled press meet by Mr. Sirisena’s advisers on the reported assassination plot.

When contacted, Presidential adviser Shiral Lakthilaka told The Hindu: “We cancelled it because we are awaiting more information”. Asked if it was connected to Mr. Sirisena’s reported remarks at the Cabinet, he said: “No, it had nothing to do with that.”