Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, October 15, 2018

Journey to Peradeniya and life on Campus: Personal reflections

50th Anniversary of the 1968 Batch on 21st October 2018

 

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by Siri Gamage, Sydney, Australia- 

Introduction

1968 seems as yesterday. It was a watershed year in our lives. The year is steeped in memory like an inscription. In that year, we came from far flung areas of the island to the premiere higher learning centre in the country for a higher purpose. Once it was reserved for the children of elite families seeking knowledge and initiation to higher office. Thus, even before setting foot on the campus in some say we felt somewhat privileged. Our parents and close relatives made heavy sacrifices to lead us toward this journey with great expectations. Some of us made the journey according to the rule book. Others stumbled and fell on the wayside. To this day we carry the kindred spirit and batch bonds born out of Peradeniya days that were characterised by promise, turmoil, change, love, comradery, beauty, aesthetics, seclusion and fun. In the following pages, I recall my memories to give you a glimpse into our lives at Peradeniya as well as ups and downs during those crucial years.

Undergraduate Years (1968-1972)

I travelled a long distance from Ethpitiya, Walasmulla in the Hambantota district to Peradeniya in the Kandy district by a combination of methods. Peradeniya was generally cool and foggy with a drizzle. Roads, footpaths, grass and trees were wet. Difference in climate from the Hambantota district was quite noticeable. An umbrella was a necessity (umbrella had a symbolic significance also in the life of couples). The day long journey from Ethpitiya to Peradeniya generated mixed emotions as I had to leave my loving parents, grandparents and familiar surroundings behind and adapt to the cosmopolitan environment in the university. The contrast between the village Ethpitiya and Peradeniya campus was stark.

Once in the university, the reality sank in. I had the excitement of my success in getting admission on the one hand but also carried the anxieties about what is in store for us in the new place? There were freshers from all over the country in white trousers and shirts wearing slippers. Girls wore skirts and blouse. Likewise, there were the seniors –some of who followed specialised courses and serious looking in behaviour-carrying signature files with them. Some smoked. Then there were the tutors, lecturers and professors –some just back from England and America wearing fashionable corduroy trousers, foreign made shirts and shoes. They possessed status symbols such as modern cars, watches, carry bags, and umbrellas. The place was busy with life, men and women, boys and girls going in to lectures and tutorial classes and coming out in groups. Support staff (called minor staff) kept the offices and the library in order. The WUS canteen on the way to Marcus Fernando Hall -where I resided part of my first year-was a busy place with both freshers and seniors.

Compared to the school, campus contrasted with the environment outside the university also e.g. one could not see huts like houses of the poor or the diversity in housing. Those who established it obviously had done their homework. Architecturally designed buildings such as the library, lecture theatres, classrooms, administration building, residence halls, grounds and landscaping revealed to us that we were inhabiting an unusual place. This inculcated an attitude in our minds that we are a special group of people –though we didn’t realise the full importance of it at the time. The natural beauty of the campus grounds gave us a feeling of serenity similar to what you find in a temple. It contributed to our academic and intellectual endeavours among the best brains trained in England, Europe or USA and the books written in an alien language by those enthused about social, political, economic and cultural issues in the imperial centres of the world.

We were asked to attend lectures in the main lecture theatre (or in small classrooms if the number of students were not large) and tutorials held in smaller classrooms in the arts building. Lecturers and professors had a PhD and better reputation compared to the teachers in schools. Professors like D.E. Hettiarachchi came to lectures in the academic gown-a practice adopted in Western universities in earlier days. They used microphones to address a few hundred undergraduates seated in wooden chairs with pen and note pads. In the arts theatre, there were ceiling fans working overtime time during hot months to keep us cool. Male and female undergraduates sat next to each other to take notes while keeping their handbags and umbrellas on the floor. Couples of course did not separate if they followed the same course. Only when they had to attend different lectures they temporarily departed from each other. During the lectures, no one would ask questions from the lecturers. Our task was only listening and writing notes while observing the movements of the lecturer. It was not that difficult.

The phenomenon of ragging increased our anxieties but the relationships with selected seniors provided some reassurance. Once our subjects for the first year were sorted and we started attending lectures and tutorials, a semblance of order and regularity entered our lives. Courses ran for a year and at the end there were examinations.

Foremost among our minds at this time was to do well in study if we were to get entry to do a special degree. One had to pass the SAQ examination along with an English language test to be able to get entry to the special degree in Sociology. Other departments had their own entry requirements. Many of my colleagues did not choose this path or in the case of some did not qualify after trying. They were in majority and simply followed a three-year general degree course.

University life gravitated around the discovery of new knowledge and acquiring skills in reflection, analysis, synthesis, comparison, composition, interpretation of facts, articulation and presentation. Some became fascinated by dealing with ideas and facts, theories and concepts, methods of research and analysis relating to history, language, social sciences, humanities, science, medicine, dental science, agriculture, veterinary science and engineering subjects under the guidance of inspiring professors and tutors. As the professors and lecturers showed considerable commitment and dedication to their vocation, they became our role models. As we progressed, the possibility of joining the academic staff as tutors, temporary lecturers or as probationary assistant lecturers became a goal for some of us.

I had to master a new discipline i.e. sociology and anthropology, as well as a new language when I decided to do a special degree. It was like trying to learn Buddhism without knowing Pali. For me, learning English had to be mainly through learning Sociology and anthropology books. To be a Sinhala medium student was a novel and challenging experience. Our knowledge was tested through exams at the end of the year. Though in the sociology classes we were asked to write essays on topics covered in lectures, they did not count for the final exam. We were exposed to different subjects during our learning. As part of the sociology course, we were introduced to a range of subjects.

In my sociology batch, there were 4 males and 3 females in the Sinhala medium. There were a couple of English medium students also. Invariably the latter were those who attended urban schools in Colombo or Kandy and perhaps English was their home language. My batch mates in the Sociology programme (Sinhala medium) included Tudor Silva, Jayantha Perera, Amarasiri de Silva, Piyaseeli, Crisida Fernando and Chamila. Aruni Dayarathne (daughter of Mr. D.G. Dayarathne) and Sunimal Talwatte were in the English stream. Sometimes both groups attended same lecture, e.g. Obeyesekera’s. Mr. Coomaraswamy managed the office whereas Sataiah was the office peon. When academic staff members were not around, one of them was the de facto boss.

Academic staff included Gananath Obeyesekera, Ralph Pieris, K. Malalgoda, H.L. Senevirathne, Sunimal Fernando (after the foregoing three left the department in early 70s), Joe Weeramunda (visiting), and J.P. Delgoda (Visiting –Commissioner of prisons). Last two came from Colombo for lectures. Mr. Delgoda came by an old-style Volkswagen car and stayed in the rest house. Though all of them were using English as preferred language, they attempted to use Sinhala words to explain the subject matter. Some were good at this than others. There was a department library with a lot of sociology and anthropology books donated by the American Centre. However, most of our recommended literature originated from Britain and other European countries like Germany and France.

University education provided us with a liberal education, foreign theories and perspectives. It trained us to look at society, culture, economy, polity, religion, family, community, social problems etc. from an objective- analytical, fact based point of view while eliminating human biases in our thought. Some lecturers emphasised the need for a human perspective to our research and analysis.

The language of teaching and learning was a barrier to many because of the limited Sinhala language knowledge of professors and limitations in our knowledge of English. In the late 60s, there were English and Sinhala medium streams. However, in disciplines such as sociology (included anthropology) and economics, even the Sinhala medium students were required to use reference books and journals available in English only. In the lectures, discipline specific terminology was used. Corresponding words in Sinhala for English technical terms were alien as they were artificially constructed. Students who had acquired better English language knowledge were at an advantage.

English language

Many of us did not have even the basic skills in English language by the time we entered university. This was because the schools we attended did not teach the subject or even if they did the teaching was ineffective. Along with the lack of knowledge in English, our lifestyle with rural backgrounds stood in contrast to those colleagues who entered university from city schools and middle-class backgrounds whose parents held government or private sector jobs. This distinction was referred to as Kultur vs. Godeya.

The university offered us English language classes through the sub department of English to provide basic skills in reading and writing. While we considered attending such classes in a small building behind the main library as an unnecessary burden, only later we realised their importance when we started the special degree course. Nonetheless, the learning in such classes was not adequate to be fully fluent in the language. These classes offered us very little by way of spoken English. They were not designed to do so. It was left to the student to find other ways to acquire knowledge in spoken English. Thus, we had to attend extra classes in Kandy or elsewhere to brush up our knowledge of English. One method the teachers used was to teach us the meanings of English phrases. Attending private classes in literature outside the university was also an option.

There were some academic staff who seemed eccentric either due to their appearance, speech or behaviour. Students viewed some staff members as Kultur(posh). Those who had returned from UK or USA after doctoral study and Westernised belonged in this category. They had status symbols such as modern cars, umbrellas or handbags, shirts and trousers, attractive hair styles. They conversed in English with their colleagues in the Senior Common room, in the library, the department or when walking along the corridors of the arts building. This created a significant gap between them and us. It also made us reluctant to interact with them. For students like us, interactions with academic staff were limited to lectures and tutorials. There were not many informal opportunities for interactions. One occasion when the senior academic staff in the faculty including the Dean came close to interacting with us was on occasions of taking batch photographs near the Senate building. Another was when they came to see a drama with family in the Open-Air theatre.

Social Life, Entertainment and Religious Activity

There were formal and informal occasions for such activities. Formal events included those organised in the Halls of Residences, e.g. formal dinner nights, high table dinner. For the former, a student in a male residence hall could invite girls. Students dressed up in formal attire –Western style -to enjoy company, eat and dance in the background of music.

There were societies such as the Sinhala Society, Buddhist Society, Film Society and Sports Society. We never forget the roles played by Somadasa Kumarage in the Sinhala society and Hubert Kalugampitiya in the Buddhist society. They were enthusiastic office bearers. Hubert organised Mal Pahan Pooja and meditation at Sarasavi Saya on full moon days. It was located on the way to Marcus Fernando hall passing the telephone exchange (then the University had five telephone lines only).

Around 8.00pm on selected days there were film shows for students and invited staff organised by the arts faculty film society. Documentaries screened depicted life in various countries such as Soviet Russia, USA, and in Europe-Western and Eastern. These shows were god send for couples who could enjoy each other’s company while the show was on.

Politically active students organised talks by visiting politicians, in particular left party leaders and other members e.g. Anil Moonasinghe, Colvin R De Silva. Compared to such smaller groups, the JVP supporters and sympathisers grew exponentially during our time. Their message was taking roots among the youths, particularly school and university students, landless peasants in the dry zone districts, clerical and minor workers in the state machinery. The JVP ideology was critical of Western style formal social events.

It was even against students forming into couples with the opposite sex. Love between a male and female student was considered a barrier to the planned revolution to capture state power.

Informal occasions were more impromptu, cordial and entertaining. For example, a group of us got together and went to Kandy town for lunch or dinner. Popular places included Lyons cafe where we could eat fried rice, buriyani, rice and curries, string hoppers etc. Chinese restaurant on the main street was another popular place to eat chop suey and Chinese fried rice. Couples also went to such places for a decent meal. At other times, girls cooked nice food for the male partner to share. Often, some walked down to Sandasiri hotel at Hindagala (off Ramanadan Hall on Mahakanda road) where they ate bread from the bakery with coconut sambal mix (very hot) and dhal curry. Students went to see movies in Kandy as a pastime.

Visiting the botanical garden was another pastime for students who yarned for a break from study. Climbing Hantana in groups on weekends and other holidays was popular. Students carried food and drinks on such trips. Visiting Adam’s Peak, worshiping and watching the sun rise was another socio-religious activity.

Some chose to visit Ramanadan, WIijewardena or Sangamitta hall instead of the library during afternoons/evenings. These are life choices that our batch mates made, i.e. instead of learning from books, perhaps they preferred to learn from life itself. There were famous couples in our batch and among our seniors.

On full moon days, Buddhist students walked up to Gatambe temple and offered flowers etc. to the Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha. They participated in Bodhi Pooja also. At the time, Bodhi Pooja was a novel activity spreading around the country’s Buddhist community. Rev. Panadure Ariyadhamma was the leading monk who initiated and propagated this practice. Men and Women in white clothes went to the temple premises adjoining the Mahaweli river. After finishing formal part of worship, they would hang around and enjoy the river and surrounding scenery.

Hilda Obeyesekera Hall

I was a resident in the Hilda Obeyesekera hall during most of my 3rd and 4th years (previously I resided in Marcus Fernando hall and in a private boarding house in Hindagala. Closer to final exams I moved to Hindagala boarding house). It had seven wings, each with two upper floors all coloured in pink. Between the first and second wings was a large pool. Next to it was the dining hall in the ground floor. One end of the hall was facing Sangamitta hall (female residents) and the other end faced the Open-air theatre (Vala). Facing the Peradeniya-Galaha road on hill side was James Peiris Hall (male residents). On the far-right side beyond Sangamitta was Ramanathan hall (female residents). I shared my room in the 3rd wing upper floor with a batch mate doing political science.

The dining hall had long tables and benches set up for the students. Staff including the sub wardens and at times the warden dined at the high table. The warden was Dr. Bandaranaike who later migrated to Australia with his wife Suniti. She worked as an academic at James Cook University). They resided in the hall itself where they had comfortable quarters for accommodation. They used a Peugeot 404 imported car which was fashionable at the time. Some degree of civility was observed by students in the dining hall under their gaze. The standards of food served for meals deteriorated by the early 70s corresponding to the dire situation in the country due to restrictions imposed on food by the Sirimao Bandaranaike government. Instead of eggs, milk, cheese, jam, butter, and sausages (served until 1970 in halls), we were served with bread, potato curry (Ala hodi) and bananas for the breakfast. Curry was watery with no taste except salt flavour. Many students consumed only the middle part of bread slices. They left the bread crust on the table like small mountains. A lecturer in the dental faculty named Ariyadasa consumed such left-over bread for his breakfast to show the value of not wasting. No one else followed him and we thought he was crazy. Children of poor families from surrounding areas like Panideniya-Meewatura along the railway track gathered around the dining hall to eat left overs at each meal. The kitchen staff chased them away from time to time though some of us did not approve the practice.

Life in the all-male residence hall was memorable for many reasons. Firstly, it provided a home away from home. We had good company. The atmosphere was somewhat alien with a routine that included breakfast, lunch and dinner served in the posh dining hall. Catering staff kept the dining hall clean and tidy while the ground staff kept the gardens, ponds etc. clean and attractive. Once a week, we had a special dinner on Thursdays. Many of us yarned for the dessert which was Watalappam pudding.

A few days before April 4th JVP uprising when the government declared a state of emergency, police and army officers came to the hall to check rooms for weapons. They searched wing by wing, floor by floor for such objects. As they combed through the first wing, JVP sympathisers in other wings threw old army boots, helmets etc. to the Mahaweli river. One police officer looking for illegal items in the ceiling in fact fell on to a bed. This became the subject of humorous talk and laughter among students. No one was arrested for keeping illegal weapons on that day. However, the social turmoil and uncertainties about when and where the attacks against state security installations would take place created a lot of anxiety among students. Events after the 4th April 1971 created disruptions to our lives. However, they were minor compared to the disruptions felt by those outside the university including death, displacement and even imprisonment.

The Final Year and the Exam

Final year is the most important year in a university student’s life. Final exam is the culmination of four years of study for a special degree. In the case of those doing a special degree, third year is also an important year. Second year is considered a qualifying year for the special degree and the exam is called special arts qualifying (SAQ). Those who are aiming at an upper second class or a first class spend enormous time and energy to achieve this goal throughout the last two years. For the final year exam, I moved to Hindagala boarding house as it was congenial for study and the food provided by aunty who ran it was better than those served in the hall of residence.

There were seven exam papers. These included principles of social structure, social administration, comparative social institutions, theories and methods of sociology, criminology and penology, the culture and social organisation, statistical methods, a general paper and social anthropology. Preparing for nine exam papers was not an easy task. One strategy I used was to guess the kind of questions that may be asked in the exam in advance and prepare answers by way of short notes or dot points. These included important concepts and theoretical arguments or theories relevant to the topic. At the end, the day before the exam, it is these short notes that were useful to go through quickly and still keep the mind clear and focused. When we saw questions that we had guessed in the exam papers, we were overjoyed. When there were difficult and new questions, we obviously got frustrated. At the end, it was worth the try.

Exam was held in the gymnasium. There were long lines of desks arranged from one side to the next. Invigilators walked up and down keeping a close eye. Once the papers were distributed we swung into action. My strategy was to study the questions carefully, write down several key points and start answering. This proved a successful strategy.

Conclusion

We entered the university in 1968 and engaged in studies during a most turbulent time for the university and a tenuous point in the country’s political, social and economic history. We lived through ups and downs of life among the books, trees, footpaths, flowers, buildings, grass, and smells of modernity and rebellion. We learned under the care of a special breed of scholars renowned for their research, knowledge and wisdom. We accomplished our learning and life goals in varying degrees. We joked, grieved, sang, ate and danced together in this beautiful place on earth. The bonds we made are still continuing-though waning due to natural causes.

After leaving the University of Peradeniya, we stood on our own foot and travelled through the journey of life thus far in our motherland and abroad with determination and courage. We have observed how we changed along with the country and the world during the decades since our departure from the campus. It seems that change is the only constant in life. Many of us have children and grandchildren while being subjected to the ageing process. As we managed our lives in the last 50 years with varying success, I hope all of us in the 68 batch will manage rest of our lives and fulfil remaining dreams, including spiritual advancement, with success!

3,121 desperate journeysExposing a week of chaos under Trump's zero tolerance


They came to the US seeking a better life. They ended up behind bars. Thousands of documents analyzed by the Guardian provide the most comprehensive picture yet of what happened to immigrants prosecuted under the Trump administration's zero tolerance policy-Leer este artículo en español

Olivia SolonJulia Carrie WongPamela DuncanMargaret KatcherPatrick Timmonsand Sam Morris

On 6 April 2018, the US attorney general, Jeff Sessions, issued a memoto federal prosecutors along the US-Mexico border directing them “to adopt immediately a zero-tolerance policy” for violations of a federal law barring “improper entry” into the country. “You are on the front lines of this battle,” Sessions wrote, as if rallying his troops against an invading army.

Over the next six weeks, the collateral damage of the Trump administration’s policy was revealed: some 2,654 children were taken from their parents or guardians in order to fulfill the mandate that they be prosecuted for a criminal misdemeanor. As of 27 September, 219 children whose parents had already been deported remained in government custody.

Zero tolerance pushed serious fraud, drugs and weapons trafficking offences out of the courtroom to make way for the flood of people whose only crime was crossing the border. Between March and June, federal prosecutions referred by Customs and Border Protection (CBP) in the five districts along the south-west border rose by 74%, from 6,368 to 11,086.
I don’t think this is really about justice anymoreCesar Pierce, defense attorney
Today the Guardian publishes analysis of documents from more than 3,500 criminal cases filed by border district federal prosecutors during a single week of the zero tolerance policy: 13-19 May.
The three-month investigation, the most comprehensive analysis to date of the experiences of thousands of migrants entering the US during that period, shows how:
  • Zero tolerance churned thousands of migrants through an assembly-line justice system with copy-and-paste criminal complaints converted to hastily accepted guilty pleas.
  • Just 12.8% of the criminal cases filed by federal prosecutors were the kind of serious crimes – corruption, fraud and trafficking – that citizens expect federal prosecutors to pursue.
  • Sentence lengths for migrants charged with the same crimes varied dramatically depending on the state where they were arrested.
The court documents shine a spotlight on the migrants’ perilous journeys and the extreme lengths immigration enforcement goes to intercept them. They also reveal the lack of documentation created when children were torn away from families at the point of arrest – a shocking omission.

Four months after thousands were charged, only 23 individuals continue to fight their cases. The overwhelming majority have pleaded guilty, and only one case has actually gone to trial, where the defendant was found guilty.

“I don’t think this is really about justice anymore,” said Cesar Pierce, a defense attorney in Las Cruces, New Mexico, who represented 18 of the individuals in our sample.

“Justice really factors very little into it.”

Read More

Focus: Labour strife in manufacturing hubs may undermine Modi's jobs push

Workers listen to a speaker during a protest demanding higher pay and job security near a Yamaha facility in Oragadam in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, September 28, 2018. REUTERS/Sudarshan Varadhan/Files

Sudarshan VaradhanAditi Shah-OCTOBER 15, 2018 

CHENNAI/NEW DELHI (Reuters) - Labour unrest is on the rise at two centres in India where motorcycles and components are manufactured, underlining the problems Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government faces in creating new manufacturing jobs that are sustainable and pay attractive wages.

Motorbike makers, such as Japan’s Yamaha, and India’s Eicher Motors - maker of the iconic Royal Enfield motorcycles - have been hit hard by walkouts, although major carmakers have been largely unscathed.

The workers are mainly demanding higher pay and job security, particularly by getting employers to reduce the use of contract labour, who are paid less than permanent employees and can often be fired at will.

Modi, who has to call elections by May next year, has promised to create new jobs by boosting manufacturing in Asia’s third-largest economy, but has failed to match aspirations despite rapid overall economic growth. Those who have jobs feel left out of the growth story because of lagging wages.

Around the southern Indian city of Chennai, often dubbed the “Detroit of South Asia”, there have been a series of work stoppages at the motorcycle makers, mainly over union recognition, contract labour and wage issues.

Workers at several other companies in the area, including makers of auto parts and tyre manufacturers, have protested in recent months against lower wages, and for more secure jobs and the right to unionize.

In Gurugram, on the outskirts of the capital New Delhi, hundreds of workers from companies, including car maker Maruti Suzuki, staged a day-long protest on Oct 7 over demands for job security and higher wages.

The labour unrest “exposes the vulnerability of the workers,” said K.R. Shyam Sundar, professor of human resource management at XLRI, one of India’s top management schools.

Contract workers don’t have the same path to the middle class as employees - they are, for example, much less likely to get access to formal credit markets and their purchasing power will therefore be restricted, Sundar said.

Underlying the militancy is a mixture of pressures facing the workers and their employers, including rising living costs and sluggish sales.

India’s domestic passenger vehicle sales fell 5.6 percent in September from a year ago, data from the Society of Indian Automobile Manufacturers (SIAM) showed on Friday. The sales were hurt by rising fuel prices and higher interest rates.

A wave of labour stoppages could put additional pressure on the profitability of companies affected at a time when they are already grappling with increasing input costs and uncertain demand.

DEBT TRAP

On a recent visit by a Reuters reporter to the industrial belt of Oragadam, more than 50 km (32 miles) southwest of Chennai, hundreds of workers wearing Yamaha uniforms sat metres (yards) away from the factory gates. Besides them were placards with slogans like “Do you know kindness?” and “Let us put an end to oppression” written in English, Japanese and Tamil.

Apart from higher pay and permanent jobs, the workers also want the right to form unions to collectively bargain. They went on strike after some employees were fired for forming a union.

“Nobody can tell us we can’t fight for our rights,” said one of the union leaders, E Muthukumar, to a crowd of cheering protesters.

The Yamaha workers, who have now been on strike for about three weeks, earn up to 17,000 rupees a month ($229) and say they want substantially more to meet rising living expenses.

Full-time workers at the nearby Royal Enfield motorcycle plant earn about 25,000 rupees every month on average and are demanding at least double that amount. They, too, have been on strike for most of the past three weeks after resuming work for a few days but then walking out again.

“We are in a debt trap because of the low wages. We can’t imagine getting through our days without loans. We have no savings,” said Rakesh, a 30-year old employee who has worked at Royal Enfield for 11 years.

Royal Enfield dominates the higher-priced market for motorcycles in the 250-500 cc range, while Yamaha focuses on the lower-end of the market. Each have about a 4 percent share of India’s booming two-wheeler market, which grew 15 percent to cross 20 million motorcycles in the last fiscal year.

Yamaha India, which filed for police protection after hundreds of its employees sat inside its premises in protests, declined to comment, but said in an affidavit filed with the Madras High Court it was “not averse to legitimate trade union activities”.

Some employees have assembled to “make demands that are way beyond the practices prevailing in similar industries,” it told the court, adding that a wage revision demanding a three-to-four fold increase in wages was being sought by the workers.

Yamaha sought and got the court to order the strikers to stop occupying the company’s plant.
Eicher Motors said in a statement that “all employees are treated equally without differentiation by level or location.”

FACED BACKLASH

Modi was voted into power in 2014 on promises to reignite growth and provide jobs. But his flagship “Make in India” initiative to lift the share of manufacturing in India’s $2.6 trillion economy to 25 percent from about 17 percent and create 100 million jobs by 2022 has shown little sign of progress.

He had also promised to reform labour laws, including lowering the threshold to hire workers for shorter tenures. Ease in hiring and firing people would give companies the flexibility to expand while keeping costs low, but the government faced a backlash and was forced to shelve its plans.

Some states like Haryana, which is also a major auto hub, have created their own sets of labour laws.
In Haryana’s Gurugram city, thousands of workers from motorbike and scooter makers Hero MotoCorp and Japan’s Honda Motor as well as carmaker Maruti took part in a one-day protest last week against new state labour laws that make it easier for companies to close factories and lay off people.

The companies in Gurugram did not respond to requests seeking comment. “There is a lot of pain among workers in Gurugram. The companies take away our jobs so easily,” said Kuldeep Janghu, general secretary of the Maruti Udyog workers union.

Reporting by Sudarshan Varadhan and Aditi Shah; Edited by Martin Howell and Raju Gopalakrishnan

Is the digital revolution adding to Asia Pacific’s water problems?



WHEN you think of moving your operations to the cloud, you think of going light on assets and therefore on energy consumption — but that can be quite far from the truth.
The cloud, built on data centres, consumes a lot of water to operate at optimum levels, all year round.
According to a study titled The Water Footprint of Data Centers by the Center for Environmental Policy, Imperial College London, the water footprint of data centres has been neglected so far, but it’s time we start paying attention.
Other studies found that a typical (15MW) data centre uses 360,000 gallons of water per day (half the water in an Olympic-size swimming pool). According to CloudScene, there are 990 data centres in the Asia Pacific region, which means the region uses 356.4 million gallons (1,383.2 million litres) of water to support them.
That’s a lot of water, especially for a region that the United Nations believes is suffering from a silent (water) crisis. Its research suggests that nearly 1.7 billion people in the Asia Pacific region do not have access to improved drinking water and sanitation.
To better understand the problem (and solution), Tech Wire Asia caught up with Ecolab VP & MD – Thailand, Indochina, and Philippines Chen Kah Min at the CloudExpo Asia 2018 summit in Singapore.
“Asia is a growing data hub and IT in this part of the world is accelerating faster than in any other region, but people need to be aware of their water footprint and be held accountable for how they’re using one of the world’s most important natural resources,” explained Chen.
“Since people in Asia are surrounded by water on all sides, they think there’s an abundance of water — but that’s not true. Water scarcity is a real problem in certain parts of the world such as California and Melbourne. By 2030, demand will exceed supply by 40 percent,” said a concerned Chen.
lefdal-1
The Lefdal Mine data center is said to be Europe’s greenest data center in Norway. Image for illustration purposes only. Source: ABB Solutions.
Ecolab, a company that’s got an eye on the growing water problem for almost a hundred years now has developed a tool in partnership with Microsoft and Trucost called the Water Risk Monetizer.
It’s a financial mmodellingtool that provides a new way for businesses to factor water scarcity into decisions that support business growth and help ensure the availability of fresh water for future generations.
“The Water Risk Monetizer helps companies understand the impact of declining water quantity and quality and provides actionable information that helps them turn water risk into business strategies that enables growth,” explained Chen.
Coming back to data centres, despite the research, it’s not easy to see why water-cooled data centres are a cause for concern.
“It’s because water isn’t used efficiently — the water quality is poor, it causes scales to form in the tubes, which further deteriorates the water quality, ultimately causing more damage than necessary,” said Chen. Instead, companies must think about reusing, recycling, and automating water-processes in order to reduce the water footprint.
Truth be told, several companies are thinking about the energy consumption of the Power Usage Effectiveness (PUE) of their data centres but not its water footprint or the Water Usage Effectiveness (WUE).
In order to be sustainable and support the growing needs of the region, there must be equal focus on PUE and WUE. “It’s time businesses paid attention to their water consumption — their consciousness is all that is needed to encourage proactive steps in this area,” concluded a hopeful Chen.
This article first appeared on our sister website Tech Wire Asia.

Sunday, October 14, 2018

Massacred Tamil students and assassinated TNA MP remembered in Amparai

Residents of Kanchirankuda in Amparai district remembered the massacre of seven Tamil students, shot and killed by Sri Lankan special task force (STF) troops in 2002.
Home15Oct 2018
The TNA MP A. Chandranehru who was assassinated by the Sri Lankan government-backed Karuna group, along with several LTTE members including the-then head of the political wing in the East, E. Kousalyan, was also commemorated.

EXPECTATIONS FOR THE OFFICE FOR REPARATIONS IN SRI LANKA – BHAVANI FONSEKA


Tamil mother waiting for her son to come back ( Image courtesy of Vikalpa)

Sri Lanka Brief14/10/2018

Parliament of Sri Lanka this week, passed into law the ‘Office for Reparations Bill’ (the Bill), the second mechanism promised within the transitional justice agenda. Though the noise on the Bill was somewhat muted unlike the lead up to the enactment of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) Act, polarised positions were still evident in the statements made by several in Parliament. This should come as no surprise considering the divisive statements made earlier by some in Cabinet when proposals were presented to provide compensation to former cadres. This deep polarisation, narrow notions of victimhood and the politicisation of processes that are meant to promote reconciliation are all deeply troubling in a country that has witnessed decades of cyclical violence affecting all communities.

No proper consultations held

The Office was promised in 2015 when it was included in the United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution 30/1 which was co-sponsored by the Government of Sri Lanka. In 2017, the Government requested for more time to implement the commitments contained in the Resolution and received a further two year extension. In June this year there was a rush to introduce the Bill with just one consultation session organised in Colombo for select civil society members. The civil society made calls for broader consultations and shared proposals for potential amendments, but these were ignored and the Bill hastily gazetted and tabled in Parliament. In the enthusiasm to rush the Bill, limited attempts were made by the authorities to genuinely engage with victims and affected communities and to raise awareness among the public as to what reparations are, and how a future Office could function. This was confirmed recently when I spent a few days in the North of Sri Lanka where the lack of awareness on the new law was evident.

Lack of awareness among law makers

This lack of awareness was apparent during the Parliament debate where, barring a few, many MPs were not fully aware of what reparations are and how they can be beneficial for their own constituencies. In the absence of information and constructive debate, divisive positions have been emboldened. Some of the statements made by politicians also highlighted the lack of understanding of a Bill that was in the public domain for a few months, now. Either due to this lack of understanding or in an attempt to create mischief, false assertions were made during the debate which could exacerbate tensions and create mistrust among affected communities. It also highlighted the critical need to understand what reparations are and their potential impact in postwar Sri Lanka.

A pillar of Transitional Justice

Reparations are one of the four pillars of transitional justice, the others being, truth, justice, and non-recurrence. Reparations complement the other pillars and should not be treated as a separate entity. Leader of the Opposition R. Sampanthan in his speech during the debate recently, reiterated the need for truth and justice, and underscored why reparations are not a substitute to these. This is an essential point. The new law provides for individual and collective reparations and can also assist victims by way of providing material and symbolic support to assist with rebuilding their lives. If implemented in a comprehensive manner, reparation can directly and comprehensively benefit victims and affected communities across Sri Lanka.

Available to all victims

Reparations are a critical component for societies that have experienced past abuses. Reparations are a way of recognising the grievances of individuals and communities and providing them with appropriate remedies. They can also allow victims to be recognised and be treated as rights holders. Reparations as provided in the new law will be available to all victims of past abuses and are not meant for a select few.

Reparations are not new to Sri Lanka. Successive governments have provided various aspects of reparations with institutions such as, the Rehabilitation of Persons, Properties and Industries Authority (REPPIA) and others being tasked with administering these forms of reparation. REPPIA has had its own challenges, from a narrow scope to limited funds. We have also witnessed the lack of uniformity in how reparations are dealt, with multiple actors being involved with compensation schemes in relation to different disasters and conflicts in the past. This has inadvertently resulted in victim hierarchies where some victims receive greater compensation than others. The Office can address these anomalies by bringing the different reparation schemes and programmes within one entity and ensuring there is coherence and consistency in the future.

Worrying sections remain

The Office is meant to be an independent entity to define and implement reparations for all Sri Lankans. This means anyone across Sri Lanka can go before the Office. But, several worrying sections remain in the recently enacted law. One is the dependency on the Cabinet for the approval of policies and guidelines formulated by the Office (section 11(1)(g)). Recent debates demonstrated particular views held by some in Cabinet which can possibly colour any future approval process and ultimately impact the work of the Office.

Second is the role of Parliament. Section 22(4) provides that any policies and guidelines authorising the disbursement of funds require Parliament’s approval. This adds an additional layer of approval to what is meant to be an independent entity, potentially leading to delays and resulting in policies and guidelines being changed to address concerns raised by politicians.

Reparations are more mere compensation

The Office will have its own fund with identified funding sources which will be audited by the Auditor General. A lesson to learn from existing reparations schemes is to ensure that the Office has sufficient funds to provide reparations. Limited funds will negatively define reparations programmes, shutting out some victims and leading to the creation of victim hierarchies and divisions within victims and communities. Reparations, however, are more than mere compensation and every effort must be taken to design and implement comprehensive reparation policies, guidelines and programmes which address all dimensions of the suffering endured by victims.

Communications is critical

It is hoped, the process of appointment provided in the law will ensure that the five members to be appointed to the Office will be those with expertise and knowledge and be independent. The OMP took an unduly long time to be operationalised and one hopes the Office does not face the same fate. Equally important is the recruitment of staff with necessary expertise and skills, and ensuring regional representation so that people across Sri Lanka are able to access the Office. Further, communication is a critical area that requires considerable strengthening in order to educate the public as to what reparations are, the mandate of the Office and other relevant information. A concerted effort must be made on raising awareness and engaging with victims, affected communities and the larger public.

Time is of the essence. This month, the President promised to return state-occupied lands to their owners by the end of the year. The OMP has produced an interim report which contains several important recommendations requiring attention. Numerous victims of violence and conflict are still awaiting financial and social assistance. Challenges in memorialisation remain for many who lived through the war. All these and more come within the purview of reparations. We now have the law to provide for an Office. The coming weeks and months will tell if the Office is able to deliver and whether it goes beyond mere rhetoric to one that truly facilitates in genuine transformation.
Sunday Observer 

Legal Fraternity Conspires Against The Election Commission

By K. Sivapakiam –
Conspiracy
logoA conspiracy is formally defined as a group of people planning and doing something illegal. After years under the LTTE when some 600,000 voters were denied their franchise for a payment as is now being proved in court, sections of Jaffna beating the LTTE drums, seem not to have grown out of their habit of not taking elections laws seriously. At the centre of the unfolding storm is the TNPF led by Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam and his Tamil Congress (TC). The TC and Jaffna’s law enforcement are, I believe, into a conspiracy to violate the Jaffna voters’ franchise, a fundamental right associated with Article 3 of the Constitution, by obstructing the work of the Election Commission (EC) so they can cheat and win even when voters vote otherwise.
Rather strangely, the TC seems to be very lucky with Jaffna’s law enforcement, including judges and the police. Three cases raise eyebrows and prove the point.
Maviddapuram
The first concerns the TNPF launching its manifesto for the local government elections of 10 February 2018 from the Maviddapuram Temple. Several newspapers and Facebook pages of TC candidates boasted of the event at the famous temple and displayed photos of the TC leaders at the event. Mr. V. Manivannan, a TC candidate at the Jaffna Municipal Council (JMC) was merely mentioned as present. In a long story detailed by Prof. S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole of the EC, the police charged only the priest, and when the EC complained, only Manivannan. 
It was amazing that when the complaint was the violation of Section 82 of the Local Authorities Election Ordinance about campaigning at a religious assembly, the police charge-sheet was violating Section 81 about campaigning close to a polling station. It was designed to find Manivannan not guilty. The B-Report did not contain the photographic evidence and news reports given to the KKS Police by the complainant, the ITAK Candidate Mr. S. Suhirthan.
Although Hoole was not a party, court papers showed he was and claimed he was served summons, but there is no record of it. The judge, Mr. A. Judeson, described by a lawyer present as unhinged, launched an attack on Hoole without verifying that he had been served notice. He ruled that Hoole as a Christian should never have charged a Hindu! He dismissed the charges in a small part of the morning. He faulted Hoole without giving him a hearing. And of course, he found no evidence to sustain the charge when there really was none on the offence he was charged with. Many lawyers see corruption written all over the case. Some say that a senior female TNPF lawyer from Uduvil/Chunnakam visited Judeson in his chambers just before the hearing and that may explain many things.
The Mallakam Registrar denied Prof. Hoole the court transcript when he first heard of the judgment from press reports. The Registrar first  asked for a letter from a lawyer, and then after getting that asked for time to prepare the transcript while Mr. Kumaravadivel Guruparan, counsel for Manivannan, was waving the transcript at a press conference threatening action against Prof. Hoole. By the time Prof got the transcript, he says, it was too late to appeal. 
Interestingly, Mr. Guruparan is the Head of the Law Department at Jaffna University. Information obtained by Prof. Hoole through RTI shows that he has been given special permission by the University Council to practice law from the chambers of Ms. Abimanasingam, PC, despite his full-time university appointment. Yet he has appeared in many TNPF cases with Ms. Abimanasingam nowhere on record. His father is a Member of the University Grants Commission, which appoints the majority of Jaffna Council members who gave Guruparan permission to work for Ms. Abimanasingam while paid by the university. Prof. Hoole says the matter is being investigated by CIABOC.
Prof. Hoole complained to the Judicial Service Commission and the Bar Association and did not even receive any acknowledgement. The EC also wrote a reminder to the JSC and got no reply. It seems clear to me that the JSC is unwilling to act against lawyers and judges.
Jaffna Municipality
In Court of Appeal Case No.  CA 217/2018 by Stephenson Ronoldon Versus V. Manivannan, it is because there is prima facie evidence that Manivannan did not qualify on grounds of residence to contest the elections to the JMC that the court has issued an interim order prohibiting him from functioning as member of the JMC. Till the end of the case Mr. Ronoldon, a voter within the JMC area, has alleged Mr. Manivannan’s ineligibility to be a member based on residence. 
Court papers show that Mr. Manivannan was not registered as a voter inside the JMC area, and to all appearances had no eligibility to be so registered in Jaffna – the either-or clause to be eligible to be a candidate  His party had published photographs of his voting elsewhere (in Kokkuvil West). His nomination papers had the fudged Jaffna address of Sir Pon Ramanathan Veethy for him with no house number. In court, he claimed an address in Vannarponnai within the JMC but was not registered as a resident there on the householders’ list. The chief householder at the Vannarponnai address was or had been a TC candidate. For his identity card issued by the JMC after it met in March 2018, he had given his Kokkuvil address where he had his vote.
It appears that after filing nominations Mr. Manivannan bought a property at Sir Pon Ramanathan Veethy. His attorney, Ms. Kajapiriya Manickavasagar, also of Kokkuvil, has drawn up a deed where the deed requires the date in four places. In the first three places, it is dated 29 December 2017 which appears to have been altered to 10 December 2017. In the fourth place, the date remains 29 December 2017. The allegation is that in forging the dates, he forgot the fourth date. The stamp duty on the land transaction has to be paid at the Municipality. The receipt for this stamp duty has to be then pasted on the deed and it is dated 29 Dec. 2018. The stamp duty receipt states that the date of registration is 29 December. The deed states that it was filed at the land registry on 2 Jan. 2018.
The significance of these dates is that nomination was on 21 Dec. 2018. The date of the deed will establish whether he was eligible to be a Jaffna candidate on that date – was it filed before or after the date of nomination? This will explain why 29 Dec. was changed to 10 Dec. The Court of Appeal judges had suggested that because of all this confusion Mr. Manivannan might like to resign. He wanted time to think about it.
As these problems mounted, TC sources say that Mr. Manivannan has sounded his party on whether he may resign as JMC Member before the court decides. Whether such resignation would foreclose any possible case on forgery is doubtful and might explain why he has not resigned.

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Ailing imbalance between the rich and the poor


Rev. Fr. Augustine Fernando (Diocese of Badulla)-Monday, October 15, 2018

There are three broadly distinct economic classes of people in Sri Lanka. The rich, the middle class and the poor, each of which could be sub-divided: 1. the richest to which the past and present politicians and their closest cronies belong and some of the business class and businessmen who also are in many ways beneficiaries of the favours of the ruling class whose material worth is calculated in the hundreds of millions. 2. The upper middle class who have inherited possessions of substantial worth that continue to bring good incomes along with those with prosperous businesses and the lower middle class who live off monthly earned salaries, small properties, investments and savings. 3. The poor, some of who are employed as minor staff while others do menial jobs or are self-employed earning a living for their day-to-day existence and the very poor among who are the old without any stable income and who have no one to look after them and those who have no income except what may be received as a ‘charity’ allowance from the government. (It is an irony that a throw-away dole is called charity. Charity is a self-sacrificing donation of oneself in fraternal compassion.)

The poorest of the poor who have no proper abode or food or clothing and do not know where their next meal is going to come from. Some of these poor people have found their way to elders’ homes managed by voluntary charitable and religious institutions who feel for the pain the poor go through.
The economic classes of the rich, the royals, aristocrats, corrupt politicians enjoying extremely high incomes widely differing from those earning incomes insufficient even to live, are not divinely ordained but an outcrop of an unjust man-made socio-economic phenomenon. Globally, extreme poverty is catastrophic: there are 327 million extremely poor people in Asia, 383 million in Africa, 19 million in South America, 13 million in North America besides a few more millions in other places of the world.

Visible to the keen observer is the wide gap between these classes of people. It is not only surprising but also indicative of a civilization and culture and a high level of self-respect on the part of the poor as well as their helplessness and weakness that in spite of the visible contrast between the rich and the poor, the animosity of the weak and the poor do not create frequent tensions against the rich or between the rulers and the helpless poorer citizens. This is also because the weakness of the poor will be forcefully suppressed by those in power if such a rebellion were to occur. In any case, narrowing the gap is not only improving a lot of the poor but also all getting more civilized and building the nation.
SRI LANKA’S RICH AND THE POOR

Life, as it comes, is not fair to everyone in many circumstances. All those who share life as rational human beings, have to make life human, fair, secure and livable for all, especially for the poor and disadvantaged who in their physical incapacity and powerlessness cannot do it on their own. The poor do not have decent houses, nourishing food, proper clothes. They also do not have benevolent and generous friends.

Poverty could bring on a misery that demeans life and makes the whole of society out of joint as it were. Though the able-bodied poor could earn their living by the sweat of their brow, their sweat is accounted of little worth in a society where the better off not only keep the poor man’s work at a low worth but also treat the poor with a certain disdain. The rich cheaply earn their ease by buying the labour of the poor at too low a price. Though this directly offends human dignity, the consciences of people of modern society do not seem to be pricked by it. The whole of society acts unjustly by the thousands of the poor people in it. One wonders what the sensitivity of the conscience is of the so-called leaders of workers, the trade union bosses, ministers of labour and of governments – people who have the power and could indeed usher civilized social reform – are and have been. In a way, they too seem to be socially insensitive as they too live off the poor and in a way to exploit them, even while shouting hoarse about human rights.

Almost three billion people, half of the world’s population, live on less than $2.50 a day. More than 1.3 billion live in extreme poverty — on less than $1.25 a day. One billion children worldwide are living in poverty.

In Sri Lanka, 6.7% of the population live below the national ‘poverty line’ unable to get what is needed for life. Yet in South Asia, Sri Lanka rates high as its literacy rate, life expectancy and social indicators are nearly equal to those of developed countries. Sri Lanka’s education and health sectors have achieved that and Sri Lanka has reached the medium category in the Human Development Index. Yet due to poverty remaining a major stumbling block 2017 was named the “Poverty Eradication Year” for Sri Lanka and “Millenium Development goals were followed.

October 17th being Word Poverty Day, it is good to pay serious attention to the world unacceptably divided as it is between the Rich and the Poor.

Governments and modern economists of all types all over the world and of various ideologies speak of national economic resurgence and growth and the strategies that lead towards it, envisioning prospects of a wider distribution of growth, prosperity and well-being among the people and indeed of eradicating poverty that humiliates. All do not pay attention to the just and fair management and distribution of the national product but concentrate about the overall growth even when it is weighted as it often happens on the side of those who are already benefitting. Sufficient amounts always do not trickle down from the prosperous to the poor nor do the high earners duly pay their taxes. Indeed, they try every ruse to pay fewer taxes or even evade taxes altogether. Parliamentarians exempting themselves from taxes and earning from the duty-free import of vehicle and selling them and depriving the State of taxes, extending tax-free concessions to certain already privileged classes is the biggest of public scandals. Workers’ trade union bosses are deaf, dumb and blind in this regard.

Very often, the poor are like those who pick the crumbs that fall from the ‘masters’ tables’ and that does not improve their lot. They also do not always get justice for the humble and often menial work they honestly do - work that is very much needed the neglect of which could cause immense inconvenience and harm to everyone. It is work that is often undervalued and unappreciated by the whole of society. If the capitalist, liberal and Marxist socialist expert economists’ and national planners’ understanding of human dignity, human rights, democracy, equality, justice and fairness,
 dignity of labour was sufficiently sober and moral and of good human quality, they would assess the quality and worth of human beings far more decently and value their work more in terms of wages. The intervention of public authority is absolutely necessary to bring about the overall right balance.

DIGNITY OF LABOUR

It has to be noted that menial work for which the pay is very low is handsomely paid for in other countries. People who would never think of doing such work here, such as cleaning streets and toilets, readily seek such jobs in Europe as the wages are high. In fact, on a visit to Rome, three years ago, a young Sri Lankan who was engaged doing such work came in his own new car to see my friend and me and took us for dinner to a good restaurant and was generous in his hospitality.

The poor suffer many disadvantages, the foremost of which is their being denied their human dignity and human rights along with a sense of respect and honour due to human beings. Many children of the poor forfeit their childhood by becoming child labourers and breadwinners for the family.

As child labourers, among the other many disadvantages, that they suffer from are their inability to even garner the benefits of free education and health services as well as other social and civic rights along with the manners and courtesies that come with a good upbringing and wholesome education.

All almost unconsciously though not maliciously or wickedly look on and relate to the poor not on a level of equality but at a lesser level. As every material thing and every capability and intellectual property gets measured and valued in terms of money, the capabilities of the poor get less than a value of even a pet dog of the rich. These measurements and attitudes do not enable a poor person to live a dignified human life in today’s society.

ILL-BRED POLITICIANS

Even government departments such as the Department of Education, the Police and the Armed Forces are sometimes used by governments in power to irrationally and unreasonably silence and subjugate the democratic voice of the poor and disadvantaged people. Ministers and bureaucrats have no time and patience to listen to the voice of the poor. In fact, it is the stupid and ill-bred ministers, deputy ministers and politicians wielding power who treat those they think are ‘below’ them in inhuman and indecent ways. Blokes such as those who are indeed the society’s scum. They have grabbed power and are far from bringing on a new civilization in which all people could live in keeping with human dignity, mutual respect and honour.

On the part of political power holders there shouldn’t be a vague desire but a determined will and the capability of improving a lot of the poor by mobilizing the natural, human, material, political and moral resources at their command. But this does not take place because the low education, the self-absorbed selfishness of the political power holders and their craving and greed for bribes and ‘commissions’ prevent them from a wholehearted commitment to not only to any social reformation and improvement project but even in solving the garbage problem for which too they expect bribes,
 like in Meehotamulla and in the Uva Province. They direct their main attention to their lazy and unproductive kith and kin to whom they invariably distribute the funds, at their disposal, which belong to the people.

The intellectual poverty of these politicians makes their fragmented view of social reality produce a penury of vision that leads them to become greedy fellows who satisfy their hankering and low personal inclinations and completely ignore the civic dimensions and social responsibility of their mission as elected representatives.

The highly visible and socially unacceptable contrast between the rich and the poor cannot be transformed by the extremely corrupt politicians who have been in power for several decades and who are clever thieves who know how to rob and hide their illegal gains in secret hideouts. They create social tension and animosity by sowing racial and religious prejudice between the poor and the rich and powerful, pander to the addiction to alcohol among the riff-raff of society, sow violence among social classes and fish in troubled waters.

These lead to a spiral of violence and hatred that complicate and do not help solve social problems. Political and economic power is more concentrated than ever before in the hands of those who govern. All need to discover a dispassionate social and civic sense, sit down at a table, discuss what needs to be done and reasonably decide to do the reforms that are needed and execute them without violence and bloodshed. This needs an integrity of character not yet visible in the political, economic and professional fields.

In the corrupt political culture of Sri Lanka, the palatial residences of politicians and businessmen closely connected to every governing class are in no way symbolic of justice, fair play, equality of people, decency and recognition of merit.

Rulers also side with favoured groups and religious high ups who are made a new kind of princely class who create themselves into a newly rich privileged class above other people and even above the rule of law. Rising in importance again but finding its function limited to the slavish service of rulers, the upper bourgeois bureaucrats, shift their loyalty from the workplace, trade union and political party to the autocratic ruler’s palace. For ordinary people, administrative centralization and politically sanctioned half-baked socio-economic ‘reforms’ have the effect of loss of human dignity and freedom and of more rigid controls being imposed over their lives.

Only a determined and honest government of honest individuals could accomplish the desired reforms as man-made problems created by corrupt men and women could only be satisfactorily solved by honest rulers elected by citizens determined about electing persons of integrity to govern.