Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, October 6, 2018

Buddhism and Human Rights




By Sajitha Prematunge- 

Archbishop of Colombo, Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, at the service of St. Matthew’s Roman Catholic Church in Ekala, recently said something along the lines that 'human rights had become the latest religion in the West...Sri Lankans have been inclined towards human rights through religion for centuries...Those who do not practice religion are the ones who are hung up on human rights.'

Sanath Jayasuriya charged with ‘match fixing' and ‘pitch fixing’; ICC report exposes all corrupt players…!

LEN logo(Lanka e News -05.Oct.2018, 8.15PM) A group including general manager Alex Marshal of the anti corruption Unit of the ICC that investigated the corruption relating to Sri Lanka (SL) cricket ,recently forwarded its investigation report to the president and Prime Minister .This ICC investigation was a sequel to the the Al Jazeera channel’s lengthy program on the report exposing the corruption in SL cricket .
In the report forwarded to the president and the P.M. ,based on the discussions held by former cricket captain Angelo Mathews , Sachitra Senanayake , Vanindhu Hasaranga , Chaturanga De Silva, Danushka Gunatileke and Niroshan Dickwella with Bookmakers on ‘match fixing’ which had been taped , and their subsequent participation in the game , they have committed offences , while Jeffry Dabarera has been charged with ‘pitch fixing’.
The most rudely shocking and intriguing news is, former cricketer Sanath Jayasuriya had also been involved both in ‘match fixing’ and ‘pitch fixing’ . It is learnt that Jayasuriya had divulged the secrets of his team as well as the pitch to the bookmakers, according to the report.
The proposal made to open a branch of the Anti corruption unit of the ICC in SL after the report was handed over had been given the consent by SL, sources say. The ICC expects SL to mete out punishment to the wrongdoers.
No matter what , SL must surely conduct a separate probe into how so many cricketers and officials are facing charges of match fixing and pitch fixing specially after the SL cricket came under the most infamously famous SL’s bookie owner Thilanga Sumathipala.
How did this come about ?
Following the 2015 August general elections , with the establishment of the consensual arrangement , president Gamarala secured the opportunity to do whatever he wanted like with the country ,to wreak havoc with national cricket as never before in its history .
First and foremost what Gamarala did was , appointed bookmaker Thilanga Sumathipala who was discarded by the people and cast into the garbage bin , as an M.P. through the national list . Besides , because of the consensual agreement the ministry of sports belonged to the Gamarala faction of the consensual administration which enabled Gamarala to appoint Dayasiri Jayasekera a notorious crook and a diehard pro Rajapakse fan who was earlier on unrelentingly insulting and mocking the common presidential candidate .
It was again Gamarala and corrupt Dayasiri who saw to it that Thilanga was made the president of the cricket association by allowing him to contest in spite of the fact that Thilanga as a bookmaker cannot contest that post at the election of cricket association office bearers .
Thereafter , bookmaker Thilanga who crept into that position got together with corrupt venal Dayasiri to plunge Sri Lanka’s cricket to this present pathetic plight. The present dire and dismal situation is , if one more disastrous step is taken , we will be ousted from International cricket .
The UNP also must shoulder part of this responsibility because while being in the consensual alliance it continued to turn a blind eye even after being aware of all these murky and bungling activities. Those who voted for good governance are therefore justifiably questioning , why is the UNP still safeguarding the consensual alliance , and digging its own grave ?
No country can emerge victorious in the game when it is plagued by match fixing players . In the circumstances undoubtedly defeat is writ on the wall for SL even if it plays against Lilliputians and Pygmies . Cricket being part of life of Sri Lankans , certainly this wanton debacle has contributed heavily to the people’s disillusionment and disappointment against the good governance government.


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by     (2018-10-05 14:53:50)

Spectators Left Shocked As ‘Porter Ambassador’ ASP Liyanage Introduces Rajapaksa Sons As ‘Honourable’

logoSpectators were left shocked when Chief Guest and Sri Lankan Ambassador to Qatar A.S.P. Liyanage introduced Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s sons Yoshitha and Rohitha as ‘honourable’ at the introduction of CH & FC’s team prior to their game against the Doha Rugby Football Club in Doha yesterday.Due to the current blockade imposed by Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates,. Egypt and Bahrain, the Doha Rugby Football Club is inviting overseas teams to play friendly rugby encounters in Doha.
Many Sri Lankan expatriates who thronged the Doha RFC grounds were left miffed by Ambassador Liyanage’s introduction of the CH and FC rugby team and especially the former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s sons. This is despite the visiting CH & FC rugby club pulling off a remarkable victory after trailing at half time.
Spectators were later heard taunting ‘Honorable Porter’ when Ambassador Liyanage handed over the winner’s trophy to Yoshitha Rajapaksa. Yoshitha Rajapaksa currently has several criminal charges heard against him in several courts in Sri Lanka.
Two days ago the Sri Lankan Ambassador ASP Liyanage was exposed by Colombo Telegraph when he greeted the CH and FC rugby team on their arrival, and was seen carrying the Rajapaksa sons’ bags and having them chauffeur driven to the Mercure Grande Hotel while the rest of the team had to travel in the team bus.
While Ambassador ASP Liyanage was seen carrying Rohitha Rajapaksa’s bag, Sri Lanka Embassy official and Minister Rajitha Senaratna’s close associate Ruwan Dananasooriya was pictured pushing a trolley containing Yoshitha Rajapaksa’s bags.
The game itself was a thrilling encounter yesterday, when CH and FC came back from behind, after trailing 8 /12 at half time to record a remarkable victory 17/15 when former Antonian Samuel Maduwantha put over a 20 meter penalty with five minutes to go before the final whistle.
Related posts:
Porter ASP Liyanage: Namal Puts His Foot In The Mouth When Justifying Ambassador’s Despicable Act
Sri Lanka’s Controversial Ambassador To Qatar Carries Rajapaksa Sons’ Bags At Airport

SC rejects Ven. Gnanasara Thera’s appeal; affirms CA Judgement


Lakmal Sooriyagoda-Saturday, October 6, 2018

The Supreme Court yesterday upheld the Court of Appeal judgment that found Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) General Secretary Ven. Galagoda Atte Gnanasara Thera guilty over his contemptuous behaviour inside the Homagama Magistrate’s Court on January 25, 2016.

Accordingly, a majority of a divided three-judge-Supreme Court Bench decided to refuse special leave to appeal application filed by Gnanasara Thera who sought an order to set aside the judgement of Court of Appeal dated August 8, 2018.

The Supreme Court Bench comprised Justice Eva Wanasundera, Justice Nalin Perera and Justice Prasanna Jayawardena.

On August 8 this year, Ven. Gnanasara Thera was sentenced to 19-years-Rigorous Imprisonment to be served concurrently within six years by the Court of Appeal over his contemptuous behaviour inside the Homagama Magistrate’s Court.

Expressing his views regarding the special leave to appeal application, Justice Prasanna Jayawardena observed that The Supreme Court is bound to maintain the dignity of the courts and further observed that both the Supreme Court and Appeal Court have unlimited jurisdiction to deal with the contempt of court matters.

Through his special leave to appeal application, Ven. Gnanasara Thera further sought an order to release him on bail pending the final hearing and determination of this special leave to appeal.

At a previous occasion, Court of Appeal (President) Justice Preethi Padman Surasena and Justice Shiran Goonaratne refused to grant leave to appeal citing there is no substantial reason to consider the application.

Ven. Gnanasara Thera was sentenced to four-years-Rigorous Imprisonment in respect of the first count. Another four-years-Rigorous Imprisonment was imposed regarding the second count. Six-years and five-years Rigorous Imprisonments were also imposed in respect of third and fourth counts respectively.

Ven. Gnanasara Thera stated that the Court of Appeal erred in law by dealing with the complaint made by the Magistrate under Article 105(3) of the Constitution, when Section 55(1) of the Judicature Act No.2 of 1978 provide a special jurisdiction to the Magistrates Court to take cognisance and to punish for contempt committed in the presence of Court itself.

The petitioner stated that the Court of Appeal erred in fact and law in convicting the Petitioner for counts 2,3 and 4 of the charge sheet when the evidence presented by the prosecution did not establish the said counts beyond reasonable doubt.

The petitioner further stated that the judges of the Court of Appeal misdirected themselves in law by failing to appreciate that it is not lawful to prefer four counts of contempt of court based on different parts of one single incident that took place before the Magistrate and having sentences passed in respect of each such part.

He further said the judges of Court of Appeal, misdirected themselves in law by failing to appreciate that the sentences imposed in this case are far too excessive having regard to the decision in the case of S.C. (Rule) 01/2004, where a Bench of five judges of the Supreme Court imposed a sentence of two-years Rigorous Imprisonment for contempt of the Supreme Court committed for the second time after having issued a severe warning on the first occasion;

While handing out a 56-page judgment, Court of Appeal Justice (President) Preethi Padman Surasena and Justice Shiran Goonaratne had observed that the ingredients of all four charges framed against the accused have been proved beyond reasonable doubt.

At a previous occasion,Ven. Gnanasara Thera had been sentenced to six-months Rigorous Imprisonment after he was found guilty for threatening and intimidating Sandhya Eknaligoda, the wife of missing journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda.

President’s Counsel Rienzie Arsekularatne with Counsel Udara Muhamdiramge and Namal Karunaratne appeared for Ven. Gnasara Thera. Senior Deputy Solicitor General Rohantha Abeysuriya with State Counsel Malik Azis appeared for the Attorney General.

NLDB Chairman nabbed by CIABOC remanded



RANMINI GUNASEKARA- OCT 06 2018

The Chairman of the National Livestock Development Board, K. Muthuvinayagam whon was arrested, by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) today (5), for allegedly accepting a bribe of Rs. 600,000, has been remanded until the 18th of October.

According to CIABOC Director of Investigation of the, Priyantha Chandrasiri, Muthuvinayagam had initially asked for a bribe of Rs. 1.2 million to give on lease a restaurant located near a farm in Melsiripura belonging to National Livestock Development Board.

Chandrasiri added that the initial bribe of Rs. 1.2 million was later reduced to Rs. 600,000. It was reported that Muthuvinayagam had sent another in his place to collect the bribe. That suspect was alleged to be an Accounts Assistant in Muthuvinayagam’s private company and he was also arrested by CIABOC.

Further investigations are being carried out by the CIABOC and the suspects.

Labour imports must be managed professionally to avoid destabilisation

From left: Access Engineering MD Christopher Joshua, CA Sri Lanka President Jagath Perera, GMOA General Secretary Dr. Chandana Dharmarathe, International Trade State Minister Sujeewa Senasinghe, NHRDC Chairman Dinesh Weerakkody (moderator), IESL Vice President Eng. Arjuna Manamperi, Immigration and Emigration Department Controller General Nihal Ranasinghe, IPS Research Director Dr. Nisha Arunathilake and Labour Department Commissioner General A. Wimalaweera at the constructive discussion titled ‘Bringing skilled foreign workers into Sri Lanka; is it a viable option?’ organised by the NHRDC together with CA Sri Lanka and the International Chamber of Commerce Sri Lanka

logoFriday, 5 October 2018

A group of professionals belonging to several agencies said in one voice on Tuesday that foreign worker policies must be carefully drafted and should not in any way be allowed to destabilise the local labour market.



The known facts about Sri Lanka’s labour market are: the skills mismatch, low female labour force participation at 36%, youth unemployment, demography, ageing population, and outdated labour policies.

To address our labour shortages and the skills mismatch we need to up-skill our domestic labour pool, tap into our overseas Sri Lankan workers and diaspora, and finally for short-term gaps look to foreign labour.

It is estimated based on Immigration Department data that around 40,000 foreigners, mainly from India, China and Bangladesh, are working in different sectors. Some however put the figure as high as 200,000.

Sri Lanka currently has no adequate institutional, legal, policy and operational framework for facilitating and regulating foreign worker movement in Sri Lanka. According to the Department of Census and Statistics, there are nearly half a million vacancies in medium- and large-scale private sector enterprises in 2017 (see chart).

The hardest to fill vacancies are found in the occupation categories of ‘sewing machine operators’ (46,576), ‘security guards’ (45,316) and ‘other manufacturing labours’ (31,277).

Large-scale labour shortages in selected industries including the tourism, construction and Information and Communication Technology (ICT). Moreover, industry level estimates show that the labour shortages are likely to increase over time in key sectors, largely driven by a skills mismatch and young people not interested in certain jobs.

Shortage is real

Sri Lanka is increasingly facing domestic labour shortages in key economic sectors and industries. While demographic, social attitudes, expansion of the economy and outward labour emigration largely contributes to the shortfall, lack of interest in certain types of jobs, competition, insufficient salaries and payments, lack of qualified people, poor terms and conditions of the job also play a significant role.

Shortages are today recorded in many projects with foreign direct investments as well as in Sri Lankan own companies. As the labour component is a key input to economic development, the consequences can be critical, leading to a drop in productivity and direct output losses.

Acute labour shortages will affect economic growth and also investor confidence. Economic research in other countries suggests unemployment below 5% builds wage pressure as businesses struggle to find suitable candidates.

Labour shortages – and the resulting higher labour costs – make markets inefficient and are a disincentive for investment like what is now happening in many developed markets. Therefore a clear policy is required to deal with the issue of labour shortages, both in the short-term and the long-term.  In the short-term we need to increase the female labour participation level, training of existing workers to do new jobs, improvement of benefits to attract more workers, mechanisation, improvement of HR management practices, and lastly foreign workers as solutions through local certification and Mutual Recognition Agreements (MRAs).

Long-term however we need to invest to get our labour ready for the emerging new jobs. The government and the private sector will need to address this challenge jointly.

Options

Some industries in the country are adopting varying strategies to overcome the shortage. Some industries in the construction and tourism sector are now using foreign workers to fill vacancies.

Notwithstanding economic consequences, labour import to any country is a sensitive issue as its impact will be felt across its social, cultural and economic fabrics with far-reaching consequences.

Some of key challenges of bringing foreign labour and skills include loss of job opportunities to locals due to cheap labour being imported, skilled Labour becoming unemployed, threats to social-cultural identity, health, order, and national security. Unregulated labour immigration may also lead to illegal immigration, drug trafficking, overstaying, abuse of visa conditions, and risk of human trafficking, resulting in the loss of public confidence in the immigration system.

Therefore as the panel of experts suggested this week the Government immediately needs to:

a) Establish a national mechanism to quantify and publish total foreign worker requirement per year, by sector and by occupation

b) Establish a national mechanism to set and verify qualification/skills/experience of professionally qualified persons and persons with special skills

c) Establish eligibility guidelines for employers intending to hire foreign workers

d) Establish a work permit issuance mechanism and

e) Establish guidelines and robust verification mechanism to ensure job opportunities are first offered for Sri Lankans, before hiring foreign workers.

Therefore the foreign labour hiring policies needs to be carefully drafted so as not to destabilise the local labour market.

(The writer is a thought leader.)

Friday, October 5, 2018

Politics of hate speech

Can freedom of speech be extended to freedom of hate speech?


 by Dr Ruwantissa Abeyratne-
I disapprove of what you say but will defend to the death your right to say it – attributed to Evelyn Beatrice Hall (1906).
( October 6, 2018, Montreal, Sri Lanka Guardian) Article 14 of the Constitution of Sri Lanka guarantees three sets of rights: freedom of speech, expression and the right to publish.  Sarath Mathilal de Silva in his article published on August 28, 2018 in the Daily News said: ‘Freedom of speech and expression means the right to express one’s convictions and opinions freely by word of mouth, writing, printing, pictures or by any other mode. It includes the expressing of one’s ideas through banners, posters, signs etc. It includes the freedom of discussion and dissemination of knowledge. It includes the freedom of the press and the Propagation of ideas; this freedom is ensured by the freedom of circulation. The right of the people to hear is within the concept of freedom of speech”.
Can freedom of speech be extended to freedom of hate speech? Amila de Silva in his article of 11 September 2018 on Facebook titled Does Sri Lanka really need new hate speech legislation? says “Hate Speech legislation is something that should be approached with extreme caution. At the end of the day it is a decision to be taken by society as to what degree of control over speech it is willing to give up in the name of security. History and culture often play a role in attitudes towards this – and Europe’s more restrictive laws on speech can be explained by its colonial and WW2 past as opposed to the US’ more free speech centered, first amendment approach”.
The operative question is therefore whether hate and hate speech should be resisted by censorship. The United States Constitution, in its First Amendment states the: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances”.  The freedom of expression, as enunciated in the First Amendment, has been considered sacrosanct and inviolable by censorship laws that prohibit opinions and points of view.  In Beauharnais v. Illinois, the Supreme Court of the United States viewed with disapproval a decision of the Illinois Supreme Court, invoking a defamation statute and considering a petition protesting against racial discrimination as calculated to cause violence and disorder.
In New York Times v. Sullivan the Supreme Court rejected the argument that defamation cases are not limited by the First Amendment.  In the 1971 case of Cohen v. California which came before the United Sates Supreme Court, the facts of the case were that the appellant was convicted of violating a  part of California Penal Code § 415 which prohibits “maliciously and willfully disturbing the peace or quiet of any neighborhood or person . . . by . . . offensive conduct,” for wearing a jacket bearing the words “Fuck the Draft” in a corridor of the Los Angeles Courthouse. The Court of Appeal held that “offensive conduct” means “behavior which tends to provoke others to acts of violence or to in turn disturb the peace,” and affirmed the conviction.  The Supreme court held that in the absence of a more particularized and compelling reason for its actions, the State may not, consistently with the First and Fourteenth Amendments, make the simple public display of this single four-letter expletive a criminal offense. The Fourteenth Amendment guarantees that no state can make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor can any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.  The Supreme Court held that the constitutional right of expression is powerful medicine in a society and that it was designed to obviate restraints by the government on public discussion.
In the United States, hate speech is constitutionally protected unless such speech corresponds to what is called the “emergency test” where speech would directly cause imminent and serious harm.  This includes slogans such as “Black Lives Matter” or “White Power” if such expressions are publicly stated and are calculated to cause disruption in schools.  The 1969 decision, at the height of the Vietnam war, in Tinker v. Des Moines School District is a case in point where the Court considered the wearing of black arm bands in protest of the Vietnam war to be sufficiently contentious to potentially cause disruption or harm in the school.  It must, however, be mentioned that the constitutional protection of hate speech applies only to governmental action and not to the private sector, which is free to censor hate speech that violates company policy.
Professor Nadine Strossen, in her book HATE: Why We Should Resist it with Free Speech, Not Censorship says: “Hate speech” censorship proponents stress the potential harm such speech might further: discrimination, violence and psychic injuries.  However, there has been little analysis of whether censorship effectively counters the feared injuries”.  Hate speech can be actionable only if such incontrovertibly leads to disrupting of society and harming others.  A good example is the 2016 Anti Semitism Awareness Act which states inter alia that Anti-Semitism remains a persistent, disturbing problem in elementary and secondary schools and on college campuses and that Jewish students are being threatened, harassed, or intimidated in their schools (including on their campuses) on the basis of their shared ancestry or ethnic characteristics including through harassing conduct that creates a hostile environment so severe, pervasive, or persistent so as to interfere with or limit some students’ ability to participate in or benefit from the services, activities, or opportunities offered by schools.  Any speech in a school or other public place that would endanger the safety of a race or ethnic community could analogically, along with epithets or other expressions against the Jewish community, be judicially reprehensible on the basis of the “emergency test”.
To quote Martin Luther King Jr., “Returning hate for hate multiplies hate, adding deeper darkness to a night already devoid of stars. Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that”.

Three Palestinians killed as Israeli army fires on Gaza protests


A 14-year-old boy is among three Palestinians killed on Friday during weekly protests in Gaza

Medics carry young Palestinian who was injured near frontier with Israel (MEE/Mohammed Asad)

Friday 5 October 2018 
Three Palestinians were killed in the Gaza Strip after the Israeli army opened fire on protesters near the fence between Israel and the blockaded Palestinian territory, the Gaza health ministry said.
Fares Hafez al-Sersawi, 14, and 24-year-old Mahmud Akram Mohammed Abu Samane both died after being shot in the chest during demonstrations east of Gaza City, ministry spokesman Ashraf al-Qudra said.
Hussein al-Rakab, 28, died after being shot in the head near Khan Yunis in the south of the Gaza Strip, Qudra said.
Another 376 people were wounded, including 126 who were shot, according to health ministry figures.
Seven Palestinians were in a critical condition, including a medical volunteer, the ministry said.
Palestinians had expressed fears about increased violence during this week's demonstrations after the Israeli army announced on Thursday that it would be bolstering its forces near the frontier. 
Israeli Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman also hinted that the Israeli army would respond forcefully to the protests this week, tweeting "the holidays are over" on Friday morning, referring to the end of a month-long series of Jewish holidays.
Lieberman was recently accused of being too lenient toward the protesters in Gaza by Israel's hardline education minister, Naftali Bennett.
According to Qidreh at the Gaza health ministry, 197 Palestinians have been killed and more than 21,600 injured since the protests began at the end of March. 
Forty-four children have been slain since the protests began, according to the group Defense for Children International.
“The international community must work to bring about an end to all forms of collective punishment caused by the ongoing blockade on Gaza since 2007,” said Defense for Children International-Palestine’s Accountability Program director, Ayed Abu Eqtaish.
After a relatively quiet period in which the protests continued in a more limited capacity as Israel and Hamas discussed a now-stalled, long-term truce agreement, seven Palestinians were killed last Friday. 
The protests are now entering their seventh month. Palestinians first began participating in the Great March of Return on 30 March, one of the biggest mass demonstrations since the Second Intifada.

Jared Kushner’s Peace Plan Would Turn Jordan Upside Down

If the Trump administration seeks to strip Palestinian refugees of their status, it will destabilize one of America’s closest allies in the region.

Jordanian protesters wave their national flags and Palestinian flags during a demonstration against the U.S. president's decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, on December 15, 2017, in the Jordanian capital Amman.Jordanian protesters wave their national flags and Palestinian flags during a demonstration against the U.S. president's decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, on December 15, 2017, in the Jordanian capital Amman. (KHALIL MAZRAAWI/AFP/GETTY IMAGES)

No automatic alt text available.

BY -
OCTOBER 5, 2018, 6:50 AM
The Trump administration’s attempt to pressure Jordan to strip its Palestinian refugees of their status struck a nerve in the kingdom at a time of unprecedented economic and political turbulence. In presenting their ill-conceived plan to Jordanian officials, U.S. peace negotiators Jared Kushner and Jason Greenblatt have demonstrated a bias and ineptitude that will derail Washington’s self-proclaimed peace plan and further undermine U.S. credibility in the Middle East.

Jordan is home to almost 2.2 million registered Palestinian refugees—more than any country in the region. When Palestinians were expelled from their homes in the British Mandate of Palestine during the war that led to Israel’s independence, the kingdom welcomed the refugees and granted them citizenship to ease their humanitarian burden, but in a limited capacity so as not to affect Palestinians’ national aspirations or their political future. They are still considered “stateless” awaiting repatriation, as provided by Jordan’s legal, regional, and international commitments. The popular phrase “Jordan is not Palestine” was and remains a vital national security concern in the kingdom.

For almost seven decades, the poorest refugees in Jordan have been cared for by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). UNRWA operates 171 schools in Jordan, serving more than 121,000 students. Its 25 primary health centers handle more than 1.5 million visits a year, and 10 recognized refugee camps shelter around 370,000 refugees.

The White House’s goal, detailed in internal emails from Jared Kushner to his colleague Jason Greenblatt that were obtained by Foreign Policy, is “to have an honest and sincere effort to disrupt UNRWA” and strip refugee status from all but the few living Palestinians who fled British Mandatory Palestine in 1948—a plan that reveals a profound ignorance of Jordan’s current political and economic woes.

Kushner seems convinced that UNRWA “perpetuates a status quo, is corrupt, inefficient and doesn’t help peace.” President Donald Trump’s son-in-law turned senior advisor, who lacks any credible diplomatic experience in Middle East affairs, expressed his view that, “Sometimes you have to strategically risk breaking things in order to get there.” What he fails to understand is that his half-baked plan risks undermining the legitimacy and sovereignty of Jordan, Washington’s closest ally and partner in the Middle East. In this sense, taking the refugee issue off the negotiating table is, as Trump is fond of saying, tantamount to cutting off your nose to spite your face.

Despite the generous foreign aid Amman receives, with a new infusion on the way from the Gulf States this week, it has been struggling with an economic crisis fueled by domestic and international factors, including the spillover from conflicts next door in Iraq and Syria. Widespread tax evasion has further contributed to ballooning Jordan’s debt to 95 percent of GDP. The lack of funds has triggered runaway inflation at a time when the state struggles to provide food and water for 670,000 poverty-stricken Syrian refugees. Proposed tax reforms and price hikes this spring spurred a general strike by labor unions that brought down Prime Minister Hani al-Mulki. New Prime Minister Omar Razzaz’s tenuous popularity hinges on whether he will confront Jordan’s core political corrosion.

Amid this tense political climate, with a single-minded goal to dissolve UNRWA at all costs, Kushner reportedly offered to hand Jordan the millions the United States gives annually to UNRWA in exchange for absorbing full responsibility for Palestinian refugees. King Abdullah rejected the offer out of hand, and Jordan’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Ayman Safadi said such a move would have had “extremely dangerous humanitarian, political and security implications for refugees and for the whole region.”

Some officials in the Trump administration might naively consider Jordan too weak to resist U.S. pressure to accept White House commands. Jordan is certainly a close U.S. ally that is significantly dependent on U.S. aid. However, having survived many existential challenges since 1946, Jordan’s monarchy is not willing to commit national suicide just to please Washington.

The White House would also do well to consider the risks of destabilizing its ally. Palestinian civic leaders in Jordan embrace UNRWA as a protector of Palestinian funds and a guarantor of their livelihood in the face of entrenched corruption in the Jordanian government. A wholesale transfer of UNRWA funds to that government would almost certainly be a money grab by a ravenous bureaucracy, sparking violent protests that could potentially collapse the new government in a storm of anti-authoritarian fervor. A formerly reliable insurer of stability would crumble, paving the way for unimaginable devastation and suffering.

Trump has accused UNRWA of perpetuating the refugee crisis by providing essential services as refugees wait to be repatriated, rather than working to permanently resettle them elsewhere. But nothing in UNRWA’s mandate gives it the authority to resettle anyone, even if it wanted to, and a unilateral attempt to strong-arm Jordan into upending multilateral agreements shows an ignorance of the political realities on the ground.

At last week’s U.N. General Assembly meeting, Trump announced he would unveil his plan for Israeli-Palestinian peace within four months. The White House has closed the PLO office in Washington and relocated its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem, moves that confirm a pro-Israel bias that all but guarantees Palestinian noncooperation. Alienating its longstanding ally Jordan would further cement the growing U.S. rift with Arab countries and undermine prospects for peace.

If the plan bars more international aid to Palestinians, a humanitarian crisis will envelop the region—including Israel—with violence.

And, if Kushner’s plan succeeds, ultimately host countries such as Jordan would bear the consequences of UNRWA’s demise. This explains the enthusiastic lead taken by King Abdullah and Jordanian diplomats at the General Assembly to raise millions of dollars in funds for UNRWA to replace U.S. funding cuts and avoid the collapse of the refugee agency.

Jordan has avoided calamity for now. To prevent further insecurity, the United States should reinstate its funding for UNRWA and pursue a just and comprehensive negotiation process that treats the Palestinians as a party equally deserving of sovereignty and security rather than simply pandering to Israel.
 
Khalil E. Jahshan is the executive director of Arab Center Washington DC, a nonprofit, independent research organization dedicated to furthering the political, economic, and social understanding of the Arab world in the United States and to providing insight on U.S. policies and interests in the Middle East. @KhalilEJahshan

Learning in a puddle

The Dheisheh refugee camp by night, warmed by the lights of a nearby illegal Israeli settlement. According to US officials, the camp’s 15,000 residents are no more than “entitled beneficiaries.”
 Anne PaqActiveStills

Aysar Al-Safi-4 October 2018
Seventeen years ago, my Arabic teacher at the United Nations Relief and Works Agency primary school in Dheisheh refugee camp in Bethlehem asked me and my classmates to write something about the camp.
It was winter and I was 13. Although I had just started my journey in writing, I was not keen. Writing was the last thing on my mind: I was more interested in keeping myself warm.
The school was far more cramped than usual. They had built new classrooms with a type of sheet metal made from zinc and wood. We called them zinco classrooms, and because of them, we were now 45 students to each room, huddled onto shabby wooden seats in a very narrow space.
I never did work out if it was our good or bad luck that saw us so privileged to learn in these new rooms.
The zinco classrooms shaped me in all ways, intellectually and emotionally. They framed my understanding of what it meant to be a refugee. The cramped space sparked in me a hatred toward this squeezed world of school. Half of most of my days were spent here, cooped up.
My only respite was found in the other half of the day, when I would run the narrow alleys of the camp getting up to mischief. Those alleyways were the only spaces where children could play in the camp. And so our lives were determined by the weather, particularly the seasons, specifically two: the unbearable heat of summer and the wet and cold of winter.

Learning by the season

In winter, my mother forced me to wear all the clothes I had in the closet. I would walk around in several layers all of different sizes and different colors. Nothing matched. In general, the mothers of my classmates showed creativity in so many ways, a creativeness arising from a life of poverty. My mom, for example, would give me socks and plastic bags to wear in the wet. I would put on the socks first, then the shoes and over both would go the plastic bag as a protective layer to prevent water seeping in.
I spent years of my educational life learning in a puddle. Literally. In the classroom, the longer we could keep our feet up from the water the braver we would feel. It was a challenge we developed into a game. Who would be the hero of the zinco classroom that day? Most of the time, we wouldn’t have a winner. When the rain was heavy and leaked through the ceiling, the cold and rain would simply put an end to our school day.
Our mothers benefited in some ways. By the time we got home we were drained, too tired to cause any trouble, seeking only the warmth of our beds.
The zinco classrooms had some unanticipated side effects. On a rainy day, it was terribly difficult to hear the teacher over the sound of water plonking on the roof. Studying would get even harder when the water dripped onto our books. The letters would eventually blur and dissolve into colored smudges on the page. Learning impossible, we would call on our imaginations and dream the hours away.
In summer, our minds would seek refuge from the sweltering heat and wander to the sea, so close yet out of bounds to us. Even now, all these years later, some of my old classmates have never seen the sea.

Far from entitled

When I hear the US State Department refer to me and my classmates as “entitled beneficiaries,” I cannot help but laugh. I know – I have had the good fortune to travel abroad when most of my neighbors have never left the occupied West Bank – that this learning environment is neither normal nor healthy.
It is certainly far from entitled. Despite erratic funding, certainly never quite enough to properly meet needs, UNRWA has nevertheless supported millions of Palestinian refugees who would otherwise have been completely destitute, even if we did learn in overcrowded, ramshackle classrooms.
My identity as a refugee will not change regardless of what the American and Israeli governments say. My lived experience in the camp – within sight of my original village, al-Walaja, to which I am forbidden from going – learning in puddles, playing in alleyways, all these have shaped me. I cannot erase my history. I will not erase my dreams of return and justice for all.
The camp suffered many social and political difficulties at the time in 2001 when I was tasked by my teacher with writing about it, difficulties that had lingered for more than a decade.
Educational and social activities were largely prohibited during the first intifada, and the Israeli occupation authorities would shut down Palestinian schools and arrest writers and intellectuals. Reading books, writing novels, selling magazines and newspapers were considered political acts.
Being caught in possession of a political book – which could include biographies of prisoners, or accounts of other revolutions elsewhere – could result in detention. It was an attempt at what Palestinian prisoner and writer Walid Daqqa has called a strategy of “melting the awareness,” at rendering us, in terms of our history, identity and culture, a blank sheet.

Systematic erasure

In the Palestinian context, the street has always served as a public space for both social and political life. The Israeli occupation, meanwhile, has always tried to erase Palestinian memories and culture, and replace it with ideas and principles that force a dependence on Israel. It is a political annihilation, a systematic plan that aims to create an incomplete and incoherent society composed of individuals fearful of losing what little we have left.
This “melting the awareness” strategy aims to destroy Palestinian unity and shake our conviction in liberty by putting a very high price on any form of resistance. It has devastated our social lives. As the pressure on us grows, and our freedoms and opportunities shrink, our social fabric has weakened. When I was a child, social life was centered around the common spaces in the camp. Today, it is not safe to gather this way. Our fear of the repercussions has forced us to isolate ourselves from each other in our homes.
The strategy works on a very deep and subversive level. It weakens us by targeting us psychologically. It aims to replace our sense of belonging and faith in our own righteousness with doubt and a false memory in which Palestine no longer exists. This may seem trivial compared to the daily oppression we suffer. It is, however, the very essence of what “melting the awareness” entails.
Palestinian culture has always been at the heart of the resistance against the Israeli occupation. Maintaining the Palestinian national culture, the sense of peoplehood, has been the most important objective of all our political parties. To beat the Israeli occupation it is paramount that we withstand Israel’s attempt at erasing our culture, history and identity.

Zinco dreams

I had forgotten when our assignments were supposed to have been completed. I didn’t even hear the teacher when he asked me to stand in front of my classmates to read my story out loud. In fact, I hadn’t written a single letter.
Instead I traveled in my imagination through the streets and alleys of the camp, past the marches and demonstrations for the martyrs, the stones and the old shelters, hearing the voices of invading Israeli soldiers. I traveled in my head to the sea, through woods that no longer exist.
I dreamed zinco dreams.
With my classmates I’ve grown up and seen dreams come true and dreams die. I have classmates who became doctors and engineers, artists and writers. I have classmates whose dreams died with them, martyred for the cause, fallen like autumn leaves.
I have seen Palestinians defy theory and academia. Refugee camps may be poor and overcrowded places, but in Palestine they are neither chaotic nor crime-ridden as the social sciences might predict. In spite of the poverty, high unemployment and inadequate access to social services, Dheisheh prides itself on a low crime rate and a high rate of post-secondary education among residents.
Indeed, the camps maintain social relations and social order. They contribute strongly to enhancing social and political awareness. It is for this very reason that they are seen as a threat to the occupation by those supporting the occupation.
Dheisheh refugee camp is less than half a square kilometer. It is inhabited by at least 15,000 people, many of whom are children under 18 years old. Israeli occupation forces invade the camp routinely, arresting and wounding at will. According to UNRWA, in 2017, 45 camp residents were wounded in such military incursions, 32 from live ammunition. There were two fatalities, stories that will never unfold.
I didn’t write that article when I was 13, though it did mark the beginning of my journey as a writer. Maybe I was not then able to explain what was on my mind at the time. There are many stories that have been written, and many that have not. There are also stories that are still waiting to be heard.
Aysar al-Saifi, the author of three novels and a collection of short stories in Arabic, is a translator and a refugee originally from the village of al-Walaja. Twitter: @AysarDawoud

‘Get out!’: Woman roars in defense of Spanish speakers confronted for not speaking English

A bystander called out a woman accused of harassing two shoppers for speaking Spanish in a grocery store Oct. 1 in Rifle, Colo.

The two women, their fingers extended at each other, clearly thought that too much was at stake.
Linda Dwire was outraged over two women speaking Spanish in the aisle of a grocery store in Rifle, Colo., on Monday. She confronted them over what she believed was an erosion of American values.
Then another woman intervened to restore civility in a personal moment inflamed by national tension over immigration policy and American identity.

“I’m calling the cops. You leave these women alone! Get out!” Kamira Trent roared in a video taken by one of the women.

“You come from a generation — ” Dwire began to reply.

Trent cut her off. “No, I do not. I have respect. You do not harass people.”
Dwire pointed at Trent.

“You will lose your country,” she said. “You know what, you will lose this country.”

Dwire headed down the aisle as Trent continued, and a store employee gave chase. “You do not harass Hispanic women!” Trent said.

Trent called the police, and Dwire was arrested and charged with two counts of bias-motivated harassment, according to an arrest affidavit obtained by The Washington Post. Dwire was released on bond and is due in court next month, BuzzFeed reported.

Trent did not return a request for comment, nor did Fabiola Velasquez, who shot the video. Velasquez and her friend Isabel Marin are from Mexico, BuzzFeed reported.

Dwire could not be reached for comment, although she told the responding officer that she found Spanish “offensive,” according to the affidavit. Dwire asked the women if they liked living in the United States. They told her yes.

“Linda told them to speak English and be an American,” Rifle Police Department Sgt. Carlos Cornejo wrote.

Dwire maintained that she was exercising her freedom of speech and did not raise her voice with the two women, contradicting the accounts of the other women involved. Dwire told them to get out of the country, Cornejo wrote.

Dwire continued to yell and rant at the entrance of the City Market as Cornejo approached. She told a store employee something to the effect of “this is what is wrong with our country” with a flurry of her hands, he wrote.

She ignored commands to stop and was handcuffed after trying to walk away, Cornejo wrote.

Marin told Cornejo she began to walk away because Dwire “was being very aggressive and she was afraid she was going to hurt her.” Velasquez had two young children with her, Cornejo wrote. Both women were crying, he added.

Dwire told BuzzFeed she is not racist.

“It has nothing to do with race. It’s a patriotic thing,” she told the outlet. “When people come to my country, they need to love it enough to speak English.”

Trent told BuzzFeed she had originally stepped in to de-escalate the situation, but she maintained her position after it became heated.

“Letting that happen is really what’s wrong with our country,” she said.