Chandra Jayaratne Wants Ranil To Act On Perpetual Treasuries

SEPTEMBER 7, 2018

Chandra Jayaratne has requested Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to make good on commitments articulated to Parliament to take additional steps regarding the Treasury Bond scam in the interest of upholding the Rule of Law, justice and the promotion of anti-corruption action.

Chandra Jayaratne

Jayaratne claims on behalf of ‘the citizens’ that they (the citizens) ‘have noted with great satisfaction’ the commitments made in response to a question raised by the Chief Opposition Whip, which he has detailed as follows:

1. The Government had sought the Attorney General’s advice, as to whether it can take over the Rs. 11 billion lying to the credit of the Perpetual Treasuries Group in frozen accounts, without waiting till the conclusion of the on-going case in the Colombo High Court; which is purportedly more than the loss incurred due to the questionable Treasury Bond issuance

2. The Attorney General and the Police are free to initiate action in the High Court upon the conclusion of the investigation

3. You will ask the Attorney General’s Department and the Bribery Commission to expedite and complete the investigations early;

4. All legal steps have been taken in bring the former Governor back to the Country; and

5. To inform you of anything else that needs to be done:

Jayaratne has requested that the following ‘action steps’ are initiated immediately under the Prime Minister’s personal direction and oversight:

1. Instruct the Commissioner General of Inland Revenue, to initiate a process to assess and recover the following taxes due, along with applicable penalties due thereon, in the event it is determined that any member of the Perpetual Treasuries Group of Companies have willfully avoided and / or failed to return and settle the dues, arising from engaging in business activities and “Acting As a Primary Dealers and or Trading in Government Securities, Bonds etc”, and in respect of profits made there from:

a. Income Tax

b. Financial VAT

c. Deemed Dividend Tax

(Opinions of two leading Tax Experts in above connection is annexed)

2. Insist that the Auditor General or a Competent Auditor selected by the Auditor General, conducts a Forensic Audit and Transfer Pricing Audit on the operations of any member of the Perpetual Treasuries Group of Companies, which engaged in business activities as Primary Dealers, and or Trading in Government Securities, Bonds etc during the financial years 2015 and 2016, and the findings are transparently published and provided to the Attorney Generals Department and the Bribery Commission.

3. Arrange for the Securities and Exchange Commission of Sri Lanka(SEC), as well as any of the Professional Accountancy Bodies who are members of IFAC (including CA Sri Lanka, CIMA Sri Lanka and ACCA Sri Lanka),the Chartered Financial Analysts Sri Lanka, the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, the Directors Institute and any Chambers of Commerce to assess whether any entity or any Director, Officer or Manager or Employee of the Perpetual Treasuries Group of Companies were also concurrently members of the respective Professional bodies/associations and Chambers; and were bound by Codes of Governance, or Professional Codes of Conduct and Ethics; and if so require such Associations, professional bodies and Chambers to carry out a review whether any of their members who were in employment or acted in a professional capacity as Accountants, Mangers, Lawyers, Investment Managers, Auditors, Consultants or Tax Practitioners have violated the binding Professional Codes of Conduct and Ethics and / or any Commitments arising from:

a. Non compliance with Laws and Regulations (NOCLAR) or

b. Any provisions of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act

and if so to compel them to institute relevant disciplinary hearings and impose required sanctions where in default of applicable codes.

He has also opined that Perpetual Treasuries ‘seems to be treating the gain as a capital gain’ and has detailed his views on the matter in order ‘to clarify the legal position’ as follows:

1. It is clear that the fiscal concession conferred in respect of interest received by section 32 (2) of the Inland Revenue Act, No 10 of 2006 (as amended), is confined to a “primary dealer” alone (within the contemplation of the definition of the relevant term phrase as set out in section 217 of the Act) who is engaged in a primary market transaction.

2. The question that arises for consideration is whether a primary dealer who purchases a relevant security, treasury bond or treasury bill issued under the relevant empowering statutes in a primary market transaction and retains such security or instrument until maturity or for more than one day comes within the scope of the tax concession conferred by section 32 (2).

3. The statutory provision makes it explicit that the fiscal concession is confined to a primary dealer engaged in a primary market transaction who holds the relevant security or instrument for no more than one day. It is trite law that a transaction cannot be both a primary market transaction and a secondary market transaction at the same time. It is possible for a transaction to have that status on a consecutive basis but the status cannot be concurrent.

4. The general rule of interpretation is that a statute is to be construed, if possible, so as to give sense and meaning to every part. The maxim expressio unius est exclusion alterius (which means the express mention of one thing implies the exclusion of another) was never more applicable than when applied to the interpretation of this statute.

5. Francis Bennion in his well known work Bennion on Statutory Interpretation [London: Lexis Nexis, 5th edn., 2008], at p. 1259, commenting on the operation of the principle in specific statutory contexts, states as follows:

Uncertainty in one part of a proposition may be resoved by implication from what is said in another part, even though that other part is not directly referring to the first part. Accordingly, account is to be taken of a meaning of one provision in an Act that logically if obliquely arises from what is said elsewhere in the Act. Equally, an express statement in an enactment may carry oblique implications respecting the legal meaning of other Acts, or of unenacted rules of law.

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SRI LANKA GOVT TAKE LEGAL ACTION AGAINST TAMIL MP OVER A STATEMENT CALLING FOR LTTE REVIVAL

Image: MP Vijayakala Maheswaran with PM Wickremasinghe.

07/09/2018

Attorney General yesterday advised the Inspector General of Police to take legal action against former State Minister Jaffna District Parliamentarian Vijayakala Maheswaran over a controversial statement she made recently at a political rally.

IGP Pujitha Jayasundara has been instructed by the AG to file a case against Maheswaran under section 120 of the penal code, sources confirmed.

Maheswaran called for the return of the LTTE to bring back discipline to the north and east when speaking at a rally held in Jaffna in July this year.

According to advice given by the AG, she will be charged for “exciting or attempts to excite feelings of disaffection to the President or to the Government of the Republic, or contempt of the administration of justice, or excites or attempts to excite the people of Sri Lanka to procure, otherwise than by lawful means, the alteration of any matter by law established, or attempts to raise discontent or disaffection amongst the people of Sri Lanka, or to promote feelings of ill-will and hostility between different classes of such people”. The offence entails a maximum jail term of two years.

The Government was pushed to resort to legal measures on the issue after opposition MPs, especially the Joint Opposition (JO) group, demanded action be taken against Maheswaran for calling for the return of a proscribed separatist terrorist group and acting in violation of the Constitution.
FT

Shiral and media director get the axe ! Shiral to be arrested if he acts tough –president

(Lanka e News – 09.Sep.2018, 2.06PM) It is a well and widely known fact President Pallewatte Gamarala who has already broken records after records as the most ungrateful ,cruel, cunning leader replete with all the wicked traits in all the three worlds never hesitates to bite the hand that feeds. His latest record breaking feat in this direction revolves around chasing out Shiral Lakthileke (lawyer) who functioned as his co ordinating secretary and advisor , based on reports reaching Lanka e news.

The other officer along with Lakthileke who has incurred the displeasure of Gamarala is latter’s Director General( media) , Dharma Sri Bandara Ekanayake , it is learnt.

Shiral Lakathileke ( in spite of his putrid antecedence –NGO crook and a slimy fox) was in charge of a number of projects of the president , and was making cut backs on funds allocated to those projects . Three individuals appointed by Lakthileke for those posts were also dismissed by the president.

Lakthileke had been over this issue railing at the president wherever he went , and lately he is in the ready to express his opposition openly against president.

Gamarala who became president on the unstinted and wholehearted support of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe , no sooner he secured that post than he with a view to attack the same UNP leader appointed Lakthileke as his coordinating secretary , a vicious and venomous enemy of Ranil in order to fulfill Sirisena’s hidden agendas at that time.

Gamarala when taking slimy and shallow Lakthileke into his fold completely forgot that Lakthileke was the rascal who played a key role in the stone pelting attack on Sri Kotha , and staged a march from Matara to Colombo to oust Ranil only to get thrashed with cinnamon clubs at Matara . Since that point of time Lakthileke best known for worst atrocities and political opportunism , unrelentingly carried out the anti Ranil activities in the way the president desired. Lakthileke also resorted to every possible subterfuge to break up the consensus within the consensual government on behalf of Gamarala

In any event , according to reports reaching Lanka e news , the reason for Ekanayake and Lakthileke to get into the bad books of the president is because they have sold most vital and close secrets of president to the outside. Lakthileke of course has been most famous for such surreptitious activities wherever he worked. It is despite Lakthileka’s such putrid record , Gamarala appointed him as his coordinating secretary.

The fury of the president against Lakthileke is so much so that , he has started preparing a dossier of the frauds and rackets of Lakthileke with a view to arrest him if the latter after his dismissal tries to vent his vengeances on the president.

What is specially worthy of note is , since Gamarala Pallewatte became the president he had during his three years in office has transferred three private secretaries , three presidential secretaries and three defense secretaries . According to those who know about Gamarala and Lakthileke both notorious for scheming, underhand activities and ingratitude sticking together for so long is itself a record .

It is an open secret that Lakthileke and Dharma Sri while receiving salaries from the president were also in the pay of Maharaja and under obligation to him.

By a special correspondent of LeN

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by     (2018-09-09 09:36:03)

Namal: The ‘crown prince’ in a tearing hurry

In his haste to get somewhere fast, the young MP from Hambantota proved last Wednesday that he could really jeopardise his father’s dreams for the future:

“Everything the light touches is our kingdom.”- Mufasa, Lion King

BY OUR POLITICAL EDITOR-9 September, 2018

September 5, 2018 was supposed to be much more than just a mass mobilisation of support for former President Rajapaksa and his proxy party known as the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). Janabalaya, organised by the SLPP ‘youth wing’, was also about a passing of the torch.

Over a decade long presidency, Mahinda Rajapaksa groomed his eldest son Namal to be his successor in politics. The second boy, Yoshitha, dreamt of a military career, the youngest Rohitha dabbled in aerospace engineering. But Namal Rajapaksa’s destiny was to follow in the illustrious footsteps of his father, and his grandfather before that – the keeper of the flame and the political future of the Rajapaksa family.

In December 2019, Namal Rajapaksa will be 33 years old, two years shy of eligible age to contest for presidential office in Sri Lanka. Capturing the presidency in 2020 is just beyond the young politician’s reach. His best hope is to remain in politics – and out of prison – until 2025, and cash in on his father’s legacy to reach the highest office of the land. As Dr Jayadeva Uyangoda argued superbly in a political analysis published in a Sinhalese language weekly recently, Mahinda Rajapaksa’s sights are really set on 2025 and a presidential future for his eldest offspring. In 2019/2020, what the former President is truly seeking in a candidate who will contest from his party, is a place-holder for his son, someone who will pave the way for the rise of Namal in 2025. In essence, Mahinda Rajapaksa is looking for a regent, until his son and chosen ‘heir’ comes of age.
It is strange to resort to monarchic metaphors in discussions about the political future in what is supposed to be a democratic country. Yet the Rajapkasa universe is quintessentially monarchical, and is often most easily deciphered and analysed by setting their dilemmas, their successes and failures within that context.

None of the candidate options currently in the SLPP/JO fray, quite fit the bill. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the most obvious presidential aspirant in the Rajapaksa faction so far, falls short of being the ideal ‘regent’. Firstly, he has a son of his own and may harbour dynastic ambitions. Secondly, the former Defence Secretary is already looking to set up a wholly different type of administration than has ever existed in the country. If a Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency ever takes shape, the soldier will take precedence over politicians, forever altering a long-standing republican tradition that the military official is always subject to civilian political control. It is to highlight this subservience as it were, that military officials are placed lower in the order of precedence for seating at official sate functions and events. If Gotabaya wins the candidacy and this alteration takes place, there will be no more guarantees about the line of succession, no matter what promises may have gone before the election. The former President is keenly aware of this threat and it may be the defining reason for his vehement opposition to the prospect of a Gotabaya candidacy in 2019.

Dinesh Gunewardane, G.L. Peiris, Chamal Rajapaksa, these are all unpredictable choices –politicians in their own right – who may develop minds of their own if they secure high office. The former Speaker, although well-liked across the board, poses an even larger threat to the Namal 2025 project, since his son, Shashendra, is already an active politician.

Uncle-nephew problems

The Mahinda Rajapaksa family within the larger Rajapaksa clan therefore has a fairly unique problem. Added to that, is the growing resentment within sections of the SLPP/JO that former Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa has been portrayed as the ‘mastermind’ behind the SLPP election success in the local government polls. The JO decision to move a no-confidence vote against the Prime Minister that was easily defeated in April this year, was another unmitigated disaster that Basil Rajapaksa had strongly warned against.

Friction between the former Economic Development Minister and Namal Rajapaksa has been a long-standing issue. The portrayal of Basil Rajapaksa as an indispensable factor in the Rajapaksa comeback project is no doubt unsettling for the former President’s immediate family.
The Janabalaya last week therefore, set out to prove two things.

Firstly that Namal Rajapaksa was in fact, the ‘chosen heir’ to Mahinda Rajapaksa’s political legacy. This meant that the senior leadership needed to begin to look up to the 32 year politician from Hambantota, and learn to take direction from him. The visuals posted across social media of the young Hambantota District MP chairing meetings, at the centre of a SLPP/JO group that included Rhodes Scholar Prof. G.L. Peiris and Dinesh Gunewardane, the son of one of the founding members of the Lanka Samasamaja Party, were deliberately revealing. The SLPP Youth Wing Twitter account and all of the Namal Rajapaksa satellite accounts, exploded with pictures of the young MP addressing pocket meetings to brief supporters about the Janabalaya Colambata rally. The group’s digital marketing teams created a theme song and video for the rally that included visuals only of the young MP from Hambantota – there were visuals of Namal being arrested, holding meetings, reaching out to communities – all under the watchful shadow of his father. The Janabalaya was supposed to be the launching pad for Namal Rajapaksa in the way that Paada Yaathra and Jana Gosha was for Mahinda Rajapaksa in the 1980s, a symbolic passing of the mantle that would signal the desire of the 72 year old former President’s heart, and his only true political dream.

Organiser strength

Secondly, the Janabalaya was supposed to showcase Namal Rajapaksa’s own organisational strength, without his Uncle Basil’s help. Basil Rajapaksa is currently in the US, where he holds citizenship, and did not even return to Sri Lanka to attend his brother Tudor Rajapaksa’s funeral two weeks ago. Said to be sidelined and in a bit of a sulk, the former Minister seemed intent to stay away from the mass rally, organised by his nephew. It is learnt that Basil Rajapaksa strongly opposed mobilising supporters to converge on Colombo at this time, preferring to do it in December, just before the provincial council elections are expected to be held. The Basil faction in the SLPP believed a show of strength at that point would serve the party well in an election, by creating the impression that the Rajapaksa led party was enjoying a groundswell in support.

In hindsight, this may have been the wiser course of action.

Wednesday’s rally fell flat, even though it managed to bring tens of thousands of people to Colombo. The numbers fell significantly short of the SLPP Youth Wing targets of 200,000-500,000 propagated widely over social media ahead of the rally, but that was the least of the organisers’ problems. The SLPP frantically tried to create the impression that the Government was going to crackdown on the mobilisation. But even though law enforcement was on standby with tear gas, water canons, riot police and even STF personnel moved into the capital the night before, the rally itself was peaceful and completely devoid of interference from the police.

Contributing to this situation was the fact that the much-hyped rally created a lull in the capital, with many choosing to stay away from work and school in order to avoid getting stranded on the road or stuck for hours in traffic congestion.

The result was traffic flow that resembled a public holiday and protestors who had the Colombo Fort area to themselves, and exploited it to the fullest - for merry-making. To maintain an air of mystery, organisers refused to tell supporters where the march would converge, only announcing the location as the Lake House Roundabout after about 30-40,000 people were already milling about in the capital without direction.

Any semblance of organisation that had existed when the march began from different directions had fallen apart, and with no epicentre, a stage or planned speeches, the crowds hung about aimlessly for hours, occasionally cheering when VIP convoys carrying former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa sliced through the protestors. The heavy partying took its toll on demonstrators who had little to look forward to as dusk fell. By 7 pm they began to walk away from the Roundabout, looking for buses to take them back home.

A half-hearted satyagraha and pleas for crowds to stay overnight on the road got little traction, and the vigil was called off at midnight allowing the remaining stragglers to disperse.

The morning after, was like a bad hangover for Namal Rajapaksa and his fellow organisers. During the protest and overnight, the Rajapaksa twitter universe had gone deathly silent with its main controllers busy with the protest. The rest of social media had exploded with photographic evidence of drunken shenanigans, poor organisation and piles of garbage left behind in the city once the Janabalaya protestors moved on. By morning, the protest had been dubbed an utter failure, even on websites and social media platforms that usually favoured the JO.

Bad hangover

Blame was laid entirely at the feet of the young prince. Namal Rajapaksa’s social media marketing and engagement remains unparalleled in Sri Lankan politics to date. But Wednesday’s rally proved that when it came to a real ground-game and political organisation, the young MP had a great deal left to learn. As one Twitter user pithily put it as the post-mortems of the rally wound down last Wednesday, “this Simba can’t walk yet”.

If following his father’s example was the aim of Janabalaya, there are other lessons to be learned from Mahinda Rajapaksa’s political journey. To begin with that politics is a game for distant runners. Namal Rajapaksa showed a lack of patience, a desire to get somewhere too fast – and he built resentment in the ranks and clocked up a major failure with Wednesday’s rally. Fears within the JO now are that the flop could have a telling effect on the group’s political fortunes, and result in another major loss of momentum on the back of a failed attempt to oust the Prime Minister, a debilitating Hitler scandal and infighting over the 2019 candidacy. The drunken party on the streets of Colombo also stripped the SLPP/JO of its moral high ground, as the custodian of the country’s morality and Buddhist values.

The failure of the crown prince last Wednesday, has set the stage for a renewed quest for a regent, and fresh fractionalisation within the JO.

In Disney’s blockbuster animation Lion King, Mufasa, leader of the pride, shows Simba the kingdom that will one day be his. In the movie, the young cub nearly lost it all through wilfulness and regret.
Namal Rajapaksa is heir to a tremendous political brand and legacy, but in his haste to reach the top, he could easily precipitate the decline of everything his father built over four decades in politics.

Once already, the double triumvirate of offspring and sibling, with their arrogance and extravagance, cost Mahinda Rajapaksa a third presidential term. At this rate, as they precipitate crisis after crisis, they could just as easily jeopardise his dreams for a real political comeback.

President Maithri reveals who really has power to call snap polls

BY Gagani Weerakoon- SEP 09 2018

Following a massive propaganda campaign and a change of dates a few times, earlier, in the run up to Janabalaya Kolambata protest, the Joint Opposition finally was able to show its ‘strength’ by bringing tens of thousands of people to Colombo last week.
Masses gathered in front of the Lake House blocking all three roads to and from Colombo, as the JO and SLPP occupied Colombo in an overnight protest.

Crowds surged behind former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and other members of SLPP and JO who commenced the demonstration from the Pettah Temple - famously referred to as ‘Pettah Bo-Tree’.
Meanwhile, crowds from the Town Hall area converged at the Lake House junction at around 4 p.m., blocking all routes.

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa addressing the gathering said: “We will stay with the people, through the night until it dawns. The Government cannot stand in our way; we will go forward and stand strong.”

Yoshitha Rajapaksa, Namal Rajapaksa, Wimal Weerawansa, Pavithra Wanniarachchi, Geetha Kumarasinghe, S.B. Dissanayaka, Bandula Gunawardena, Keheliya Rambukwella and several other former Parliamentarians were present at the protest.
Meanwhile, several reporters were seen being harassed by intoxicated supporters and the crowd also attacked some buses and assaulted drivers.

Even though it was widely publicized as a protest by the Joint Opposition, the main organizer of the protest march was none other than Hambantota District Parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa. As it is known that former President’s brother Basil Rajapaksa - arguably one of the finest national organizers any political party could have in the present era - many eyes were also on MP Namal to assess his skills in mobilizing masses.

Though the numbers were in thousands, not having proper focus was clearly evident in watering down a protest march which otherwise would have led shockwaves to the Government.

While it was emphasized the protest would be held against Government policies such as selling-off national assets to foreign countries, privatizing public enterprises and institutions and toppling the Government, it was reduced to petty issues like not giving Opposition Leader’s post to the Joint Opposition. Lack of focus was evident when the protest actually took place watering down the hype it created for weeks.

The strategy of confusing the Government from having a clear idea about when, where and what the Joint Opposition was planning to do on the day of the protest march succeeded to a certain extent as the authorities had to scatter its security to different main focus areas.

Prior to the protest march on Wednesday, MP Udaya Gammanpila said that they had informed the Government to make available the required facilities to accommodate ambulances arriving at the Colombo National Hospital, to be directed to the Teaching Hospital Colombo North (Ragama) and Kalubowila (Colombo South) Teaching Hospital due to the congestion that is likely to arise because of Janabalaya Kolambata anti-Government rally.

In advance, MP Dulles Alahapperuma apologized to all Colombo residents for any public inconveniences likely to be caused due to the rally, warning that the Government is initiating various traps with the intent of sabotaging the movement.

Even though, not on a large scale as predicted by Gammanpila, thirty individuals were taken to the National Hospital, Colombo, at about 8.45 p.m. on the day of the protest, after taking ill suddenly. The hospital sources said that 21 individuals obtained medication at the Out Patients’ Department and left, however nine were admitted for treatment. The cause for this sudden illness, where patients complained of nausea, vomiting and loose motions, was milk packets they were served by another group on several points in Colombo as they were proceeding towards the Lake House Roundabout.

Furthermore, another individual is reported to have died during the protest. The body of the deceased was placed at the National Hospital mortuary pending a post-mortem

Court says no

Colombo Chief Magistrate Ranga Dissanayake on Tuesday (4) rejected requests, made by three Police stations, for interim injunction to be issued against the anti-Government rally and protest march organized by the Joint Opposition.

While rejecting the request made by Cinnamon Gardens Police, Welikada Police and Colpetty Police, the Magistrate also ordered the Police to apprehend Parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa and 10 others, if there was evidence to suggest that during the protest they were planning to enter the President’s official residence at Malalasekera Mawatha and stage an anti-Government riot.

The order came following Cinnamon Gardens Police informing the Court that they have received information to the effect.
Magistrate Dissanayake, accordingly ordered the Cinnamon Gardens Police to arrest JO MPs named below, if the information received by the Police about their plan was true, as they had been named as respondents in the request by the Police.

The 11 persons include, MPs Namal Rajapaksa, Rohitha Abeygunawardene, Dilum Amunugama, Wimal Weerawansa, Udaya Gammanpila, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Prasanna Ranathunga, Tissa Vitharana, D.E.W. Gunasekera, Dinesh Gunawardene and Asanka Navaratne of the Mahajana Party.

Police Sergeant Mendis making submissions in Court, said that the JO had planned a protest against the Government, based on various issues and that they were planning to enter the road on which the President’s residence is situated, entering the house and were also planning to prevent the President from leaving his house. Therefore, he requested the Court to issue an Interim Injunction on the JO, preventing them from entering the President’s premises.
The Magistrate then inquired from the Police whether they had received a complaint to that effect.

The Police then informed Court that there was no complaint received and they had gathered the information through the Western Province Intelligence Director.
The Magistrate then told the Police if the protesters were planning to topple the Government unlawfully, then, as they would be committing an offence, under Sections 114, 115 of the Penal Code, the Police have the authority to apprehend and produce them in Court.

The Magistrate also told the Police that evidence has to be produced in Court that the investigations by Police have revealed that the protesters were planning to topple the Government.
The Police then told the Court that they had not done an inquiry into the information received by them.

The Chief Magistrate then advised the Police not to pass the buck to the Court and that if there was evidence to suggest through their inquiries the protesters were planning to raid the President’s house then it could be deemed an illegal act and the suspects could be arrested.

He told the Police that every individual in the country has been given the right to engage in protests and if there was anyone engaging in riots against the Government they can be arrested as per Section 116 of the Penal Code. He then rejected the request for an Interim Injunction against the JO protest.

Meanwhile, Welikada Police made a request to Colombo Additional Magistrate Neranjana de Silva to order the protesters to engage in a peaceful protest near the Polduwa Roundabout and Diyatha Uyana and she told the Police that no Court Order will be needed for any protesters to engage in peaceful protests and told the Police to act if the protesters were to act in violation of laws.

Presidential Elections

President Maithirpala Sirisena yesterday put to rest the increasing speculations about holding the Presidential Election prematurely and insisted that neither United National Party (UNP) nor the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) can form a Government sans the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

“There are various people who forecast an early Presidential Election in 2019. I must tell you that there are no such preparations to hold an election prematurely. No one else, but I am vested with powers to go for an early election and the decision completely lies with me,” President Sirisena said.

Addressing SLFP’s Nivithigala Balamandalaya, the President also emphasized that both UNP and the SLPP should not overestimate their power.

“Neither party is strong enough to form a Government without the help of the SLFP. People should keep in mind those political movements that build around certain individuals sans policies and visions are only short-lived. What this country needs at this hour is proper policies and a Government that has a better vision for this land. It is only the SLFP that has such policies at the moment,” he added.

He also pointed out that powers of the President as per the provisions of the 19th Amendment will be further lessened after the future Presidential Election.
“Therefore, what the political fraternity must pay attention is to find a strong and suitable person to be the Prime Minister, because it is the Prime Minister that is going to be the centre of governance,” he elaborated.

President Sirisena also said that he will make a special statement to the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on 24 September to bail out the security forces from the allegations of war crimes. “I will make a special statement regarding the military forces and the alleged war crime charges on them. Once that is done I hope it will solve many other problems in the country too,” he added.

Ranil to lead UNP

While the President is saying that neither the UNP nor the SLPP could form a Government alone, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe addressing the 72nd anniversary celebration of the UNP requested young leaders of the United National Party to be ready to take over the party by 2030.

 “I have already started to groom a new generation of leaders. It is definitely us who will take the Government in 2020. We also have a clear aim about 2025. I would like to request our young leaders to prepare to take over the country by 2030,” he added indicating he will, probably, not give up party leadership at least for another 10 – 15 years.

Wickremesinghe said that he had received several phone calls on 5 September inquiring as to whether holding the Party convention was necessary on Thursday (6) due to concerns over the Joint Opposition’s Janabalaya Kolambata protest march.

“Some of them even suggested to me to postpone this anniversary celebration to safeguard the Government. But I told them that we will do our thing and let them do their thing. But look what happened on 5 September. It was proved that the ‘Lotus Bud’ has no ‘Janabalaya (power of the people)’ and the media which never see the good things we do for the country only have the ‘Pacha Balaya’ (the power of lies). No matter how they try, the media cannot destroy the legacy of this Party,” he said.
The Premier said that many people did not believe that the Government would last much longer when they came to power.

“We had to endure so many difficulties and there were many hurdles in our way. We had to pay a colossal amount of money to the banks from which loans were taken. We faced a severe drought, floods and everything else. But none of these things could destroy us. We had to take tough and unpopular decisions. We had to increase the Value Added Tax. The prices of goods increased. But we did everything for the country and we did what we had to do to protect it from disasters. Now it is the time to reap the harvest of all those decisions. So, let us reap the harvest and share it with our Party supporters and also with the rest of the country,” the Prime Minister said.

Police tug of war

The Constitutional Council on Friday (7) gave the National Police Commission (NPC) and the Inspector General of Police (IGP) Pujith Jayasundara 14 days to solve all disputes between them.  The Council met, with Speaker Karu Jayasuriya presiding, at the Parliament complex to discuss the reports submitted by the Independent Commissions and the administrative problems of the Commissions.

One of the key issues taken up for the discussion was the ongoing dispute between the NPC and the IGP where the latter declined to follow some recommendations of the NPC about the promotion of Kilinochchi Senior Superintendent of Police Palitha Siriwardena, the promotions of 129 officers subjected to political victimization, the removal of Officer-in-Charge (OIC) Narammala from his post, investigations into the educational qualifications of Deputy Inspector General of Police Nalaka de Silva and the suspension of the OIC of the Statistics Division.

The NPC complained to the Council earlier  that they could not compel the IGP to implement their recommendations. The NPC Chairman had complained that with the IGP refusing to implement their recommendations, the NPC is unable to take any further action to ensure the implementation of its proposals as it does not have the powers to do so.

In response, IGP Jayasundara informed the Council that he could not implement some recommendations on various grounds. One of the Police officers in the list of 129 directed by the NCP for promotions is known to have close connections with the previous Government although the list mentions that he was politically victimized by the same Government.

This has created serious doubts regarding the process used by the NPC to recommend promotions for these officers, the IGP said.
The Council then informed both parties to come to a conclusive agreement on the matters within 14 days and to inform the Council.

Bigger they are, harder they fall

Friday, 7 September 2018

So, the rally was a success. No, it wasn’t. Yes, it was, because it was bigger than ever and everyone knows that bigger is better. Also, beggars can’t be choosers, so we chose some scoundrels off the streets to represent us at the showdown (like the House), and primed them with a bottle and a buth packet, and sent them to the barricades (as we did to Parliament). Maybe it would have been a bigger success if social media had swallowed it whole – not the booze or buth, but the rice and curry of realpolitik-driven fake news; and not just questioned where 700 busloads of protestors could park, for instance, let alone demo in the town.


The point is that it’s silly season in the game of presidential politics. And that’s only because the blue green incumbents can’t quite make up their mind whom to field as a viable opening batsman at the next polls. Being at odds with themselves as a team! Also the retired-hurt pinch-hitter is greedy for another turn at bat – whether it’s in the laws of cricket, or not. Plus the people are fed up to their silly points or silly mid-ons or offs about promises made in the run-up but delivered as a no-ball. So what could or should have been a sophisticated contest between evenly matched teams – it’s the ‘President’s Trophy’, after all – has descended to the level of a street brawl. My rally is bigger, putha.

What passes for a ‘big match’ in political circles in the once-in-five-years tussle to see who gets their name on the top order of the national scoreboard is corny. For rather than wooing and winning the crowds with cavalier strokes of policy or dazzling sportsmanship in terms of principle, the contest between would-be national sides has come down to “mine’s bigger than yours”. My bat, my ball; my pitch, my fielding team; my crowd, my supporters; my ego, my energy; my organising power, my extraordinary party machine; my popular appeal – not my true temperament; my charisma – not my character; my everything, my all; it’s simply bigger than yours, sonny.

Maybe it is high time we all grew up as a cricketing polity. Or as a low-politicking cricket-playing nation? But who will bell the cat (or legislative umpires and third umpires and judicial match referees) without risking more than boos or jeers or catcalls, but broken noses and bashed-in heads? When the mood of the crowd – both at the stadium and at home, safely ensconced in front of the evening TV – is, ‘size matters’? It was such a success, no – saw the number of fellows, men!

One wishes that the brains – I use the term lightly, advisedly, and with no bias except a bit of satire at the expense of silly sausages on the street – behind the organising of such rallies as we saw this week would up the ante when it comes to ways and means of political persuasion. Oy, move on there, we’re not keen to be stuck in some ‘pseudo-socialist with a nouveau-riche peccadillo’ backwater hellhole where work and life and all that jazz comes to a halt each time some barbarian prince decides to storm civilisation’s gates with the great hairy unwashed hordes! Our place in the sun awaits, and not as a coconut state at that! Grow up, son.

Being part of the fourth estate, I claim no greater politically savvy brawn – again, satire or perhaps irony at my own expense – than the erudite spokesperson who said about the rally, to members of the media as much as the public: ‘sha, size matters’. I don’t think even he or they of the Pohottuwa persuasion put it so blandly. Were someone with more panache – for one can hope that even the Huns will grow slicker – to paraphrase him, the justification would probably go something like this:

“The SLFP is one party. It is a unit, after all. It was like a family. But sad to see and say that Mother and Father have fallen out. They both draw smaller crowds now than when they behaved like a loving couple from the same household in wartimes. Aney, even all our meda midula peduru parties have a lesser number of people, no? What if we brought all Mama’s and Dada’s supporters together – and proved to those nosey neighbours with noses like elephants’ trunks that we’re still one big happy family?”

So, on the street the bottom line is: ‘size matters’. The pity is, with an apathetic duo at the crease, they might be right – and might may be right. There’s also the matter of what happens if one of them gets out, and the senior partner (he thinks) looks for a better (he thinks) partnership.

Of course, in slightly more sophisticated circles the argument runs a little closer to the ambit of republican constitutionalism rather than crowd sourced antinomian demonstrations. It’s not all ‘happy families’ there, but rather about legal precedents and the gravitas of interpretation as regards a key piece of legislation. To wit, that the two-term limit on the executive presidency is a new constitutional clause – and therefore, does not apply retroactively to past presidents; who may thus aspire to the purple again.

Of course, the same gravamen has been put forward by those who would see us all return to the heady days of being green in judgment in global matters – e.g. inveigling eastern dragons to set up more than Chinese restaurants called ‘String of Pearls’ – and cold in blood: for who can forget the water-cannon and bullets of Rathupaswala?

I for one still remember. And rue the day. As well as regret the penchant of peculiar republicans to take perverse pleasure in an early day off and home to telly because the barbarians have taken to the street. Says we are no better than the non-cricketing members of the chambers of not-quite-commerce who hanker for their old skipper back.

Shows we are perhaps all in need of a straight bat who can tell a Chinaman from a googly or gin-gang-gooly-whatever, and queer the pitch of all of them… from ‘size matters’ merchants to the lame-duck duo who are stuck at the crease, hoping for rain and banking on Duckworth-Lewis to bail them out.
(Journalist | Editor-at-large of LMD | Writer #SpeakingTruthToPower)

Rajapaksa scion stages janabalaya, UNP reaches old age at 72 

Rajan Philips-September 8, 2018, 7:27 pm

Namal Rajapaksa, the politically aspiring Rajapaksa scion, has called his protest in Colombo last week,the largest ever in Sri Lanka’s history. That can only make sense if Sri Lanka has had no history before him, or if he is ignorant of any and all of the country’s modern political history before the Rajapaksas collectively arrived in Colombo. Only the latter can be true. Politicians with no knowledge of history are no longer strange animals, courtesy the Donald Trumps of America and elsewhere. Even before the Trump phenomenon, the bar for success in politics in Sri Lanka had dropped to rock bottom. All you need is to be a member of a political family. Imagine if the children of doctors, lawyers and engineers are allowed to obtain professional licenses merely because one of their parents is a professional in one of those fields. Although, some might say that even the non-doctor children of old school doctors will show greater empathy to patients than the current GMOA doctor upstarts. But in Sri Lankan politics, you only need to be a son, daughter or a sibling in a political family to become a professional politician.

The grand old party of uncles and nephews had a feudally cultivated way for distributing offices, perks and privileges among its contenders. They had learnt well from their colonial masters not only the art of the possible but also the limits of their possibilities. They conducted themselves more democratically and less brutally than, say, the Saudis. The other Sri Lankan family party had a martyr figure in its founder to successfully navigate the political waters. The parliamentary system also enabled, just as it had done in Britain, the co-existence of feudal relations and modern democracy.

The two parties, the UNP and the SLFP, have run their course. One of them, the SLFP is at a dead end. The older UNP, now 72, is said to be preparing a new line of leaders for 2030. That’s what Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe told his followers at the Party’s 72nd birthday party. What about 2020? Or even 2019? That’s the problem with too much visioning. The Rajapaksas, the new major family of politicians, have a different problem.

There are one too many of them, Rajapaksas, contending for the country’s singular political office – the presidency. Ay, there’s the rub, for Lanka’s modern prince, Namal Rajapaksa, who too has uncles to contend with. The prince might be undercooked for high office, but he is not unprepared to flex his muscle in public to send a message to his family. He might not be ready for the next presidential election, but his path to the office should remain clear. A Gotabhaya presidency might be too risky for eventual succession by Namal Rajapaksa. And alternative scenarios have their own problems.

The trial balloon floated to test the air for another Mahinda Rajapaksa run burst open no sooner than it was released. GL Peiris and Sarath Silva have gone quiet after their unsolicited and ill-advised advocacy. And Dr. Nihal Jayawickrema seems to have given up on his somewhat far-fetched interpretation of 19A after seeing the chorus of criticisms that he had generated. That leaves the option of getting Maithripala Sirisena, who is still Sri Lanka’s President, to run again as an SLPP/JO/SLFP candidate. No one knows where this option will go, unless we get some creative writing from our new Ambassador in Moscow on a second Sirisena presidential run in Sri Lanka.

Protest to what end?

This is the rather banal political backdrop to the janabalaya protest in Colombo. Even the claim that this was the largest protest in history is banality at its worst. At the end of it all, no one could remember what the whole fuss was about. I am not the one who is saying this. The Sunday Island political columnist took time to monitor the protest perhaps to say something about its historic significance. But this is what he wrote in The Island, yesterday, and it is worth quoting for its own significance:

"When the demonstration ended at midnight the buses were on hand to take them away, and the cleaning parties were on standby to clean up after them. This was supposed to be a protest, a demonstration against certain issues. The biggest weakness in the organization was that nobody was shouting slogans on the issues that were to be highlighted. They were supposed to be demonstrating against the proposed new constitution, against the Singapore-SL FTA, the high cost of living, the increasing tax burden, and many such issues. The whole purpose of a demonstration is to display banners and placards highlighting the issues and to shout slogans. Given the media coverage received, all the issues would have received a great deal of publicity. But as it turns out, even the slogans that were shouted out were lost in the crowd, the placards and banners were rendered ineffective. Having been at the venue, this writer can’t remember a single slogan written on the placards or banners."

It was not merely an organizational failure. It was a protest without a purpose and was staged as a show with no substance. That’s what differentiates this protest and all Rajapaksa led protests from the political protests of earlier times. As JVP MP Vijitha Herath described it, "the janabalaya protest march … has undermined the people’s genuine protest against the government." Worse, as the MP said, "Wednesday’s protest was a comedy with the people partying on the street after consuming liquor. What happens in such cases is the diluting of the protest against the government. That is why it became a failure with even the organizers admitting it is a failure."

Tellingly, the day after the protest, parliament was forced to adjourn proceedings for want of a quorum. In the past, there was a real connection between proceedings in parliament and the protests on the streets. The Left Parties provided that connection and it was that connection that gave the parliamentary system whatever effectiveness it had. The Joint Opposition does have an argument in not being recognized as the official opposition party. But that should not prevent the JO from attending parliament in full force and dominating proceedings. In their glory days, the LSSP and the CP dominated parliamentary proceedings regardless of the status they were given in parliament. The LSSP was not always the official opposition party, the CP was never the official party, but the two worked as independent units to provide a common opposition to the government. The two parties had exceptionally brilliant parliamentarians but their real source of strength was in the mass support they were able to mobilize outside parliament between elections.

There is another difference between now and then. The Left Parties and even the other political parties in times past did not have any skeletons in their cupboards. They did not have to launch political protests as a firewall against potential prosecution, which seems to be the main purpose behind the Rajapaksa protests, from the Nugegoda rally in 2015 to the janabalaya protest last week. And the protests seem to have had some scaring effect on the present government at different levels. For that reason, albeit a wrong reason, one might call the Rajapaksa protests a historic achievement.

Gota to be indicted tomorrow

Ex-Defence Secretary and six others face charges of misappropriation of Rs. 81 m. of State funds to construct D.A. Rajapaksa memorial in Medamulana:


BY ANURANGI SINGH-9 September, 2018

After three years of investigations and mounting accusations about delayed justice in corruption cases, former Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, arguably the most powerful member of the previous administration, will be indicted tomorrow, on charges of misappropriating tens of millions in public funds while his brother was President, to build a memorial for their parents in the Hambantota district.

The second case to be filed at the Permanent High Court at Bar will be taken up tomorrow, September 10, to serve indictments on the former Secretary of Defence and six others on allegations of misappropriation of State funds amounting to approximately Rs. 40 million through the Sri Lanka Land Reclamation and Development Corporation (LLRDC).

After concluding investigations by the Financial Crimes Investigation Department (FCID) the Attorney General’s Department filed the case at the special High Court with the sanction of the Chief Justice.

The other suspects are the former Chairman of the LLRDC, Prasad Harshan de Silva, former General Manager, Badhra Udulawathi Kamaladasa, Susammika Keyminda Attygala, Saman Kumara Abraham Galapaththi, Mahinda Saliya and Mallika Kumari Senadheera, who were also members of the LLRDC Director Board.

Accordingly, the first offence drawn against the defendants include misappropriation of State funds during the period September 2013 to February 2015 where LLRDC funds amounting to Rs. 33.9 million was used to construct the D.A. Rajapaksa Memorial and Museum in Medamulana, Weeraketiya; for committing the offence or aiding and abetting to commit the offence of misappropriation and criminal breach of trust under the penal code.

The second offence relates to misappropriation of funds amounting to Rs 5.98 million of LLRDC funds between the period November 2014 and February 2015 to construct the D.A. Rajapaksa Memorial and Museum.

A case was filed before the Colombo Magistrate’s Court where the FCID periodically reported its findings based on investigations. During the tenure of the Rajapaksa regime, LLRDC Chairman Harshan Silva reportedly wrote to the Navy in September 2013 on the construction of the said memorial. Funds were then released by the LLRDC on the request of the Navy. However, board approval for the release of the funds was only obtained at a later stage.

The Memorial which cost a thumping Rs. 81.3 million was opened on November 5, 2014. The Museum, among other things, showcases wax figures of the late D. A. Rajapaksa and his wife.
Rajapaksa was a SLFP politician and father of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the former Defence Secretary and current presidential aspirant, who will be indicted in the Special High Court on Corruption tomorrow.

Subsequent to investigations being initiated into the matter by the FCID, the Rajapaksa Foundation wrote to the LLRDC seeking the outstanding amount in order to settle it. On August 31, the Foundation had deposited Rs. 25 million to the LLRDC account until a final estimate was reached on the amount spent to construct the memorial.

On August 28, 2015, the General Manager of the LRDC sent a final bill to the Rajapaksa Foundation for the design and construction of the D. A. Rajapaksa Memorial and Museum at Medamulana. The total amount including VAT in the final bill was Rs. 81.33 million.

The former Defence Secretary is also facing charges in several other major corruption cases, including the controversial purchase of the MiG-27 aircraft from a Ukrainian company in 2006, with payments made to a ‘ghost’ company registered in the UK, which was contracted as a third party, charges under the Bribery Act over the decision to allow a dubious security firm run by ex-military men to run private floating armouries using Sri Lanka Government issued weapons and remains a person of interest in the investigation into the abduction and attack on journalist Keith Noyahr.

Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka Declares War In The Wild With AK47

By P. Soma Palan –SEPTEMBER 8, 2018

P. Soma Palan

I refer to the Front page Headlined news report under the heading “Wildlife officials to be armed with AK47 Rifles”, which appeared in the Sunday Times of 2nd September. The Wildlife and Regional Development Minister, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka has envisaged to Order 2568 AK 47 Assault Rifles to arm the Wildlife Officers, in a warlike effort: (a) to protect Wildlife (Elephants) from Poachers and (b) to solve the “Elephant- Human conflict”.

Financial cost of the Project

The purchase of the said weapons would cost Rs.42 million of Public Funds, and an additional, Rs.500 million for the purchase of Cabs for use of the Wildlife Officers. Further, another additional unknown cost, for the expansion of the Human Resource capital of 6000 Wildlife cadre, as per the statement of the Deputy Minister for Wildlife, Palitha Theveraperuma. Our Political Rulers, whichever the Government in power, has the knack to create artificial needs for purchases and job expansion, for their self- gain and to fortify their electoral support base. More the purchases, greater the cost value, greater the cost value, more the personal benefits. More the job expansion, more the political outcomes. This is, on a mistaken belief that job-expansion is economic development. Multiplying people at work, through job creation, without expanding the productive capacity, diminishes only the level of productivity of those engaged in work. Artificial creation of jobs leads to artificial need for facilities such as more Cabs/vehicles for surveillance duties amounting to Rs.500 million. This is a vicious cycle, which is a characteristic of the Government Service. There is rarely any attempt to increase productivity of human resources at constant capacity.

Protection of Wildlife (Elephants) from Poachers

The Wildlife Rangers, Assistant Rangers and wildlife Guards no doubt, need a standard Gun for their self-defense, during  their surveillance rounds in the wild, both against deadly wild animals and illegal armed poachers. This is understandable and a necessity. But, surely they are provided with this basic requirement, I believe, at present. However, do they need sophisticated automatic assault rifles of an AK47 kind, which is typically a military weapon? To be armed with such a lethal weapon, presupposes an intent to kill a human poacher or an animal. If it is the latter, then, it goes against the spirit of conservation of wild animals, which is really the rationale for setting up of a Wildlife Department, with the primary duty and responsibility to protect wildlife. A weapon is given to be used. If not, it is for mere display. Is not such a high powered and efficient automatic weapon goes beyond the purpose of a contingency, which is limited, few and far between? The threat to wildlife and/or to wildlife Rangers is not a military threat, deserving a military response.  This amounts to an over-exaggeration of a non-existent need to be armed with an automatic assault rifle. The possibility of such deadly weapons infiltrating to the domain of the criminals, through devious means, would result in widespread crime and contractual murders.

Elephant/Human Conflict

It is difficult to fathom how the provision of AK 47 assault rifles would solve the Elephant/Human conflict. The only implied inference is that the armed Wildlife Rangers could protect the human settlers in the forest borderlands, by killing the Elephants on rampage. Doesn’t this defeat the very purpose of wildlife conservation, by destroying wildlife? Aren’t there other civil, non-militaristic solutions to the Elephant/Human conflict and illegal poaching? What is needed, is ingenuous methods and strategies to overcome this problem. The provision of Guns, irrespective of their efficiency, is not the answer. There should be workable and pragmatic preventive measures and persistent vigilance and continuous surveillance of the forests borderlands.

Conclusion

I am not an expert on Wildlife conservation. I have no knowledge of the ground reality or terrain of the Wildlife sanctuaries. However, I can offer some suggestions, which are only a mental conceptualization. I do not know whether it is feasible or practicable. It is left to those Authorities concerned to explore the possibility of their adoption.

1. Ensure that Wildlife is left alone in their forest domain, free from interference by humans.

2. Prevent human settlers encroaching into the natural domain of Wildlife, the forest cover. Felling forest trees and clearing the land for human settlements must be closely watched and monitored. There should be no compromise on this aspect. Those involved in illegal felling of trees for Timber trade, particularly by politicians either directly or indirectly, must be severely dealt with. Eternal vigilance and surveillance of the Wildlife Rangers is required.

3. There should be a corridor of no man’s land between the Forest borders and human settlements with a sizeable gap making it difficult for elephants to attack human settlements.

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Parliament

Disna Mudalige and Amali Mallawaarachchi

 an Paisley’s visit linked to Sajin’s business deal- JVP

Disna Mudalige and Amali Mallawaarachchi-Saturday, September 8, 2018 

UK Parliamentarian Ian Paisley’s two luxury holidays to Sri Lanka in 2013, for which the Sri Lankan Government spent Rs 13 million, are connected to a business deal of former MP Sajin Vass Gunawardena, JVP MP Bimal Rathnayake revealed in Parliament yesterday.

The MP, moving an Adjournment Motion, brought out that the real intention behind sponsoring UK Parliamentarian Ian Paisley’s visits was to negotiate a “lucrative oil purchase deal” with a Nigerian company for former MP Sajin Vass Gunawardena.

The former MP was widely known to be the Monitoring MP of the External Affairs Ministry, under the previous administration.

MP Rathnayake, quoting a series of email communications between Paisley and former MP Gunawardena as well as a Foreign Ministry official known as “Majintha,” pointed out that the former MP had used Paisley as a negotiator for his business deal. He further pointed out that the UK Parliamentarian had visited Nigeria for the above purpose with the funds sponsored by the Foreign Ministry.

“His visits clearly had nothing to do with image building of Sri Lanka, while he had made no such contribution,” he added. MP Rathnayake further pointed out that UK Parliamentarian Paisley in his two visits to Sri Lanka from March 30 - April 5, 2013 and from July 1-11, 2013, had not met any of the responsible office holders.

“He had not met the President, the Prime Minister, Opposition Leader, the Speaker, Foreign Minister or the British High Commissioner in Sri Lanka. He had simply gone to see the elephants in Pinnawala in a helicopter. In his first tour, in which he accompanied his wife and four children, he had spent three nights in Passikudah and one night each at Hilton and Galle Fortress.

The Government had spent a total of Rs 7 million for that tour. On the second tour, in which he accompanied his wife and two children, he had spent two nights in Kandalama, one night at Earl’s Regency and five nights at Ahungalle Heritance. The Government had spent a total of Rs 6 million for that tour,” MP Rathnayake elaborated.

He said the itinerary and invitation for the second tour had been sent by Paisley himself to the Foreign Ministry. “These tours had been approved by the then External Affairs Minister Prof. G L Peiris. If the Government could not provide any proof for the appointment of former MP Sajin Vass as a monitoring MP, then Prof. Peiris has to take the responsibility for these spending,” he noted.
He added that an executive class Benz car and a Sri Lanka Air Force ‘Helitour’ helicopter had been provided to Paisley for his transport within the country.

Foreign Affairs Minister Thilak Marapone, replying to the motion, expressed his shock over the MP’s latest revelations, adding that the matter is a serious fraud that must be well investigated by the CID or the FCID. “Now it is clear that Ian Paisley’s issue runs deeper than spending a colossal sum of public money for his luxury holidays in Sri Lanka. It connects to a more serious fraud. I was not aware of the Nigerian business deal exposed by the MP. I will ask my Ministry Secretary to study this matter in depth,” he told the House.

MP Rathnayake in his motion, urged the Government to come up with specific guidelines or issue a circular detailing the procedure that should be followed when the Foreign Ministry organizes ceremonies in foreign countries and when foreign delegates are invited to the country. “Specifically note the punishments when these guidelines are breached,” he added.

He also urged the Government to furnish a report to Parliament within three months on the expenses borne by the Foreign Ministry for former First Lady Shiranthi Rajapaksa’s Paris visit, Birthday party of former Minister Rohitha Bogollagama’s daughter and Sajin Vass Gunawardena’s involvement in Ian Paisley’s visit after proper investigations by the CID or any other responsible authority.
JVP wants special inquiry on money spent for day’s sittings

JVP MP Bimal Rathnayake called on the Auditor General to hold a special audit inquiry and reveal as to how much of public money is being spent for a day’s sitting of Parliament.

The MP, participating in the Parliamentary debate yesterday to raise the salary and allowances of Auditor General Gamini Wijesinghe, expressed his disappointment that Parliament sittings came to an abrupt end on Thursday, within 14 minutes after commencement.

“The media had been reporting various figures on the cost of a day’s Parliamentary sitting. A large number of Police personnel and officials are on duty on the days that Parliament conducts sittings. I urge the Auditor General to hold a special audit inquiry and tell the country as to how much we spend for a Parliament sitting day,” he noted.

The MP also stressed that the Audit Commission must be empowered to hold comprehensive audit inquiries prior to the commencement of large scale projects. “Conducting post mortem examinations on corruption and fraud once those had happened, is of little help in a country such as Sri Lanka, as there are hardly any instances where we have recovered that loss. I propose that the Audit Commission must be given powers to audit Cabinet approved projects if the project value exceeds Rs 50 million. The Auditor General could study the Project Concept and plan and determine its value for money,” he suggested.

He also pointed out that wide discrepancies are there when evaluating Budget proposals with what had actually happened on the ground. “The Public Finance Committee would expose more details in time to come. The Government promised to set up the Budget Office, but it had still not become a reality,” he added.

The MP also urged the Auditor General to hold special audit inquiries on expenses made to national ceremonies held on a grand scale. “I propose that he select 10 - 15 such massive national ceremonies in the last 10 years and reveal the public as to how much of public money had been spent on them. Such expenditure are a colossal waste,” he said, observing that four national ceremonies had been held so far to open various stages of the Moragahakanda Project.

He also pointed out that Rs 4 billion has been allocated as promotional expenses for the Gamperaliya project.

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Speaker heads committee to improve communal, religious harmony

A Parliament Select Committee headed by Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, was appointed yesterday to recommend measures to improve communal and religious harmony in Sri Lanka.

The Committee includes, Deputy Speaker J.M. Ananda Kumarasiri, John Amaratunge, Gamini Jayawickreme Perera, Rauf Hakeem, Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, Rishad Bathiudeen, Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapaksha, Gayantha Karunatilake, Thalatha Athukorale, D.M. Swaminathan, Abdul Haleem, Mano Ganesan, A.H.M. Fowzie, A.S. Radhakrishnan, Ruwan Wijewardena, Sayed Ali Zahir Moulana, Opposition Leader R. Sampanthan, Douglas Devananda, Susil Premajayantha, Dinesh Gunawardena, C.B. Rathnayake, Wijitha Herath and M.A. Sumanthiran.

The Committee is expected to submit its report containing recommendations within six months. The Committee is to be set up to prevent repetition of misunderstanding among communities as experienced in Kandy in March, Ampara in February this year and Beruwala in June 2014.

The Committee has been asked to provide recommendations to prevent the propagation of defamatory opinion and opinion that undermine national harmony. It will discuss and decide on the suitability of including hate speech as a crime in the Penal Code. It will look into the possibilities of categorizing the school system on a non-racial or non-religious basis and introducing a special subject into the school curriculum in order to create national reconciliation.

The Committee will seek the contributions of academics, intellectuals and persons who have won the recognition and respect of the public for this national and religious reconciliation programme. It will propose a mechanism to seek the contribution of the Security Forces, the Police and religious leaders for the programme. It will formulate norms that should be followed when expressing views via social websites and various media networks, including the print and electronic media.

It will look into banning the publishing of news which disturbs national amity and how to formulate laws in that regard. The Committee will also be tasked with making recommendations to resolve issues related to the national language policy.

It will also examine and recommend changes to the Police Ordinance and policing in general to ensure better public confidence in the Sri Lanka Police Department.

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Govt. allocated Rs. 500 mn for Gamperaliya Development

The Government has made a supplementary allocation of Rs 500 million on August 8, to provide for the implementation of the Gamperaliya Rapid Rural Development Programme 2018-2019.

The supplementary allocation had been made from the National Policies and Economic Affairs Ministry.

The Government presented a Note on the Supplementary Allocations totalling Rs 12.4 billion, made to cover various additional expenses from July 1 to August 15, in Parliament yesterday.

It also included an additional allocation of Rs 1 million provided to meet the expenditure pertaining to the Gamperaliya inauguration ceremony in the Kurunegala District. That allocation had been made from the Finance and Mass Media Ministry.

When question by JVP MP Bimal Rathnayake on this expenditure, Leader of the House and Minister Lakshman Kiriella clarified that Minister Mangala Samaraweera had stated that 75 percent of the money spent on Gamperaliya was from the private sector. The Government had also reallocated Rs 11.4 billion from the Agriculture Ministry to meet the expenditure of fertilizer subsidy.

The Government had also made an additional allocation of Rs 257 million for the Moragahakanda and Kaluganga Reservoir Project (Government of Sri Lanka - China, Kuwait, and Saudi-Foreign Funds). The Note on Supplementary Allocations was presented by Chief Government Whip and Minister Gayantha Karunathilake.

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Construction of Norochcholai Power Plant wind shield by July 19: Ajith Perera

The construction of the Wind Shield to the Norochcholai Lakvijaya Power Plant would be completed by July 2019, State Minister of Power and Renewable Energy Ajith P. Perera said yesterday. He also said that a project to create concrete blocks from coal dust disseminated from the power plant would be on foot by the end of September 2018. The State Minister also said that a compensation of Rs. 12.7 MN had been distributed among the farmers who were affected by the coal dust and ash accumulated by the power plant. He also expressed his confidence that the power plant would soon receive a renewal of its Environmental Protection License, as all conditions have been duly completed.

State Minister Perera made these observations in answer to a question raised by MP Hector Appuhamy, with regard to the wind shield for the Norochcholai Power Plant and the accumulation of ash in the plant premises.

“The construction of the wind shield began in February 2018 as a joint venture between Laughs Holding Limited and Sanken Groups. Rs. 480 MN and US$ 1.4 MN had been allocated for the project separately.

The wall is 1,600m long and 15m high. The base of the wall is 5m wide,” State Minister Perera pointed out.

Speaking further, Perera pointed out that the government had already called for tenders and signed contracts with five parties for the removal of the coal dust accumulated by the power plant. “One such company will be purchasing 360 TN of coal dust from September. Another company had signed agreements with us to purchase 650 TN of coal dust from December 2018. This company has purchased lands and received environmental clearance already. Both these companies and other parties would be using coal dust to create concrete blocks.”

The State Minister also pointed out that possibilities are being explored to utilize coal dust in road construction activities as well.

MP Appuhamy informed the State Minister that there had been several mishaps when granting compensation to the farmers in the affected area. He also asked if a factory creating concrete blocks would be established within the power plant and also questioned as to how the factory would access water for its work.

In answer, Perera observed that such a factory would be established within the plant premises. “Initially, this factory was to be set up in Mundalama.

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‘Experts needed for AG’s Department’

The Auditor General’s Department ought to recruit disciplinary experts to avoid any error in conclusions and to strengthen the Audit Service in the country, State Minister Ajith P. Perera said yesterday.

Minister Perera made this observation, opening the debate on the determination moved by the Leader of the House and Minister Lakshman Kiriella, to increase the salary and allowances paid to the Auditor General.

The State Minister pointed out that 98% of the officers attached to the Auditor General’s Department are qualified Accountants. “However, there are various aspects to auditing. For example, if you take value for money auditing, it evaluates performances on selected criteria.

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Parliament approves AG’s salary increase

Parliament unanimously approved a Determination under the Constitution presented by the Government to increase the salary and allowances paid to Auditor General H. M. Gamini Wijesinghe yesterday.

The determination was moved by Leader of the House and Minister Lakshman Kiriella.

The new determination adopted yesterday, placed AG Wijesinghe on the 08th Salary Step of the SL- 4 Salary Scale of the Public Administration Circular No. 06/2006, with effect from November 27, 2015.

From January 1, 2016, the salary would be converted in line with the Public Administration Circular No. 03/2016.

According to the determination, AG Wijesinghe would also be entitled to a special monthly allowance of Rs. 50,000.

This allowance paid as personal to him, is in addition to salaries and other allowances entitled to the post of Auditor General.

It is paid by paying special attention to educational qualifications, service experience as well as the salary of previous service of Gamini Wijesinghe.

The increase of salary and allowances of AG Wijesinghe, had been delayed for three years. Cabinet had approved the revisions on March 14 last year. This proposal raises the AG’s salary and allowances to a level higher than what was proposed in the withdrawn motion.

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‘Cabinet Paper presented to hand over Motor Vehicle Examiner’s report to SLTB, AAC’

A Cabinet Paper had been presented to hand over the issuance of Motor Vehicle Examiner’s report to a joint venture by the Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) and the Automobile Association of Ceylon (AAC), Transport and Civil Aviation Deputy Minister Asoka Abeysinghe, said.

He was responding to a question raised by JVP MP Sunil Handunnetti, who queried as to whether there is a move to privatize motor vehicle examinations carried out by the Motor Traffic Department.
The Deputy Minister said a pilot project in this regard would be initiated between the SLTB and the AAC, adding that AAC would be given a 25 percent share of the joint venture. He said the Government came up with this proposal to minimize irregularities in issuing motor vehicle examiner’s reports.

He said initially AAC would only be given a 5 percent stake.

“I had discussens with the company and they pointed out the difficulties in handling this work with the marginal turn over received from it,” the Deputy Minister said.

The Deputy Minister further said that more motor vehicle examiners would be recruited shortly.
MP Handunnetti however questioned the rationale of privatizing the work of Motor Traffic Department without addressing the shortcomings and loopholes in the process that have led to corruption and irregularities.