Thursday, September 6, 2018

Wanted a candidate for 2019 Myth and fallacy Of 50% plus for Presidency

Sri Lankan voter, though highly literate, lacked the ability to apprehend the true nature of politics
If so happens, it could be worse than the present animosity, enmity and bitterness among the heads

“Nothing is so exhausting as indecision, and nothing is so futile.”

—Bertrand Russell

2018-09-04

Quite a few politicians from both sides of the divide have expressed their views on the conduct of Presidential Elections stating that for any candidate aspiring to become the Executive President of Sri Lanka, needs to obtain 50% plus one vote out of the valid votes counted, as the minimum requirement for the Commissioner of Elections to declare the candidate winner.

The latest to make this claim in a ‘voice cut’ was none other than the former General Secretary and current National Organizer of a main political party. He even went a step further describing the process and said if each of the three main parties fielded a candidate; no one would be able to achieve this minimum requirement causing a stalemate– and the country would become unable to elect a President!

This is a fallacy.

Let’s refer to- Presidential Elections Act, No. 15 of 1981- [Presidential Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 16 of 1988--does not deal with counting and declaration of a winner]

PART IV --THE COUNT , [quoting the above In a nutshell]

Sections 56,57,58,59 and 60 :

The Commissioner ascertains if any candidate has received more than 50% of valid votes and the candidate receiving more than 50% declared elected. If no candidate receives absolute majority—where there are three candidates, eliminate the last candidate and count the second/third preferences of eliminated candidate as a vote in favour of other two; or if there are more than three eliminate the rest leaving first and second to count the second preference of eliminated as a vote in favour of remaining candidates; and where the second preference is not counted, to count the third preference for one or the other of the remaining two candidates, as a vote in favour of such remaining candidate. Returning officer to add preferences and prepare a fresh statement. The returning officer shall prepare a statement indicating the number of second preferences and third preferences specified in favour of the remaining two candidates.

Sec. 61. The Commissioner shall, on receipt of the statements thereby ascertain which of the remaining two candidates has received the majority of the votes so counted and forthwith declare the candidate who has obtained such majority to be elected to the office of President.

It is obvious that there is no necessity for the winner to obtain “50% plus one vote.”

In fact a candidate receiving a percentage even as low as 10% can be elected President, if there are more than two candidates and say each receiving, 9.8, 9.8, 8.6, 8.3…., in any descending order to total 100%, and if one of the first two after adding the eliminated candidates second and third preferences, yet there is a strong possibility that the percentage revolves around 10% or less.

There is no minimum cut-off point: take a hypothetical case, if there are 30 or 40 candidates who are almost equally popular, a 2 to 3 per cent of valid votes would be sufficient for one to become the Executive President of Sri Lanka.

Elections before December 9, 2019

As per Article 31(3) of the Constitution, December 9, 2019, is the last day by which Presidential Election will have to be held because it says, one month ahead of the end of President Sirisena’s term, which ends on January 9, 2020.

Who will represent POHOTTUWA?

The battle [indecision] over SLPP candidate heats up. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s new party is divided among Mahinda Chintana, Viyath Maga and Chamal factions. [It is not clear if there is a move to promote Basil too, making it a four-cornered contest]

President Sirisena made a reference to the SC seeking its view if he could serve for six years. He sought the Court’s interpretation whether there is any obstacle to him to continue his term of office for six years as President as described in the Article 31 of the 19th Amendment, in terms of Article 129(1) of the Constitution.

The AG arguing in support of President Sirisena stated that the election was held on January 8, 2015, and the incumbent President Sirisena won and assumed duty on January 9, 2015, for the term of office for six years. He proposed that the incumbent President was elected by the voters for the office, to the term of six years.

He said:

“It is the sovereignty of the citizens who exercise their franchise to choose by ballot him as President. The power originated from the franchise of the people. The beginning of his office should be measured from the date on which he is elected.”

He further said it is the Constitutional structure where the sitting President was elected. The 19th Amendment is operative after the President was elected for a term of six years.

“There are no provisions in the 19th Amendment to operate same with retrospective effect. Constitutions cannot be amended with retrospective effect,” the Attorney General said making submissions.

He asserted that any adjustment would affect and isolate the Sovereignty of the voter.

President Sirisena’s request to the Apex Court came as a surprise for many as he made arrangements in 2015 through the 19th Amendment to prune the Presidential term from six to five years, in fact, the President sought to make it four, but others intervened and proposed five.

The SC took up the reference to make a ruling on the vagueness over the question of the term of office. The five-member bench of the SC unanimously ruled that his term was restricted to five years.

President Sirisena’s appeal to the Supreme Court caused quite a rouse, when former President Rajapaksa declared that he could contest again if the court ruled in favour of Sirisena.

Gamini Laxman Peiris, the leader of SLPP [Pohottuwa] and former Law Professor will move the District Court, in terms of the Article 125 of the Constitution seeking an elucidation as regards Chandrika Bandaranaike’s and Mahinda Rajapaksa’s eligibility to hand over nominations for the presidential election in 2019.

The District Court, as he believes could refer the matter to SC for a ruling. According to him, within two months the Supreme Court will have to make its decision known to the District Court.

GL Peiris said that the office of President under the 19th Amendment was entirely different from the powers granted to it by the 1978 Constitution.

The Chairman of the new party said that it would be relevant to mention that the Presidency established under Article 30 of the 1978 Constitution couldn’t be weighed against with the Article 3 of the 19th Amendment, which repealed Article 30.

Wide-ranging and comprehensive changes had been initiated in the office of President in respect of the appointment of the cabinet, the number of portfolios the President could hold, dissolution of Parliament, dismissing PM among them.

However, the truth is that former President Rajapaksa’s camp is looking for a Supreme Court ruling on 19th Amendment against the background of his family’s failure to reach a consensus and compromise on who or which Rajapaksa is going to be the Opposition’s candidature for the next Presidential Election due in end 2019, or even earlier if the incumbent president who becomes eligible to call for a poll any time after the lapse of four years, that is on 9th January 2019.

For the first time since 2005, Rajapaksa family who ruled as a team is experiencing the darker side of such groupings.

Family problems come in all forms, shapes and sizes; some are short-lived and easily administered, while others are more chronic and complicated. We do not know if Rajapakas’ are short-lived or chronic, but it cannot be allowed to extend beyond Medamulana and out into the national arena in the event of a victory to one of them at the next poll; If it so happened, it could be worse than the present animosity, enmity and bitterness among the heads of two partners of Unity Government, which has resulted in drastic consequences to the smooth operation of governance.

President Maithripala Sirisena’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s United National Party, while ruling together, flexed muscles and competed against each other that ended with both suffering humiliating losses in the hands of novice [A world record?— emerging victorious defeating two established parties] in February’s elections; Will the governing coalition aspire to repeat the mistake in 2019?

More than ten names of potential UNF candidates are being rumoured to come forward if the leader, as he did twice in 2010 and 2015, backs out at the last moment. The strategy of a surprise, like in 2015, is unlikely to make an impact on the electorate any more.

For seventy years, the two political parties backed by the majority race dominated the political arena alternating power between them to rule the country. They cashed in on racial and religious emotions resulting in the nation suffering untold misery.

Sri Lankan voters, though highly literate, lacked the ability to apprehend the true nature of politics; especially through perceptive understanding.

With their moral values eroded, had taken decisions fashioned by the circumstances that prevailed. This allowed the roguish politicians and religious racists to make strides in politics.

The writer can be contacted on kksperera 1@gmail.com

The politrix of Rajapaksa hordes and the reality of economics

“They rode out over the Asian steppes their ponies hooves flashing

Their arrows taking wing their blades brutally slashing

A river of blood they left in their horrid wake

To conquer all before them their terror to behold”

Wednesday, 5 September 2018

Re-taking power for what?

The poem is about Genghis Khan, the mighty Mongolian warrior who by the year 1227 created the world’s biggest empire before the British Empire.

The Mahinda Rajapaksa forces, like the malevolent armies of Genghis Khan, are hell-bent on invading Colombo, dislodging the democratically-elected Government and retaking power once again. For what? One is compelled to ask. Genghis Khan had a purpose. But Mahinda?

The Government has another one-and-a-half years to go to complete its duly won mandate. It isn’t seeking to extend its hold as Rajapaksa did by his autocratic 18th Amendment. The UNP Government has no siblings to pass on power to as Rajapaksa has. Democratically, the electorate can ask the Government to account before it for promises made only at the end of its period. Yet, Mahinda Rajapaksa must invade and surround and capture. For what?

This question keeps coming up like a rubber ball pressed into water. What on earth does Mahinda want to do now that he couldn’t do during his decade-long regime with all the power of a dictator?

Offenders as liberators?

Offenders can mask as liberators. Mahinda and his men are suspect before the law for countless alleged offences. Personally, Mahinda can escape court because of the legal immunity the Constitution gave him. Those who took orders are in trouble, like Lalith Weeratunga.

The men he put in charge of his Government’s key institutions were mostly his kith and kin and close stooges and they all have played riot with their jobs. His brother-in-law who worked as US Ambassador is at large over serious allegations of fraud. His other brother-in-law who ran Sri Lanka’s airline is faring too badly at the Presidential Commission. The amount of money involved in both instances runs into millions. An embassy cannot go broke but the SriLankan Airlines, instead of flying in the air, ran down to the ground-dead broke!

Then, we have Mahinda’s other relative, Udayanga Weeratunga, who was Ambassador in Russia, who has to answer prima facie evidence of serious fraud presented by his accusers. Udayanga is also said to have been in the controversial deal of the MIG jets purchased by the brother of Mahinda – the powerful Gotabaya of Viyathmaga and Eliya and whatnot. If these accused feel innocent, why do they abscond and dodge court?

Gota himself is seriously suspect over high profile murders and brutal assaults said to have been carried by a hit squad he is supposed to have operated. We had disfigured pictures of Keith Noyahr recently over social media.

The list is too long, but we cannot miss Basil, the other powerful brother, who is also before court. Basil is said to have built a luxurious house with unaccountable money. His only defence is denial although the building is materially there. His wife is supposed to have been overseeing the construction but now both claim they have had nothing to do with that bungalow. That is one of the mysteries left behind by the regime.

The other hilarious mystery is over a house bought by Mahinda’s son, Yoshitha. We have to believe that the house was paid for by the grandma who, in turn, was visited by an angel from heaven with a bag of gems that she sold to get the money for her adorable grandson. This kind of story beats Aesop’s fables by heaps and bounds!

The money said to have been played out by the Rajapaksa cohorts run into millions. Mahinda’s Private Secretary Gamini Senerath is now before the Special Court Trial-at-Bar and the money involved is simply over millions. Apparently, the Rajapaksa hordes never took small amounts. The fact that President Mahinda Rajapaksa watched over all these misdemeanours for 10 years without even making a pretence, like his successor, to be fighting corruption or swaying his sword against that as a threat, speaks volumes in support of the sub-text that he did benefit by all these.

The same also applies to the range of murderous activity that took place under that regime. The brutal killings and disappearances of numerous journalists and others are well on record and are under investigation. If anything comes of these enquiries, those who carried out orders will get caught and those who gave orders will stand immune. What a weird sense of justice does this Constitution have? Mahinda Rajapaksa lied when he promised to rid the country of that Constitution and now he opposes the current move to change it. Mahinda wants power back together with that Constitution.

Financial crisis

Mahinda’s regime left a severe financial crisis behind them. National indebtedness rose to 82% of GDP! None of the projects, even the useful ones like the highways, could be paid back out of earnings from the projects. The airport without flights and the harbour without ships were only flattering to Mahinda’s ego at the expense of the people. They are illustrations of foolery and stupidity.

No purpose

Mahinda’s army, unlike the army of Genghis Khan, is fighting without national purpose. The danger is that Mahinda shows no remorse for what transpired under his watch. He cannot honestly do so as he is an amoral individual to whom moral values are empties. Nor does he present to the population a new style of government.

There is a purpose but that is personal, namely, to get the court cases abandoned; his guilty men released of their worries. The other purpose is to continue to amass fortune. Even Hitler had a purpose and that was to rid the land of Jews. To be fair, Mahinda aims at no such genocide. On the other hand, he wouldn’t budge at setting off one ethnic group against another as a measure of being in power. In this sense, his slogans of Sinhala nationalism resonate with the Fascist times.

Politrix

It is clear the Rajapaksa forces focus on the politrix of the situation. They bring out all the tricks under their hat to swerve the political game in Sri Lanka in their favour. Ever since they were dislodged twice they adopted a two-fold strategy.

First was to create a fear among persons at decision-making level that they will make a comeback soon. This was to discourage officials and politicians from carrying out action against the Rajapaksas. Even a few UNP Ministers got trapped into that – not to speak of officials.

The second strategy was to hurl back the accusation of corruption onto the Government side. Rogues try to escape calling their accusers rogues. Unfortunately, they could not call them murderers as the Government has not killed any opponent and protestors are allowed to obstruct normal traffic all the time without getting anything more than a water bullet. This is wisdom on the part of the Government.

Politrix hasn’t space for

the economy

In the game of politrix there isn’t any space for economics. On the other hand, the Sri Lanka economy cannot wait anymore for rectification. Bad economics is the root cause for most ills in Sri Lanka. Unless the economy is rectified Sri Lankan society will collapse. But Mahinda’s hordes have no solutions presented for that. There was, of course, Gota’s economic plan, said to have been borrowed entirely from that of Ranil Wickremasinghe.

(The writer can be reached via sjturaus@optusnet.com.au.)
The weakness of the Sri Lanka economy is derived from two sources. First, we have a persistent fiscal deficit arising out our national habit of going for endlessly expanding expenditure without commensurate increase in revenue. Politrix has been playing a role here. Our politicians cry halt at taxation but keep wanting to spend.

The population has also come to believe that the Government of the day must give them all the services they want but are unwilling to let the Government find revenue through taxation. The economic truism that expenditure can come only where revenues are available has never been realised by the politicians and the public. Political populism feeds into a syndrome.

The second source of weakness comes from a basic structural disorder in the economy in that we have become a debt economy. Almost every year since independence, Sri Lanka has had adverse trade balances. Our imports keep growing but the growth of exports is insufficient to meet the import demand. Over the last three years, we have achieved a definite growth in exports but the import bill has climbed even further. A resulting balance of payments crisis has been averted only by foreign remittances and tourism.

This condition cannot go on without causing serious damage to our standard of living and the quality of public services like education, health, etc. The need for intense investment in economic growth ventures is paramount.

In this connection, the Government’s encouragement of enterprises at local level is commendable.
‘Enterprise Lanka’ program
The Yahapalayana Government, avoiding politrix, is focusing seriously in economy remodelling. The Prime Minister and the Finance Minister must be commended over the recently opened ‘Enterprise Lanka’ program where loans are given at low interest to young entrepreneurs to start ventures at local level. The program started off in Moneragala District and will spread to Anuradhapura, Jaffna, etc. soon.

It is clear the Government is on the right path here. Having restored the lost democratic liberties the Yahapalanaya Government has at last got into the right path as far as the economy is concerned.

Rajapaksa’s politrix runs counter to the serious economic realities that the Government is currently giving attention to. If he loves his country, Mahinda Rajapaksa must be serious about economics and not politrix. Mahinda must lift his game.

‘Wine, woman and song’ for Namal – Vodka and Christina - now he wants blood bath in SL via false flag operation

Former Intelligence officer reveals

(Lanka-e-News -05.Sep.2018, 7.00 AM) Vladmir Putin was president of Russia between 2000 and 2008 during which period he was appointed to that post twice. After his term ended in 2008, .Putin held the post of Prime Minister from 2008 to 2012. While being the P.M. he amended the constitution so that he can be president again. The same crisis what Machiavellian mendacious MahindaRajapakse is facing now was faced by Putin several years ago.

Putin a cunning manipulator and who was former KGB chief succeeded in arranging and aligning everything to accomplish his clever and cunning surreptitious aims and ambitions. Putin did not resort to this subterfuge alone since it was the KGB , the Russian mafia, PR establishment and several crafty individuals who boosted his image , proffered legal advice and conducted his election campaign activities .

During the last presidential elections in US , because of the rackets of Russian hackers , the results were turned upside down. It is also well known because of the use of radiation chemicals by the mafia operators of Putin , about four British nationals died. Even the Scotland yard detectives had found it difficult to track down the killers, and that country is now driven into an insecure state.

To say it is in this climate Medamulana Rajapakse the notorious mendacious Machiavellian is seeking Putin’s counseling how to deceive is no exaggeration. Russians are famous for stooping to any level to do any sordid bidding for filthy lucre. With the patronage of Putin ,Russia is now a paradise for the mafia groups. Putin’s name tops the list among the state leaders who are most corrupt - the number one corrupt leader in the world.

In the radiation chemical murders committed in Britain with the knowledge and consent of Putin about 8 years ago , following a protracted trial , Putin was proved a wrongdoer. He was not a suspect wanted by Britain rather he was a convict.

It is in this climate , Namal toured Russia four times within the last two months. He had three primary objectives governing his visits…

1.To entrust the task of personality development of Namal as Mahinda’s protégé to a Russian Co.

2. To entrust the publicity campaign which aims at boosting Namal’s image over and above those of Gotabaya , Basil and Sashindra , to a Russian Co.

3.To secure the services of Russian hackers for special online related activities.

Just because Namal traveled to Russia it cannot be misconstrued that Putin’s assistance will be received. The assistance of Russians is being secured on a cash payment transaction.

There are plenty of such private establishments which provide such services in Russia for which there is no Russian government patronage. If you have money you too can go to Russia and purchase a M.I. 24 helicopter . In other words the government of Russia is such a mafia administration. Speaking plainly and truly , Namal is throwing away the colossal sums of cash illicitly earned during the corrupt nefarious Rajapakse era.

Gotabaya after his training in the Red camp of China is all smiles when he is met..Instead of his verbal outbursts , he has learnt to speak after every pause. Even Namal ‘s behavior has undergone a change after his Russian tour. Previously Namal instead of making useful speeches tried to appeal to the gallery. He behaved like a court jester and his speech always bordered on foolish pleasantries .Now, Namal attempting to transform from court jester to a pleasing character is manifest.

Namal reclining alongside Christina !

People climbing trees demonstrating their opposition against Chamal Rajapakse; releasing a special report that Gotabaya has not been named as presidential candidate ; making Welgama and Vasudeva to take to the streets against Gotabaya ; appointment of Namal’s discarded buddy as Gota’s media spokesman ; and Basil leaving the country are not isolated but related incidents. Those were all orchestrated to construct a platform to propel Namal ‘kollu’ as main hero in politics.The People’s force is moving to Colombo on 5 th September to ‘crown’ Namal after hoodwinking Gota, Basil and Chamal supporters. Hereafter it is I (Namal) , at ground level there is no room for that light and this light or anyone else. Henchmen of Gota and Basil should eat what drops to the ground , and stay put without speaking. It is only Namal’s campaign in the future and that is being conducted by a Russian private Co. which had collected millions of dollars on that account.

It is the usual practice when a huge transaction is concluded with a Russian Co. to provide a young woman and a Vodka bottle. Namal got the opportunity to recline alongside 2018 beauty queen of Russia , Kristina Mikhalikina after concluding the under-mentioned transactions . (photo herein) . Namal’s sex starvation and his lascivious propensities are well known .

It is the Russian Co. that will be putting Namal on the pedestal as well as launching attacks on the enemies via the internet . A ground office will be in operation in SL which will be working according to the advice of Russians.

Namal’s campaign will be a huge mountain of publicity advertisements . It will sling mud at and attack the opponents. But the deadly part of the game is not that. .Russians have planned to stage a number of blood shedding political shadow operations( False Flag operations).

In the circumstances , the campaign of Namal is certainly going to claim many innocent lives.

It is well to recall during the corrupt nefarious decade a large number of weapons which were allocated to the defense division including mini ooshi and 7.62 m.m. pistols went missing . This is an open secret. Today those are in the ready for Medamulana operations. In addition when Gotabaya was the defense secretary , a number of latest weapons and sniper firearms which were got down were cleared secretly sans any records with the knowledge and consent of the defense ministry and the customs chief. The Customs chief at that time was the same individual who became secretary of ministry of law and order later .

In Namal’s campaign what is contemplated is ,Namal’s own assistant or several others too are to be killed by Namal’s own clan . Thereafter the blame is to be fastened on the government. Most crafty and careful methodologies which are beyond ordinary imagination are to be adopted to achieve this target . This deadly operation can take place even on September 5 th.

With people’s force program of Namal on the 5 th of September s , the sympathizers of Gota and Basil will be are unable to wear clothes and go on the road. They will be unable to freely post comments on the face books. Daily, Namal is taking calls to Gota and Basil’s lackeys and either pleading or exerting pressure. Those who wanted to stand by and stand up with Basil or Gota are now nonplussed and without a clue – they do not know what to do because of Namal kolu .

By Keerthi Rathnayake

Former Intelligence officer of the forces.

---------------------------
by (2018-09-05 01:37:33)

‘JO protest, a Bili Poojawa in Namal’s name’

‘Main aim to cover up alleged fraud,corruption charges’:

Local Ishara Mudugamuwa-Wednesday, September 5, 2018

Finance and Mass Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera yesterday said that today’s JO protest is a Bili Poojawa (Sacrifice) in the name of MP Namal Rajapaksa to cover up their past wrongdoings.

“This protest is aimed at influencing the judiciary and not forming a government,” he said.

Addressing the media at the Finance Ministry yesterday, Minister Samaraweera said that “Namal is attempting to sacrifice the lives of his father’s supporters in order to escape from the alleged fraud and corruption charges. If you are expecting that the government will fulfill your wish, Namal Baby you will be disappointed,” the Minister said.

The Minister assured that the government will not interfere with today’s protest and President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe have already instructed not to obstruct this protest.

“But, if it is a protest, it should definitely be a protest. If they attempt to destroy public property and inconvenience the public, the Government will strictly adhere to the law, Minister Samaraweera added.

Recalling to the Roshen Chanaka and Rathupaswala incidents, the Minister said that the government will not target people engaged in protests,unlike the previous regime, because we accept the people’s right to protest.

He further said that the main organiser of this protest, Namal Rajapksa is a suspect who has been released on bail.

“That is why social media reported it as a “Horunge Rasthiyaduwak,” and not a public protest. Namal is alleged to have been involved in money laundering, though he pretends to be a hero. He cannot even go abroad without informing the court,” the Minister said. Minister Samaraweera further added that MP Namal Rajapaksa was arrested and remanded for alleged involvement in money laundering amounting to Rs. 45 million in two companies owned by the Rajapaksa’s and was released Rs.100,000 bail with four sureties of Rs 10 million each.

Responding to a question by a journalist regarding the cancellation of bookings of five public grounds in Colombo, the Minister said that according to Colombo Municipal Council sources, no such cancellation were made.

The Minister questioned as to why five grounds were booked if it is a public protest march.

“After 2015, anybody has the freedom to oppose, criticise and blame the government. Sri Lanka is a country with seven star democracies. We do not need to be shy about that. This is a principle of a democratic country,” he said.

“There are accepted guidelines to follow if someone engages in a protest.

"They should inform the route and the place where they plan to convene, start and end the protest, to the police and other relevant authorities in order to ensure the smooth flow of traffic and ensure the security. But, nobody has informed the relevent authrotities regarding today’s protest,” the Minister said.

Sri Lanka: Protest in Colombo — One Died, 81 Hospitalised

Sep 6, 2018

September 6, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) One person who took part in yesterday’s ‘Jana Balaya Kolombata’ protest organised by the Joint Opposition (JO) has died of a heart attack.

Around 81 people were hospitalised due to food poisoning and minor injuries. At least eight were admitted to the Colombo National Hospital due to a case of food poisoning after consuming milk packets handed out at the rally.

Meanwhile, the vast majority of the protestors left Colombo Fort by 8PM yesterday, a small group remained behind for a Satyagraha on Lotus Road outside the Colombo Hilton.

The rally organisers got Angampora dancers to keep the small crowd entertained during their vigil. There were also skits by men in demon-masks and other activities for the vigil-keepers.

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa also arrived briefly on the scene, while former Ministers Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Bandula Gunewardane were seen leading the crowd at 9.30 PM.

JO MP Bandula Gunewardane told the media that the crowd would remain on the road till about midnight or 1AM. “Today was just the pilot project,” he added.

Meanwhile, the Government alleged that SLPP leaders had booked rooms at several five star hotels in the vicinity including the Hilton Colombo, Taj Colombo and Shangri-La. Deputy Minister Nalin Bandara told a press briefing at the Government Information Department last night that a Suite of the Taj Colombo had been booked, while other sources confirmed that presidential suite had been booked for JO/SLPP MPs.

Namal Rajapaksa was spotted at the Hilton Colombo on Tuesday (4), the night before the Janabalaya demonstration, while his brother Yoshitha Rajapaksa was spotted in the Hilton lobby last afternoon, enjoying a beer with businessman Nimal Perera and Gamini Abeyratne, aka, ‘Taxi Abey’ before joining the demonstration.

Perils of political evil

“Evil is unspectacular and always human And shares our bed and eats at our own table” – W.H. Auden

Wednesday, 5 September 2018

Tyrants, dictators, despots and autocrats don’t just fade away. When ousted from power they discover new virtues in democracy and leverage mobs and oligarchs to reacquire their positions of domination on a larger and more destructive scale.

In the past three years of scandal plagued deeply dysfunctional democracy we have forgotten what it was like to live constantly under government coercion. Today three years after, we take our liberties for granted. The decade of unfreedom is erased from our collective memory.

The threat looms large and loud. One oligarch at a recent parley that was labelled a ‘fireside chat’ at the Colombo Hilton openly called for a ‘little bit of a dictator’ to make things smooth for the rich to get richer. His logic was spookily soft! There is no such thing as a little bit of evil.

This essay is an exploration of our current political discourse wherein everyone is doing what they think is somehow justified. That includes those now in power, those who hope to regain their lost power and those convinced that they alone are entitled to power.

Patriotism as our experience has shown is a virtue of the vicious.

‘Evil’ is an accusatory adjective that calls for some explanatory reasoning. Most people do things which somehow later turnout to be evil and remembered as evil.

‘Who is Lasantha?’ Gotabaya Rajapaksa famously asked BBC’s Stephen Sackur. It was not arrogance of power. It was the evil of power. Trivialising human life is wrong. Trivialising murder is evil.

Lasantha Wickrematunge met with evil in 2009 just before the carnage of the civil war ended. Richard de Zoysa’s tryst with evil was in 1990 just seven years after the pogrom of July 1983 that more or less unleashed the hell and hellfire that lasted another two decades.

Journalist Poddala Jayantha is the most recent victim of evil that lived to narrate his encounter with evil.

“They cut my hair and put it into my mouth, then gagged me. They struck both my legs, breaking one at the ankle. They used a piece of wood to smash the fingers on my right hand until they bled. They said, ‘This will stop you from writing’. They eventually let me go, saying ‘We won’t kill you now, but if you organise any more demonstrations against the Government, if you speak to the media, we will kill you’.”

Finger pointing is not the purpose of this essay although it may appear to be so, given the illustrative episode cited.

What is attempted is another quest for our collective moral compass amidst the drift to nowhere after a decade of unfreedom and three years of inchoate and chaotic freedom with the kleptocracy entrenched more than ever. It is a fairy tale that has no fairy tale ending.

The King saw the ‘Evil’ in all its monstrous complexity and terror. Together with his brothers he formed a great army to destroy the evil and rescue the land from imminent peril. The war was savage, but its intent was pure. Many died but the King remained true to his goal and refused to turn from the course he had set.

It was a humanitarian war against an opponent whose evil the likes of which, the world had not seen before. The people saw the armies the king put in to the battle. They cheered their benign bravery. They sang hymns of praise for their deep-rooted humanism. The king was truly a Great King. The enemy was dead. But evil lived on, for evil does not die in battle. Evil dies with the dead and lives with those who survive, for it can survive only in a human heart that beats and evil has the genius of adhering to the rhythm of the human breast. It is a clever usurper of the space reserved for the human conscience.

The fairy-tale where the goblin of evil defeats the good fairy is relevant to our post war politics. The post 2009 trajectory of our flawed democracy is clear evidence that evil results can flow from good motives.

Post war peace time evil

The war ended unleashing a torrent of rampant nationalism. What is attempted here is to understand the post war peace time evil that has gripped us since the end of the armed conflict. The raw political divisions that has emerged since the end of the military conflict contains adequate quantities of evil that makes this survey a national imperative.

Make no mistake. We created the edifice of tyranny and evil. Impeaching the chief justice was a politically motivated vindictive act but did not amount to evil.

When the chairman of the parliamentary select committee that found her guilty Anura Priyadharshana Yapa went to the gates of the residence of the ousted CJ to partake in a ‘Kavun & Kiribath’ feast, that was pure unadulterated ‘evil’. It was even greater evil when he decided to accept cabinet office in the subsequent ‘Yahapalanaya’ dispensation.

When the Defence Secretary – a nominal public servant ordered the navy to stage a firework display in the Diyawanna Lake to mark the ouster of the Chief Justice, it was unmitigated, unimaginable evil. The two instances are minor examples that demonstrate that evil is a composite of both villainy and intent.

We the people obeyed in advance and created an evil monster. Most of the powers of the tyrant were freely given by us. In those troubled times, the people willingly allowed themselves to be co-opted in the fight to prevent greater evil. What we failed to realise was that we were teaching power what it can do to whom we despised and to us when peace was restored.

We allowed our institutions to be dismantled. We never imagined that the 17th Amendment could be tinkered with. The then opposition walked out on the debate on the 18th Amendment. That they did not march in to the well of the house in protest was not evil but qualifies to be a sneaky endorsement of evil.

A democracy fighting terrorism must necessarily resort to some degree of violence, observe some protocols of secrecy and be willing to abrogate some citizens’ rights.

While, this was sound strategy at the time of fighting the war, it carried with it the seductive allure of absolute power that made the ruling family run berserk after the end of the war.

The end of the war brought a peace that did not reduce the power or the scope of the surveillance state. It hardly impacted the security regime. Freedom of expression was a luxury that was affordable to those ready to play hide and seek with the goons of the state intelligence apparatus.

Dissent was treason. Detractors were traitors. Insularity was the patriotic benchmark. A ‘weltanschauung’ that transcended the patriotic tunnel vision of the ruling family was the sole prerogative of the quintessential ‘pariahs’ amidst the Sinha-le tribe!

Independent Sri Lanka had many leaders. None can match the élan with which Mahinda brought his immediate family members in to pivotal positions of the state making them exclusive arbiters and monopoly holders of power in the fields of commerce [brother Basil] and ‘legitimate physical violence’ [brother Gotabaya]

“It is the people who decide. What can I do if the people want them?” was the savvy, suave and slippery response retort of Mahinda – the master of the art of coerced consent.

Politics is not evil, only

politicians turn evil

We have often heard the refrain that ‘politics is evil’, or the lament about the ‘evil of politics’. We know what they are talking about, but we miss the most significant fact about ‘evil’. It distorts the rational choice of those who wield political power. Politics is not evil, only politicians turn evil. Because politics is about masses and mobs the collective evil is reflected through the masses and the mobs manipulated by those engaged in politics.

The war is over. The lessons of the war are remembered. The war compelled the state to use fear to manipulate and control. The war made fear an instrument of power.

When we are afraid, we obey. When afraid we either obeyed or remained passive in order to be safe. That is how we lived before 8 January 2015.

Mahinda Rajapaksa had a simple governance style. He expected the people to be grateful for the value and the rewards of ensuring our larger self-interest – that of our country in general and Sinhala Buddhists in particular.

He taught his family the importance of ensuring the self-interest of the Rajapaksa clan. He taught his political stooges the importance of upholding their natural self-interest and that of his political machine – the party.

Fighting terrorism is fighting evil. There is no harm in that proposition. One may even go further and claim the necessity for fighting evil with greater evil. But often that is not the way the dice fall. Some of the worst things done to human beings are done with the best will in the world. In a democracy blindness to evil can also be equally evil. Subverting institutions that guard against evil is the greatest evil of all.

The Rajapaksa family rule may yet come back. Our memories are short. The betrayals and disappointments of the past three years have not only made those memories even shorter but has substantially contributed to obliterate them altogether.

The Rajapaksa family regime was a ruthless juggernaut that demolished or abridged our freedoms with a bewildering ferocity that its total recall is now nearly impossible for those who watched it from the sidelines. Only those who carry the deep scars care to remember them today.

An evil government that shaped public perceptions and manufactured consent

It was an evil government that shaped public perceptions and manufactured consent. That it was dislodged in 2015 was more of an accident than a deliberate design. We forget that reality at our peril.

Contrary to the popular legend the Italian Niccolò Machiavelli was no villain. He was a pragmatic theorist of human nature. His advice has great purpose and relevance to what we face today.

“Now in a well-ordered republic it should never be necessary to resort to extra-constitutional measures; for although they may for the time be beneficial, yet the precedent is pernicious, for if the practice is once established of disregarding the laws for good objects, they will in a little while be disregarded under that pretext for evil purposes. Thus, no republic will ever be perfect if she has not by law provided for everything, having a remedy for every emergency and fixed rule for applying it.”

Dairy farmers surround Milco company demanding payments for supplies

September 4, 2018 by

More than a thousand dairy farmers surrounded the Anuradhapura Divisional branch of Milco Company and detained officials yesterday (3rd) demanding arrears of payments due to them for the milk supplied to the company.

Mr Susantha Kumara Navarathna, the convener of the National Center to Protect Dairy Farmers attached to All Ceylon Farmers’ Federation and several officials of the Center too were present.

The dairy farmers who had arrived at Anuradhapura from Medawachchiya, Kebethigollawa, Kahatagasdigiliya, Rambawewa, Nochchiyagama in Anuradhapura district marched from the Central Market along Maithripala Senanayaka Mawatha to Godage Mawathashouting slogans and displaying placards demanding their payments for the milk supplied by them.

The Manager of the Divisional branch of Milco Nadun Welarathna said three instalments of farmers’ payments from 16th to 31st July have been already credited to their bank accounts. However, the farmers, disagreeing, demanded that their arrears for the period ending on 15th August should be credited and they would not leave the site until that was done.

After a discussion between the two parties, the Divisional Manager gave a written promise that farmers’ demands would be fulfilled.

Will Kamer be cleared of accusations? Shocking arrest of popular Sri Lankan PhD student in Australia

Kamer was no simpleton; he was a bright, well-integrated PhD student and staffer at the UNSW.
There must be evidence of actual preparation or an engagement or assistance to commit a terrorist act, which appears to be lacking in this case

2018-09-05

It is too early to comment on the detention of 25-year-old Kamer Nizamdeen, a popular PhD student affiliated to the University of New South Wales (UNSW) in Sydney, Australia as the matter is under investigation by the NSW Joint Counter-Terrorism Team. His arrest on accusations of planning terror attacks has shocked almost everyone in the University and back at home in Sri Lanka as his life in Sydney was a story of successes with robust achievements, respected and admired.
It is bewildering that such a man could suddenly get ‘radicalised’ almost overnight as widely publicised worldwide without any evidence of any extremist comment being heard from him at any time by any of his colleagues. It is well known that a radicalised person cannot hide his views though he can hide his conduct and activities. How is it that there is no independent corroboration from his associates or his closest circle in the university that Kamer was no longer the same man they knew?
The only evidence known so far on which he was arrested on August 30 (Thursday) was a notebook allegedly containing references to former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, former Foreign Minister Julie Bishop, references to Sydney Opera House, police and railway stations allegedly found in his room. Though the exact wordings are not in any media, the PhD student will have to explain what the notebook contents were all about. We do not know his version because we have not heard the police or the media quoting Kamer in their reports.
It is difficult to believe that in a country where seven prime ministers were displaced in ten years and the last one Malcolm Turnbull was ousted by his own party colleagues on 24th August 2018, the Sri Lankan student could have had any ideological or religious reason to ‘terrorise’ Turnbull. There appears to be no evidence that he had plans to terrorise the former Prime Minister or former Foreign Minister at any time they held office.

PhD student

Kamer was no simpleton; he was a bright, well-integrated PhD student and staffer at the UNSW. It is mind-boggling as to how his alleged ‘terrorism manifesto’ would be left in the open space of his shared room in the university premises carelessly for someone else to so easily ‘stumble upon’.
Kamer’s brother, in a Facebook Post on Monday 3rd September, has expressed the view that Kamer was framed. “His accomplishments within the university in UNSW speak for themselves and he would have had absolutely no reason to engage in such disgusting, hateful crimes to a city which has been extremely opening to him for the past 6 years,” the brother wrote.

Crime Reporter Sally Rowsthorne of The Sydney Morning Herald of Friday 31st August, noted “those who knew the Sri Lankan postgraduate student were in shock after the arrest with multiple friends and neighbours saying that they wouldn’t believe what Mr Nizamdeen is accused of doing”. ABC also quoted the police saying that they do not believe that Kamer was capable of carrying out a terrorist attack.

Except for the contents of the notebook, which are also capable of innocent explanations, there does not appear in the media any evidence of any previous expressions of opinion or conduct on Kamer’s part that would support the serious allegations made against this up and coming talented youth,
whose future is on the brink of ruination. But then the investigations are continuing, we need to wait. However what is clear to this writer is that additional evidence notwithstanding, the sum total of the material against Kamer do not amount to even an attempt or a conspiracy to commit an offence known to the law as applied in countries which have not embraced oppressive Counter Terrorism laws or the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Law. Jotting down one’s views in a notebook cannot by itself constitute an act of terror.

The reported facts as distinguished from speculatory comments, such as alleged membership in the ISIS, do not appear to qualify as a terrorist or attempted terrorist act

There must be evidence of actual preparation or an engagement or assistance to commit a terrorist act, which appears to be lacking in this case. The reported facts as distinguished from speculatory comments, such as alleged membership in the ISIS, do not appear to qualify as a terrorist or attempted terrorist act under Australia’s Criminal Code Act of 1995 or under terror laws applicable in the New South Wales. Membership in ISIS itself is however, an independent terror related offence. There is no evidence of any “intimidation to advance a political, religious or ideological cause and the act causes”, the way a terrorist act is defined in the Australian Act. The phrase “and the act causes” would necessitate the act of intimidation causing actual ‘intimidation’, often ignored by investigators who probably want to demonstrate their ‘smart detection’ to their superiors! But Australia as a country maintains a high standard of judicially supervised investigative mechanism. It is possible that he would be and should be cleared of the accusations, subject however to some extra ordinary, but unlikely links with a terrorist organisation being discovered or due to some external pressure from racist entities.

Speculative comments

Dinoo Kelleghan in Sydney writing to The Sunday Times (Sri Lanka) of 2nd September 2018 has made reference to highly speculative comments spicing the story which are unsupported by evidence.
One example is that Kamer “acted as a lone wolf using his campus activities as a cover” which earned a sub-title in The Sunday Times, leading to a permanent damage to a man who had ‘networked into the university where he studied, worked and mentored students, and through projects that brought him plaudits by UNSW.’ Kelleghan reported further as follows: “Police say the PhD student is affiliated with the IS but are not charging him with being a member of the terrorist organisation.” But NSW Acting Detective Superintendent Mick Sheehy is quoted in the next sentence as having said, “From the documentation we believe he would affiliate with the ISIS”.

One will easily see the propaganda hype to make the suspect appear to be linked to ISIS, the earlier one claiming Kamer is affiliated with the IS while the subsequent one stating that ‘he would affiliate’ with the ISIS.

Kamer Nizamdeen had no previous criminal records prior to August 30. But were the police rushed into arresting Kamer with such weak allegations possibly by external elements? NSW’s Surveillance Device Act of 2007 and other terrorist related laws permit the police to conduct surveillance to establish more sound and credible material against possible real terror suspects. Why was he not monitored at least for a few more days, which smart investigators often do before rushing to arrest? What was the urgency? Did the elements that may have pushed the police to arrest the Sri Lankan forthwith have an agenda to create a realistic impact on the then ongoing Defence Seminar in Colombo, which commenced here on Thursday 30th August?

Day Two of the Defence Seminar on Friday 31st August morning session had two relevant presentations to the subject under discussion in this article. One by Lt. Gen.(Retd) Orit Adalo, managing director of Adalo Consulting Ltd of Israel on ‘Ideological Polarisation’ and the other by Maj. Gen. Roger J Noble, United States Army Pacific, Australia on ‘Role of the military in Response to Violent Non-State Actors in a Destabilised International System’. Space constraints do not permit a detailed discussion, which may be written off by some as conspiracy theories. The news of Kamer’s arrest however hit the news media here only at the conclusion of the two day Colombo Defence Seminar, perhaps a little too late.

PHOTO: Mohamed Nizamdeen was charged with terrorism offences last week. (Facebook)

Exclusive by police reporter Mark Reddie-05.Sep.2018

A University of New South Wales student accused of documenting plans in a notebook to assassinate two senior Australian politicians is the nephew of a Sri Lankan cabinet minister.

Key points:

Mohamed Nizamdeen appears to be an Islamic State affiliate, police say
He is the nephew of a senior Sri Lankan cabinet minister
His alleged list of targets included MPs and the Sydney Opera House

The ABC can reveal Mohamed Nizamdeen, 25, is related to Sri Lankan MP Faiszer Musthapha, who is the country's Sports and Local Government Minister.

The PhD student, who was on Friday charged with a terrorism-related offence, is also the grandson of Jehan Kamer Cassim, the late former chairman of one of Sri Lanka's biggest banks — Bank of Ceylon.

Mr Nizamdeen, who also worked as a UNSW business systems analyst, was arrested at the Kensington campus last Thursday.

His arrest came after a colleague found a notebook allegedly containing details of plans to kill former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull and his deputy Julie Bishop.

The alleged list of targets also included the former speaker Bronwyn Bishop, the Sydney Opera House, major train stations and police stations across the harbour city.

On Friday police told a media conference Mr Nizamdeen appeared to be an Islamic State affiliate.

Sydney was 'extremely opening'

Mithra De Alwis, a friend of Mr Nizamdeen's brother, Kamer, today posted a message on Facebook on Kamer's behalf, describing Mr Nizamdeen as "an open minded Muslim" who he believed was innocent.

"He would have had absolutely no reason to engage in such disgusting, hateful crimes to a city, which has been extremely opening to him for the past six years," he said.

PHOTO: Sri Lankan MP Faiszer Musthapha is related to Mohamed Nizamdeen. (Supplied)

"He has not been able to communicate with any one of us back home and we are simply broken and deeply affected by this unnecessary turn of events."

Plain-clothed detectives seized computers, mobile phones and documents from Mr Nizamdeen's inner-city apartment at Zetland on Friday before conducting further raids on university grounds.

Police allege Mr Nizamdeen, who does not have any criminal history in Australia, was operating by himself, but do not believe he was capable of carrying out a terror attack.

The commerce graduate was one of the faces of UNSW's Hero Program and had worked as a business systems analyst since 2016, where he helped develop several projects aimed at stopping identity theft.

While his student visa is due to expire at the end of this month, the Australian Federal Police have applied for a Criminal Justice Stay visa so they can prosecute him in Australia.

If convicted, Mr Nizamdeen could face up to 15 years in prison.

Justice For Kamer! “Audi Alteram Partem” – It’s Unfair Too To Prejudge Him!

Kamer Nizamdeen

By Mohamed Harees –SEPTEMBER 6, 2018

Lukman Harees

“Do not judge and you will never be mistaken” ~Jean Jacques Rousseau

Justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done, if the legal system is to retain the trust of society. One of the key principles of natural justice in law is “Audi alteram partem”- i.e. nobody should be condemned unheard. The logical extension of this principle is that everybody should be provided with legal aid to defend himself or herself in the court of law so as to prove his/her innocence. The presumption of innocence on the other hand, is a right that is intended to apply across all countries and cultures in the world, as a basic human right. Derived from the nature of things and natural state of affairs, the presumption of innocence, in connection with human behaviour, permeates and directs the principle of legality of all criminal legislation, substantive or procedural. Closely linked with and based upon the “presumption of innocence” is the “burden of proof“. The burden of proof is on the State to prove its case, not on the accused to prove his innocence and certainly not for the accused to prove his guilt. The notion that a person accused of a crime must be found guilty ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ is what is known as the ‘burden of proof’.

It is rather unfortunate to note to what extent these sacrosanct legal maxims were being widely violated and ignored in public space, very often even in the so-called advanced West. Clear example was seen few days ago, when Kamer Nizamdeen, a young lad hailing from Sri Lanka, who till then, had a bright future ahead of him, saw all his future hopes dissipating without any trace, when he was taken in by the NSW Australia Police allegedly on terror charges for having in his possession, a so-called notebook with details of terror targets involving both prominent political personalities and locations down under. (Earlier I thought it was a Computer Notebook given his IT background; but it was said to be a paper notebook). Both his family and his friends, began reeling in rude shock, when the news about this arrest reached them, with misleading headlines being splashed across most dailies both local and international, feeling a sense of powerlessness against Media sensationalism at its’ worst. The unfair Press, with no concern to all these sensitivities, called Kamer various names and invented non-existent links, introducing incorrect and distorting headlines to add spice to the new-item, as they were hell-bent on selling their papers.

Social media warriors too, joined the bandwagon and started carelessly making innuendos in the public domain about Kamer’s ‘terror’ connections and began copying and pasting biased Western Media news items, unfairly prejudging Kamer Nizamdeen in the process, even before a fair and reasonable investigation is completed. It was also not surprising that few Sinhala online websites in Sri Lanka too, well known for its’ anti-Muslim hate started its’ usual hate mongering process and harped on ‘unsubstantiated ISIS connections’ to sling mud not only on Kamer but also on his uncle Minister Faizer Mustapha too. The hate posts in the social media began making both unfairly and incorrectly, sweeping statements suggesting that Minister has been using his official clout to bring pressure on the Aussie Govt. and sending lawyers from Sri Lanka, despite his clear interview to the Press recently that he will not be prejudging and will leave it to the Australian judicial system to take its’ course, although his family clearly believed that Kamer is innocent. Prejudice, they say, is a great time saver, where opinions are formed without having to get the facts. Some even suggested that Minister should be investigated too. Kamer has thus become guilty until proven innocent, a reversal of the above said classic American legal maxim, in the wider background of Islamophobia hate campaign working in full throttle both in the West and beyond where Islam is always the adjudged culprit.