Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, September 6, 2018

Probe On People’s Bank General Manager’s Increment Package 


Rusiripala Tennakoon
logoThese days there is spot light focus on the performance of S.O.Es in general and few such institutions in particular. Business editions of National Newspapers have narrowed their focus to the area. Hence the readers have got the opportunity of sharing authentic and responsible versions of certain facts that remained so far as gossipy allegations. This Sunday a leading newspaper carried the subject headline in their Business edition along with another news article published side by side titled “SOE losses to increase further”. These disclosures, although they do not fall into the category of any new revelations due to expositions made earlier, are receiving the public attention as never before.
SOEs in this country have become public liabilities unlimited. So much so the politicians who created them with much pomp and fan-fare have started branding them as virtual white-elephants. The irony of the matter is that these so called white-elephants from the time of their creation have been under the purview control, surveillance and counseling of these political god-fathers. Barring a negligible few the majority of the SOEs are either in the red, bankrupt, delinquent or in dire straits.
In a careful examination of these institutions, one will not fail to notice the nexus leading their connections to the State Banks and in particular the Peoples Bank, for the survival support extended to them, in some cases as the last oxygenate.
State Banks are managed and controlled by the politically appointed directorates with Chairmen functioning as virtual CEOs, unlike in the olden days where they were meeting on a regular basis for the approvals and authentication, of operational activities and to decide on policy matters. The involvements of the political appointees in the day to day affairs of the Banks have become more ramified proliferating into several areas in the administration.  
Some of the political green-horns, who have entered the arena after the precipitation of this complex situation, take up a defense by stating that the Boards are conducting their affairs under autonomy granted to them for which they only are responsible. This however is an obstinate excuse to shirk the responsibility. Do they expect the public to accept that under this autonomy the Boards of SOEs have powers to take unilateral decisions affecting the golden shareholder disregarding any governing regulations, treasury directives, supervisory controls, procurement guidelines and good-governance ethics?
Can the politicos dissociate themselves from their accountability to the public, Ministerial or otherwise, in the event of any violation, mismanagement or misconduct taking place in the SOEs? The truth of the matter is, this autonomy cannot override the controls by the Treasury and the Ministries under whose purview the SOEs fall. 
In such a situation “Probe on Peoples Bank GM’s Increment Package” becomes a totally futile exercise leading nowhere. There are several other issues that need to be investigated into. The remuneration package is just one insignificant appendage of the calamity the Peoples Bank is in. There are a number of contract employees other than the GM holding high and strategic positions in the PB enjoying extravagant remuneration packages inclusive of fringe benefits that cost the state enormously. 
According to reports, amounts exceeding Rs. 38 Billion have been granted as facilities to SOEs such as Mihin Air, SriLankan, Sathosa and Paddy Marketing Board. Most of these facilities are not granted on any commercial considerations. From this it appears that the banks have acted on some directives from the political authorities regardless of the commercial viability of such lending.
It is now established due to revelations made at the Bond Commission inquiry that the then Minister of Finance, Ravi Karunanayake had persuaded State Banks including PB (to GM himself) to bid low at the Central Bank Treasury Bond Auctions to be held  on 29th and 31st March, 2016.
This direction was carried out by the State banks paving the way to the acquisition of major share of these Bonds, by Perpetual Treasuries as was intended. 
The autonomy of the banks, which the politicians often refer to, is only a scapegoat to shun their own accountability. Therefore the norm is not the autonomy but a hybrid management culture with political influence plus. What the SOEs are experiencing today is a combined ill effect of those factors.
If a Probe is to be carried out it should cover the following areas:
1. Who made the decision to recruit contract employees to the PB and when?
2. What were the underlying reasons? 
3. Were they given any targets at the time of enlistment? Have they fulfilled those?
4. Were these engagements for any specific periods or were they taken in for indefinite periods?
5. Did the contract employees possess any special or extra ordinary qualifications or experience?
6. Who decided their emolument package and were the amounts paid commensurate with the degree of expected performance?
7. How were they recruited?  This applies to all heavily paid contract executives?
8. What were their contracts? Were they subject to any form of specific contractual obligations towards the Bank?
9. If they were recruited through an outside agency was the process transparent to the extent that the best could be chosen for the specific areas?
10. How were their emoluments paid? Direct or to the recruitment agency?
11. Is there a difference between the amounts they actually received and the amounts paid on their behalf to the recruitment agency by the Bank?
12. Were they entitled to prolonged employment in the bank and to be absorbed subsequently to the permanent cadre of the Bank according to these contracts?
13. Has there been an independent assessment of their performance during their tenure of office?
14. Did the Bank pursue any action or procedure to replace them with employees in the permanent cadre under a succession plan? 
15. When these contract employees were subsequently promoted or placed in positions of the permanent cadre, did they compete with the other members of the staff vying for these positions?
16. What was the procedure followed by the Bank when granting increments, salary revisions and offering special perks to these contract employees?
17.1. Several large loans granted during the tenure of office of these contract Employees are now transferred to Non-Performing category. Recovery of some is extremely doubtful. Who is responsible for those lending activities? According to an exposure by a whistle blower the Position is reported to be as follows;
According to the leaked report 22 advances with amounts exceeding Rs.100 Million are transferred recently as non performing (NP Section) in the Corporate Banking Division.  Some of these carry outstanding balances exceeding the amount originally granted indicating that no repayments have been made!
These 22 advances are classified into;
10 with outstanding balances over 100 Million
5 advances with O/S balances of over 200 Million
3  over  3oo Million
1  over 400 Million
1  over 700 Million

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158 disappeared Tamils remembered at Eastern Uni 28 years on


Home05Sep 2018
The enforced disappearance of 158 Tamils from the Eastern University in Batticaloa in 1990 was remembered today, 28 years on. 
On 5th September 1990, Sri Lankan soldiers surrounded the Vantharumoolai campus of Eastern University, rounding-up and arresting 158 Tamils that were sheltering there.
Those 158 were never seen again. Although locals believe they were likely to have been massacred, not even one body has been found.
Two weeks following this round-up, a further 16 were arrested and forcibly disappeared. The fates of those 16 are similarly unknown.
Holding photographs of missing loved ones and placards residents and students called for accountability and justice during a remembrance event held at the University. 

FULL REPORT: INTERIM RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE THE OFFICE OF MISSING PERSONS



Sri Lanka Brief06/09/2018

5. Urgent Recommendations

40. A key objective of the OMP is to make recommendations to relevant authorities in order to reduce the number of incidents of missing persons and identify avenues of redress that take into account the best interest of the victims and the families. Specifically, the OMP is empowered to make recommendations with regard to commemorations, reparations, non-recurrence, and legal reform. Furthermore, the Act empowers the OMP to provide or facilitate the provision of interim relief and welfare measures to families of missing and disappeared persons.

41. The current socio-economic situation of many families of the missing and the disappeared is dire and cannot wait until a final reparations scheme is devised. In the interim, a key set of measures is required to provide urgent and immediate relief to the families.

42. In addition, there is an overwhelming demand and need for investigation and prosecution of enforced disappearances. These are not merely crimes of the past but are of a continuing nature until the fate of the missing or their whereabouts are clarified. Therefore, it is urgent for the State to ensure an adequate legal framework and empower relevant state actors to discharge their functions to ensure prompt and effective investigations and prosecutions.

5.1. Interim Relief Proposals

43. The OMP wishes to draw attention to the distinction between relief and reparations. Relief is the immediate assistance provided to the affected to relieve them of the economic, social and other burdens they have suffered, whilst Reparations cover measures to address the rights that have been violated and where the State is obliged to repair the consequences of the violations.

44. The acceptance of relief measures cannot be regarded as a waiver of the right to adequate, prompt and effective reparation for the damage caused and the right to seek judicial remedies for accountability. Previous efforts at compensation have created distrust amongst victims and in turn have created doubt over the State’s willingness to provide truth and justice.

45. The OMP makes the following recommendations to the Government for immediate policy formulation and implementation by way of interim relief:

a) Financial aid programme: Implementation of a financial aid programme to provide a monthly living allowance of Rs. 6,000 to the surviving spouse, child/children and/or surviving parent/s of a missing/disappeared person, who has no permanent income. This will be adopted as an interim measure and will cease when final reparations are provided.

b) Debt relief programme: Inclusion of the families of the missing or disappeared as a separate priority category in (a) the debt relief programme aimed at writing off debt (example microfinance loans) valued at or below an amount determined by the Ministry of Finance, or (b) financial aid programmes and loan schemes such as ‘Enterprise Sri Lanka’ of the Ministry of Finance, aimed at achieving economic stability and self-reliance.

c) Housing development programme: Facilitation of families of the missing or disappeared to be a separate priority category within the existing housing programmes of the Ministry of Housing; implementation of new housing programmes for the construction of permanent houses; or providing financial assistance for the completion of partially built houses.

d) Educational support programme: Introduction of a scholarship scheme under the Ministry of Education for the children of the missing or disappeared in the form of a monthly allowance of Rs. 2,000 to cover essential educational expenses required for the completion of their primary and secondary education.

e) Vocational training and livelihood development programmes: Introduction of technical training personal development courses with provision for on-the-job training.

f) Employment quota: Introduction of an employment quota of 1% within the state sector in order to facilitate family members of the missing/disappeared who have requisite skills, when vacancies in the public and semi-governmental sectors are being filled.

46. These proposals shall be applicable to families of missing and disappeared persons as defined under the Office on Missing Persons Act, including those missing consequent to the war,
insurrections or are missing in action, and those forcibly disappeared.29 The proposals should focus on providing relief to the most vulnerable, including those who are in situations of poverty, single-headed households, and those with vulnerability levels based on the presence of children, caring for persons with disabilities or having disabilities themselves, special care for elderly persons, and victims of sexual violence.

5.2. Justice Related Recommendations

47. In recognition of the urgent need for justice and accountability, the OMP recommends the judicious adoption of the following measures to ensure prompt and effective investigation and prosecution of enforced disappearances as well as their non-recurrence:

Read full report of recommendations t as a PDF:OMP Report and Recommendation- English Final Version

Tamil National Alliance -A Sinking Ship

Kumarathasan Rasingam
logoTamil National Alliance (TNA) was formed with the blessings of Liberation of Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) leader late Pirabhakaran in 2002. While LTTE was engaged in armed resistance, TNA was mooted to agitate peacefully among the Tamils ,and in the Parliament to draw the attention and support of the International Community. TNA also supported the LTTE’s goal of a separate state which was mandated in the General Election of 1977 following the historical Vaddukoddai Resolution in May 1976 sponsored by the late leader SJV Chelvanayakam.
During the genocidal war between LTTE and Sri Lankan Government [2006-2009] TNA struck to four demands of Tamils which were placed for negotiations in the Thimpu talks in 1985 in Bhutan between United National Party and Tamil representatives.
Even during the height of the war, TNA leader Sampanthan in the Parliament in 2008 made the following principled correct statement emphatically and with just anger. 
“Minorities in Sri Lanka Tamils and Muslims feel that they have a place in Sri Lanka as long as they are compelled to fall in line and be slaves within a Sinhalese identity and within the contour of Sinhalese nationalism”.
The war between the LTTE and Sri Lanka’s Security Forces was ended by the Sri Lankan Government in 2009 with the military, logistical support, assistance and encouragement provided by 22 countries who justified the means to end it with genocide without taking into account, the root causes of war, the 60 year legitimate sufferings and grievances of Tamils from 1948. The brutal war harvested genocidal crimes, which were ignored by United Nations, UN Security Council and International Community who closed their eyes and ears to the crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. Geo-politics and military interests prevailed over universal human rights.
The victorious Sri Lankan Government led by Mahinda Rajapaksa won the elections who ruled as president until 2015 when he was defeated unexpectedly due to dictatorial family rule, corruption, abuse of power, financial fraud, political vendetta etc.
TNA during the rule of Mahinda Rajapaksa could not raise its voices without fearing for their lives and security. As usual, Rajapaksa dangled the carrot and stick policy to cajole and dump the TNA after holding several deceptive empty round of talks with TNA who fell for the trap and tantrums of Mahinda Rajapaksa.
The defeat of Mahinda Rajapaksa brought new hopes for Tamils who were determined to bring down Mahinda Rajapaksa who inflicted the worst crimes and sufferings for the Tamils. The “Good Governance” of Ranil Wickermesinghe and Maithiripala Sirisena was seen as a light at the end of the tunnel.
TNA wholeheartedly supported the “Good Governance” and went all out to endorse the Government’s programs including the ‘budget’ which allocated increasing funds for defense including Security Forces. TNA leader Sampanthan became the leader of the opposition which was also the liking of Ranil/Maithiri Government. By this step the “Good Governance” devalued and stultified the constructive opposing role of the position of an opposition leader who is supposed to voice the opposition for measures and shortcomings affecting the people as a whole. However, opposition leader is yet to play the role of opposing and/or criticizing the Government’s failings particularly breach of promises to Tamils and International Community, United Nations, UN Human Rights Council [UNHRC] etc. including corruption, nepotism, and financial wrong doings.

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In solidarity with Sri Lanka’s families of the disappeared: a statement from three continents

Aug 30, 2018
The below is a joint statement by the Sri Lanka Campaign, the National Network of the Families of the Disappeared and Missing Nepal (NEFAD), and People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL), marking the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances. A PDF version of the statement is available here.
30th August 2018
The International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, which falls today, is an annual commemoration with roots in Latin America. There, in the early 1980s, at a time when much of the region lived under the spectre of authoritarian rule, victims’ groups and non-governmental organisations began mobilising public support to remember the victims of enforced disappearances and to pay tribute to their relatives.[1] Today, following formal recognition of the anniversary by the United Nations in 2011, it is a commemoration that is marked around the world – bringing together victims and survivors, and putting a spotlight on perpetrators and those who continue to protect them.
It is a day that is felt in few places as acutely as Sri Lanka, where it is estimated that there are currently 60,000 to 100,000 unresolved cases of enforced disappearances – most of which were perpetrated by the state. [2] These range from the tens of thousands of Sinhalese youth targeted during the brutal suppression of the JVP uprisings in the late 1980s, to the tens of thousands of civilians and combatants, mostly Tamils, abducted during the war and its aftermath.[3] No community in Sri Lanka has been immune from the state-perpetrated scourge of enforced disappearances, nor the ongoing culture of impunity in which it has thrived, with the Tamil community intentionally targeted by successive regimes over several decades. From aid workers and educators, to religious leaders and journalists, there are few categories of individuals who have been spared from this uniquely devastating crime; one which causes despair and anguish to the families of victims long after it is initially committed.[4]
Today, in the spirit of international solidarity that this annual commemoration was founded upon, we – as human rights groups and associations of affected families from across three continents – pay tribute to all victims of enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka, and stand shoulder to shoulder with their family members who to continue to seek truth and justice.
Honouring an extraordinary protest
In doing so, we wish to draw particular attention to the extraordinary struggle of those Tamil relatives of the disappeared who have been protesting, largely continuously, for the past year-and-a-half at various makeshift sites across the North and East of Sri Lanka. They have done so in the face of repeated broken promises by Sri Lanka’s leaders to take concrete steps that would help provide answers as to the fate of the disappeared, including the release of lists, known to have been collected by the military, of all those who surrendered or were detained at the end of the war in 2009. Such data is likely to include information about the many hundreds of Tamil civilians – comprising dozens of children as well as a Catholic priest – who were witnessed surrendering to the armed forces at Vadduvakal bridge on 18 May 2009, in what is believed to be the largest single group disappearance in Sri Lanka’s history.[5]
We pay special tribute to the eight relatives of the disappeared who are reported to have passed away since beginning of the protests last Spring.
Assessing the progress
After sustained international pressure, including through the efforts of the UN Human Rights Council, the government of Sri Lanka has taken some long overdue steps in starting the process of addressing the legacy of enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka, including by establishing the Office on Missing Persons (the OMP) and by passing legislation to criminalise enforced disappearances. However, much remains to be done.
While we welcome the efforts of the OMP to fulfil their mandate of finding the truth, serious ongoing concerns over the design and composition of the office remain. We are encouraged by what appears to be some recognition of the scale of trauma and mistrust among victims – the result of many decades of flawed inquiry mechanisms and government indifference. Yet, as recently stated in a letter by an association of Tamil relatives of the disappeared, there must now be “decisive action to inspire confidence in the institution.”[6] It is incumbent upon the OMP’s officers to ensure that the mechanism initiates its tracing work forthwith and that it begins to deliver on that work within months rather than years. Moreover, it is essential that the OMP’s officers persistently and publicly confront state institutions as they proceed with their investigations – including as regards requesting information from the military – and that they resist any attempts by those in power to dilute and obstruct their work.
We are also concerned that the Bill passed to criminalize enforced disappearances remains insufficient as a guarantee of non-recurrence. This is due to both, on the one hand, flaws in the Bill which may enable perpetrators to escape liability, and, on the other, the scant progress that has been made in dismantling the structures which facilitate the crime, including with regards to reforming the security sector and tackling impunity via criminal prosecutions. We urge all those involved in supporting the OMP’s work not to lose sight of this wider context, and the need for much more progress on these essential fronts.
Recent reprisals
Finally, we wish to use this opportunity to shine a spotlight on recent threats and intimidation against relatives of the disappeared, including the recent assault against a female Tamil activist from the East of Sri Lanka. The assault, in which an iron rod was thrown at the victim as she rode her bicycle, followed her participation in a session of the UN Human Rights Council. We condemn absolutely what appears to be a reprisal attack, and a chilling attempt to silence the mothers of the disappeared in their search for truth and justice.
With solidarity,
Signed:
Ram Kumar Bhandari, Founder and President, National Network of the Families of the Disappeared and Missing Nepal (NEFAD) – Nepal
People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL) – USA
The Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice – UK
[1] https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2008/08/25-years-remembering-disappeared-20080829/
[2] https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/ASA3754972017ENGLISH.PDF
[3] https://www.srilankacampaign.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/Where-are-they.png

[4] https://www.hrw.org/news/2008/03/06/sri-lanka-disappearances-security-forces-national-crisis
[5] http://www.itjpsl.com/assets/press/English-15-May-2018-Itjp-Press-release-Disappearance-Website-english.pdf
[6] bit.ly/2NsqrMg

NGOs call for action on violence against women in Jaffna

Local residents, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and a number of women's organisations protested today against the increasing violence against women, calling for action.
04Sep 2018
Home
Condemning the increased violence, demonstrators demanded that the situation be brought under control and submitted a petition to the Sri Lankan president and prime minister. 
The demonstration was organised by the Council of Non-Governmental Organisations for Jaffna District. 

Diplomacy: Indo-Lanka Choice

The vast and rich experience possessed by the two countries over the last seven to eight decades in handling various issues of this nature should help both parties to find workable solutions, safeguarding the traditional relationships and fraternity of both countries.

by U. E. Perera-
( September 6, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) It is reported that India has invited a multi-party parliamentary delegation from Sri Lanka for a familiarization tour and also to discuss mutual matters. This step taken by the Indian Government, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, should be regarded as a step taken in the right direction taking into consideration the inter-connected bilateral social and political problems faced by the two countries. India is our immediate neighbour and its representatives had come here to help us on various critical occasions in the history of our island, when our island state was threatened by use of arms by our misguided youth in recent history.
A well equipped battalion of Indian Armed Forces were here in 1971 at the invitation of the Sri Lankan government ready to help the country at large when an insurrection took place under the initiative of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna. This insurrection was targeted at toppling the coalition government that was elected by the people, with the backing of the working class movement, organised trade union movement and also by the peasantry.
Lal Bahadur Shashtri, the then Indian Prime Minister who maintained fraternal relations with Sri Lanka, absorbed 5,20,000 of estate labour as citizens of India. Later, Kachchativu also came as a donation to Sri Lanka.

IPKF

Then came the second insurrection, which developed into a large scale war in South East Asia well organised and launched by the LTTE, and also cooperated by various foreign elements. However, during a critical stage of the war, at the invitation of the Sri Lankan government the IPKF came here, on the orders of Rajiv Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India. It should be noted here with gratitude that thousands of Indian soldiers sacrificed their valuable lives to safeguard the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Mother Sri Lanka. As a result of this generosity, India lost a precious life, that of Rajiv Gandhi, the grandson of epoch-making Jawarharlal Nehru and son of magnificent Indira Gandhi.
Whatever the tragic instances of the past and unwise attitude taken by some of the South Indian politicians, New Delhi and Colombo have maintained friendly relations right throughout. Even the Leftist leaders of our country, who were followed by the British secret agents during the World War II, preferred India to safeguard their own lives. The revolutionary Indian comrades looked after them very well.
The illustrious Foreign Secretary of India, Romesh Bhandari advised New Delhi throughout his diplomatic career to look into the problems of Sri Lanka, from a point of view of New Delhi and not to be a partner of other sinister objectives that would harm the interests of its immediate neighbour.
Under the leadership of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the war efforts coordinated by his commanders plus active support extended by international players, including India, Sri Lanka was able to eradicate the LTTE terrorism. It is the considered view of some war experts that the elimination of the LTTE terrorism has benefitted India in the long-run.

Traditional relationships

In this positive background, the series of meetings that will be taking place in Delhi between Sri Lankan and Indian leaders from September 9 to 14 will open the door to discuss several mutual and regional matters, including bilateral trade agreements, problems within the SAARC region, suggested defence agreements, strategic engagements with other foreign powers, proposed new constitution for Sri Lanka, problems arising from the 13th Amendment, homegrown solution for Sri Lanka and so forth.
The vast and rich experience possessed by the two countries over the last seven to eight decades in handling various issues of this nature, should help both parties to find workable solutions, safeguarding the traditional relationships and fraternity of both countries.
I would like to end this essay, with the lucid statement made by, Shivshankar Menon, the former Indian Foreign Secretary in his well-illustrated thesis, Choices Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy: But no matter what one might think of its internal politics, Sri Lanka today is a better place without the LTTE and the civil war. And India contributed to making that outcome possible.

Ensuring strident voice will not become majority voice


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BY Jehan Perera-September 3, 2018, 9:57 pm

The past weekend saw a meeting between 120 members of district inter religious groups from Mannar in the Northern province, Puttalam in the Northwestern province and Nuwara Eliya in the Central province. Although diverse in region, ethnicity and religion, these community leaders demonstrated a high degree of goodwill in engaging with each other in private and group dialogue. Their meeting and their dialogue was a reassuring sign that that the vast majority of people in the country, whether Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim, and whether Buddhist, Hindu or Christian, share a common desire to live in peace and harmony with each other. The overall warmth of the interaction, and their hope that their future engagement would be constructive, contrasts with the rhetoric of political leaders that threatens to sunder the peace in the days to come.

There is once again a mass mobilization taking place that compares with the mass mobilization that took place two years ago, hardly a year after the change of government had taken place in January 2015. Before the year was out, those who had lost power due to their electoral defeat launched a tremendous mass mobilization effort to resist and defeat the new government. They utilized the resources they had generated during the previous decade when it was they who were at the helm of the country’s affairs and began to organize long marches and organized mass rallies. Without giving the new government the time to settle in, they demanded that the government should step down to make way for them to return to power in a short time. Today in a return to that turbulent past, the Joint Opposition is planning another mass mobilization effort.

The mass mobilization efforts of the opposition political parties that took place two years ago did not bring down the government. The government had not only won a five year mandate to govern the country according to the constitution, they also had the powers of the presidency as well as a 2/3 majority in parliament. However, the opposition protests had another outcome and probably the intended outcome. They deterred the government from delivering on the more controversial of its election-time promises. These included taking action against those charged with corruption, in pursuing those accused of violating human rights and securing a constitutional settlement of the ethnic conflict. The government appointed commissions of inquiry into allegations of large scale corruption, expedited the police investigation into human rights and started a constitutional reform process. But the results so far are desultory giving rise to a popular perception that the government is not a strong or effective one.

LIKELY POSTPONEMENT

The timing of the Joint Opposition rally in Colombo is significant. It comes shortly after the entire opposition in parliament failed to vote on the provincial council electoral commission report on the delimitation of constituencies. The rejection of this report has meant that the provincial council elections will necessarily be postponed. Provincial council elections are currently overdue in three provinces and will shortly fall due in another three provincial councils. If the Joint Opposition was indeed concerned about having provincial elections soon they would not have abstained from the vote when the matter was taken up in parliament. It is reported that among the main issues to be raised at the mass rally that is to take place shortly is the postponement of provincial elections and the demand for early national elections.

However the Joint Opposition’s failure to vote in parliament on the issues of the delimitation report suggests that having early elections is not the real goal of the opposition parties. The opposition is reported to be facing their own problems with regard to elections. They have yet to decide on who would be their presidential candidate. The attempt to resurrect former president Mahinda Rajapaksa’s candidacy, when he has already been elected twice and the 19th Amendment bans a third term, is an indication that the opposition is at the end of is tether on this issue. In these circumstances it is not likely that the Joint Opposition wishes to force early elections. It is more likely that two other factors are motivating the opposition to make this effort.

One would be to deter the government from delivering on its promises made during the period of the last national election campaign more than three years ago. The speakers whose voices are most likely to be strident at the forthcoming mass rally will be those who talk in terms of threats to the nation and the dangers posed by the ethnic and religious minorities. It is reported that among the opposition slogans will be to defeat federalism and evoke blessings on the armed forces. Another would be to protest against the alleged persecution of government’s opponents by trying them before special courts. The setting up of the anti-corruption special court, with senior judges at its helm, and with the court mandated to sit continuously till they arrive at a verdict, is likely to be a matter of concern to members of the former government who hold leading positions in the Joint Opposition.

POLITICAL BACKLASH

The second reason for this mass rally would be as an image building exercise and to demonstrate to the voting public that they are a massive force that is destined to win the next set of national elections. The Joint Opposition intends its present political advantage over the government to be preserved. They scored victory over the government parties at the local government elections held earlier this year in February. It is reported that the each of the 3,475 local council members belonging to the opposition will be expected to bring a busload of people each, which will be a very large number. Political parties have mastered the method of bussing in vast numbers of people through the sponsorship of travel and meal costs. The resources for such an initiative will either come from the political parties themselves or from the local business community which is forced to take out insurance policies against a change of government.

At each and every turn people are willing and eager to criticize the government mainly for its failures to deliver on its election-time promises which accounts for its dismal performance at the local government elections. However, the memory of the past abuses that took place under the previous government also remain alive. The government continues to retain the appreciation of the people on account of the fact that people of all regions, religions and ethnicities feel there is greater political freedom at the present time. The challenge for the government is how to prevent those who are extremists and who have strident voices from taking the centre stage and making the majority of people in the country also become extremist like them.

At the gathering of the community leaders of the three districts of Mannar, Puttalam and Nuwara Eliya, there was evidence of thought and relationships that belie the strident and racist rhetoric of political leaders. One woman community leader said that gatherings such as the one she was attending with participants from different regions, ethnicities and religions had provided a platform for her to see what is not seen, to hear what is not heard and to learn what is not known. A Buddhist monk spoke of the Maha Gosinga Sutta where deep in the forest the Buddha urged his disciples to see the beauty of human diversity and coexistence that dwelt within that forest and not only the natural beauty of the forest environment. There is depth and wisdom in Sri Lankan society that is enabling it to transcend thirty years of war at the present time and can also transcend the political storms that are about to descend upon the country. The government needs to deliver on its election-time promises having confidence in the people and not hold back for fear of the political backlash.