Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, September 2, 2018

Gene-editing hope for muscular dystrophy


Man with Duchenne muscular dystrophy

30 August 2018
Scientists have for the first time used gene-editing to treat Duchenne muscular dystrophy in a large mammal, a significant step towards effective treatment for people with the disorder.
The condition, which has no cure, leads to loss of muscle function and strength and ultimately an early death.
But in a study on dogs, scientists were able to partially restore the key protein people with DMD cannot make.
They hope in the future to test the technique in people.
Duchenne muscular dystrophy (DMD) is the most common fatal genetic disease in children and almost entirely affects boys and young men - about 2,500 of them in the UK have the condition.
Children born with the degenerative disease have a genetic mutation that stops them producing dystrophin, a protein that is vital for muscle strength and function.
The same disorder also occurs in many dog breeds.
Using the Crispr gene-editing tool, scientists were able to restore dystrophin in four dogs that had the most common genetic mutation seen in DMD patients, by making a single strategic cut in the faulty DNA.
This was done by injecting the dogs, who were one month old, with two harmless viruses that edited the genome of the dog in the cells of the muscles and heart.
Within several weeks of the edit made in the dogs, the missing protein was restored in muscle tissue throughout the body, including a 92% correction in the heart and 58% in the diaphragm, the main muscle needed for breathing, according to the study in the journal Science.
Scientists have estimated that a 15% or greater improvement is needed to significantly help patients.
The study was a collaboration between the Royal Veterinary College, in London, and the UT Southwestern Medical Center, in the US.
Dr Eric Olson, one of the authors, from UT Southwestern, said: "Children with DMD often die either because their heart loses the strength to pump or their diaphragm becomes too weak to breathe.
"This encouraging level of dystrophin expression would hopefully prevent that from happening."
Richard Piercy, professor of comparative neuromuscular disease at the Royal Veterinary College, said: "The ambition is to show that this is safe and effective in dogs and then move into humans trials.
"If that works, then the treatment could also apply to pet dogs that we see in our clinics - and that's what we hope for here at the college, as it's our goal to make animals better."
Dogs with DMDThe Royal Veterinary College in London has dogs that have DMD
Corrections of DMD mutations have been done in mice and human cells before. But this was the first time the technique was carried out in a large mammal.
The proof-of-concept study raises hopes that Crispr can ultimately lead to more effective treatments for DMD.
At the moment, few treatments are available for the condition, which causes a progressive loss of function in the body and eventually an early death, usually by patients' 20s or early 30s.
The technique used in the study was for a genetic fault that affects about 13% of people with DMD. But experts say it could potentially be applied to the many other mutations those with the condition have.
The lab will next conduct longer-term studies to measure whether the dystrophin levels remain stable and to ensure there are no adverse side-effects.
Dr Olson hopes the next step beyond dogs is a clinical trial in humans.
"Our strategy is different from other therapeutic approaches for DMD because it edits the mutation that causes the disease and restores normal expression of the repaired dystrophin," said Dr Leonela Amoasii, lead author of the study.
"But we have more to do before we can use this clinically."

'Key step forward'

Independent experts said the study was "promising" and might one day be seen as "ground-breaking" but pointed out that there were some limitations, including the small group of dogs used.
And while dystrophin production was increased, what impact this might have had on improvements in muscle function was not measured.
Nevertheless, experts said the findings were an important step towards the use of gene editing for DMD.
Darren Griffin, professor of genetics at the University of Kent, said: "This work represents a small, but very significant step towards the use of gene editing for DMD.
"Any steps towards significant treatment regimes can only be good news. In the fullness of time, this paper may well be seen as one of the ground-breaking studies that led the way to effective treatment."
Dr Kate Adcock, director of research and innovation at the charity Muscular Dystrophy UK, said: "The next step will be to conduct larger, longer-term studies to see if the gene editing approach does help to slow the progression of the condition and improve muscle strength.
"This won't be a cure - but that shouldn't obscure that this is a key step forward in proving the Crispr technology could work for Duchenne."

Saturday, September 1, 2018

Protest continues in Amparai as residents demand land release

Residents of Orrani-Kanagar in Pottuvil in Amparai continued their protest for the 15th day on Wednesday, calling for their land to be released from military occupation. 
Home30Aug 2018
Some of the villagers from Orrani-Kanagar in Pottuvil had been displaced as far back as 1990, as the Sri Lankan military took control of the area.
When the locals returned to their land after the end of the armed conflict in 2009, they found that the Sri Lankan military and Wildlife Department had forcibly occupied their village.
They have since raised this issue with several Sri Lankan authorities, including the Divisional Secretariat, officers from the Wildlife Department, the Eastern Provincial Council and the Prime Minister’s Office, but their land remains occupied.
The protestors state that projects currently underway by the Wildlife Department are blocking the return to their homes.

The Sinhala Majority Must Accept A New Constitution: Sumanthiran

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TNA Parleamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran insisted that nothing short of a new constitution will help resolve issues, even though not all the problems of the Tamil people can be sorted by such a move.
M.A Sumanthiran MP
Sumanthiran speaking in Sinhala on the subject of Constitutional Reform in Galle, insisted that the Sinhala majority must accept a new constitution.
‘In a country with a permanent majority it is important to share powers of governance in such a way that all peoples have equal citizenship rights. Sri Lanka’s Sinhala majority must itself acknowledge injustice of simple majoritarian rule and clamor for reform and justice for other peoples,’ he further stated.

Sri Lanka: Attitudes of the people must change to address the sufferings

“If we are to have a civilised country, we have to see that these things do not happen again”


( August 31, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka Chairperson Dr.Deepika Udagama said attitudes of the people must change for the country to move forward and adequately address the sufferings of families of disappeared persons.
“We should not look at this through a political or racist perspective,” she said and pointed out that some harbour negative feelings toward the OMP. Still, those trying to find their missing loved ones are called traitors, while those responsible for the disappearances may be regarded heroes”, she said.
Dr. Udagama said there must be a reckoning with this difficult past in order for the country to progress as a nation.“If we are to have a civilised country, we have to see that these things do not happen again,” she said.
She was delivering the keynote address at the J.R. Jayewardene Centre in Colombo yesterday to march the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances. A large gathering of family members of the missing persons, government officials, civil society members and representatives of foreign missions were present.
“If anyone can listen to these stories and watch these images of the struggle of families of the disappeared without being moved, there is something terribly wrong with this country.”
Dr. Udagama stressed that much like the incessant pain of the friends and family of the disappeared, human rights violations against these individuals are unending. “Under international law, enforced disappearances are continuing violations. From the moment a person is deprived of their liberty, the violation continues,” Udagama said.
According to the United Nations Human Rights commission, enforced disappearance is defined by three elements: “deprivation of liberty against the will of the person, involvement of government officials, at least by acquiescence, and refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person.” In Sri Lanka, many of these disappearances are in connection with the civil war and the 1980s JVP insurrection. Years later, families still wait for answers, in a purgatory between mourning and hoping.
Dr. Udagama attributes the slow progress, in part, to a lack of consistency in the political system and unstable institutions. “In Sri Lanka, democracy has not been properly established,” she said.
“The government changes and people change and things happen in a different manner. We have to strengthen our institutions.”

Tamil leaders bogged down in new controversy: Development vs. political solution Does Wigneswaran want the northern people to live without land, water, roads, and housing?


  • NPC had been over-politicized
     
  • Wigneswaran requested 16 Parliamentarians of the TNA not to participate in the Task Force  
     
  • Argues that political solution to the ethnic problem more important than the economic development   
     
  • As a result of both parties to the talks attempting to hoodwink each other, the Thimpu talks collapsed.  
2018-08-31
With only a month remaining for the Northern Provincial Council (NPC) to end its term, the long-drawn tussle between Chief Minister of the Province, C.V.Wigneswaran and the leadership of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has found a new bone of contention, the Presidential Task Force for the Development of Northern and Eastern Provinces, to fight over.  
Bringing back a long forgotten theoretical argument, the Chief Minister had requested the 16 Parliamentarians of the TNA not to participate in the second meeting of the Task Force scheduled to be held on August 27, contending that it would help Government to undermine the Tamil people’s demand for a political solution to the ethnic problem.  
In a letter addressed to TNA leader R. Sampanthan on August 22, Wigneswaran had argued that the political solution to the ethnic problem was more important than the economic development in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces.  

Prabhakaran responded in his letter dated December 22 that the economic issues created by the war and faced by the people must be addressed before going into political matters.  

He had suggested the TNA leader to convey this point to President Maithripala Sirisena by the absence of the TNA MPs in the meeting.
However, the Parliamentary group of the TNA that met on August 23 rejected Chief Minister Wigneswaran’s suggestion and decided to participate at the meeting.  
The MPs, who supported the decision, are of the opinion that there is progress in the process to find a political solution to the ethnic problem and the Task Force was a good forum to air the grievances of the Tamil people.  
They had also contended that it was only by attending the meeting that the TNA would be able to bring to the notice of the Task Force some of the burning issues such as the ‘invasion’ of northern land by the security forces.  
Wigneswaran’s line of thinking seems to be that he is no longer a member of the TNA, despite him still being the Chief Minister nominated by the party at the 2013 Provincial Council Election.  
He openly criticizes the TNA and its leadership while receiving a reciprocal response from the party as well. Going by the public utterances by some of the senior TNA leaders, he would not be included in the party’s candidates list for the next Northern Provincial Council election.  

TNA is of the opinion that there is progress in the process to find a political solution to the ethnic problem and the Task Force was a good forum to air the grievances of the Tamil people. 

 And rumours have it that he was preparing to contest under a new coalition, sometimes under the Tamil National Council (TNC) which he formed three years ago and in which he is one of the co-Presidents.  
It is against this backdrop that the new controversy over the Presidential Task Force is making headlines in Tamil newspapers.  
The notion that the political issues must take precedence over economic issues seems to have been the policy the Chief Minister has been following during his tenure.  
The Sunday Times carried a story on its July 29 issue which said that the NPC had passed a record 415 resolutions during its tenure and they are related mostly issues that do not come within the purview of the council.  
In fact, we have heard about the NPC adopting resolutions requesting the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to conduct an international investigation on war crimes allegedly committed during the war and to declare that genocide against Tamils had taken place in Sri Lanka.  
In a recent interview with the Daily Mirror the Governor of the Northern Province Reginald Cooray had said how the NPC had been over-politicized in a manner that it is more interested in political issues rather than the problems of the people, who are struggling to come out from destructions caused to their families and society as a whole, by the war.  
However, the position taken by Wigneswaran is not something new, rather it had been the stance taken by many Tamil leaders including those of the LTTE and the TNA itself, in the past.
Apart from the Tamil leaders some of the Leftist leaders including those of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in far back as the 1960s and 1970s had contended that economic measures taken by the ‘bourgeois’ Governments would not solve the problems of the people but hamper their struggle for Socialism.  
Hence, the extreme extension of this contention resulted in some Leftists arguing that people must be affected by the activities of the Government so that they would be attracted towards Socialism. 
Wigneswaran seems to have borrowed this old theory.
Yet, most of those who argued that the political issues must take precedence, including the LTTE and the TNA had changed their mind later.  
During the first negotiation between a Sri Lankan Government and the Tamil groups that was held in Bhutanese capital Thimpu in July and August 1985, the position taken by all stakeholders had been that ethnic problem should be addressed politically and forthwith. Interim measures were not even considered.  
It was during these talks that the famous Thimpu principles were presented by the Tamil leaders.  
However, as a result of both parties to the talks attempting to hoodwink each other, the talks collapsed.  
Four years later, when the LTTE came forward for talks with the Government of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, the organization had changed.  
They wanted the ‘day-to-day problems of the people in the North and the East’ to be solved first, despite President Premadasa attempted to address the political issues through an All Party Conference, in which Yogaratnam Yogi and a few others attended as the LTTE representatives.  
Yet, after several rounds of talks at the highest level, the LTTE seized on the arrest of a Muslim tailor, who worked for them and started what is then called Eelam War II, in June 1990.  
The LTTE had not changed this stance during the talks with the Chandrika Kumaratunga Government either. In a letter sent to the organisation’s leader Velupillai Prabhakaran on December 20, 1994, the then Deputy Defence Minister Anurudda Ratwatte had suggested to take up political issues at the next round of talks and Prabhakaran responded in his letter dated December 22 that the economic issues created by the war and faced by the people must be addressed before going into political matters.  
Again this had been the position taken by the LTTE during the talks with the Ranil Wickremesinghe government as well, in 2002 and 2003. Their main demand at the negotiating table was to form an interim administration for the North and the East, which in a proposal they submitted later had been named “Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA).  
A joint subcommittee named Sub-Committee On Immediate Humanitarian And Rehabilitation Needs In The North And East (SIHRN), comprising of representatives of both the Government and the LTTE was formed, while a separate fund called North East Rehabilitation Fund (NERF) was to be formed with the supervision of the World Bank.  
Two international conferences were convened in Washington and Tokyo in order to support the Sri Lankan peace process and the international community pledged to assist Sri Lanka with a massive amount of $ 4.5 billion, at the Tokyo Conference.  
Despite this history vindicating the TNA stance in the present controversy, some six years ago, during the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime, the party was following a different line.  
During the 14th convention of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) held in Batticaloa in May 2012,
TNA leader Sampanthan said “It is true that a duty lies with us all to rescue ourselves, our community and our people from this agony, to uplift them to an acceptable standard of living. But, my dear friends, we must not, for this reason, fall into the trap of the so-called development being brought about by the Sri Lankan Government. It is a devious trap to undermine the very existence of the Tamil people as a community. It is a death trap.”  
The Tamil leaders have been demanding a political solution for decades and it is not clear how many more decades they would have to wait for a solution that would satisfy them.  
Does Wigneswaran want the northern people to live without land, water, roads, irrigation facilities and housing until then?   

Families of the disappeared call for international investigation

Tamil families of the disappeared called for an international investigation as they marked International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances in Mannar today. 
Home30Aug 2018
Launching a protest in Mannar, families with missing loved ones from Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Jaffna and Vavuniya joined local families and civil society activists to demand answers. 
The protest which started at Mannar playground continued till the office of the Government Agent in Mannar, where a petition to the Sri Lankan president was handed over. 

 

INTERNATIONAL DAY OF THE VICTIMS OF ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES: AN OPEN APPEAL TO PRESIDENT SIRISENA & IC


International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances: An Open Appeal to His Excellency President Maithripala Sirisena, the Government of Sri-Lanka and the International Community .

Sri Lanka Brief31/08/2018

We are the families of the disappeared persons present our unanimous appeal for justice and our plight to the government of Sri-Lanka and the international community on the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances (30 August 2018).

Our beloved ones have been involuntarily disappeared in North and East of Sri-Lanka during the period of ethnic discriminatory war which took place for 30 years and in the period of post war autocratic regime which lasted for 5 years. Not only anonymous persons abducted our relatives from us but there are well identified personnel of state armed forces and men attached to the state sponsored extended armed gangs have committed these crimes. Specifically, persons were abducted by white vans in the controlled areas of state forces. Persons, those who had been taken by the members of state intelligence or by the armed forces for interrogations were later disappeared. Fishers who gone to sea for fishing also abducted by the Navy while in the sea.

During the last stages of the war, injured were transported by sea to East under the supervision of International Red Cross (ICRC) and some of those hospitalized patients were disappeared from hospitals. Persons were abducted and made disappeared from barbed wired internally displaced persons’ camps which were fully under the control of military. Some of our beloved ones who were detained under suspicion as militants at detention centers were permanently hidden from us.

Particularly, there are no news about the persons who were arrested by the military at the end of the war from the final war zones, persons who surrendered by the request of the military and about the men, women and children who were taken by the military by government transportation buses (CTB). We openly announce to the world, that the previous Sri-Lankan governments used enforced disappearances as a violent technique to suppress the minorities. Sri-Lankan state should take the responsibility of the issue of enforced disappearances.

We enormously expected that the new leadership of the country, new government of the country which came to power in 2015 would kindly consider our grievances and would response to us. We met several commissions and gave our testimonies with hope. But we did not get any positive response. Because of this, disappointed mothers of enforced disappeared persons started hunger strike and road side living campaigns in their old age and demanding the government to give their children back. These old mothers who have been sitting day and night in the road sides for more than 500 days under hot sun and heavy rain and demand justice for their disappeared children. But the government did not give proper response. Did not openly discuss the justice mechanisms for enforced disappearances.


Therefore, we persist our appeal to His Excellency President of Sri-Lanka, the Parliament of SriLanka and to the International Community:

1. Sri-Lankan government should immediately establish an international standard justice mechanism with international judges to find out the true status of the disappeared persons and to grant justice to their families.

2. Sri-Lankan government should fully implement the recommendations made in the report of the UN Working Group in Enforced Disappearances on its missions to Sri-Lanka which held in 2015 November 09 – 18.

3. Sri-Lankan government should give official recognition to the report of the Consultation Task Force which was established based on the obligations enshrined in the UN Resolution 30/1. Also, the demands of the affected people, which are included in the report should be fulfilled.

4. Sri-Lankan government should rapidly implement the obligations mentioned in the UN Resolution 30/1.

5. In-order to hold Sri-Lanka in the agenda of the U.N. Human Rights Council, the Council should extend the resolution 30/1 until the government fully implement the obligations.

6. Safety and security of the families of the disappeared persons, witnesses, lawyers, human rights defenders and civil society activists should be ensured by the government
7. End militarization in North and East areas of Sri-Lanka

8. End the expanded military and police intelligence networks which target the war affected people, social activists and the common events of civilians as well as the continuous monitoring and violent activities of these elements against the above said community groups.

 

Indian PM praises President’s reconciliation efforts

President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi held bilateral talks in Kathmandu, Nepal on the sidelines of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation summit. Picture by Sudath Silva


President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi held bilateral talks in Kathmandu, Nepal on the sidelines of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation summit. Picture by Sudath Silva

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Singh Modi yesterday expressed his admiration to the commitment shown by President Maithripala Sirisena to promote reconciliation and sustainable peace in Sri Lanka while ensuring democracy and freedom.

Prime Minister Modi made this observation when the two leaders formally met on the sidelines of the Fourth Summit of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) being held in Kathmandu, Nepal. Prime Minister Modi also extended his early wishes for President Sirisena’s Birthday which falls on September 3.

At the conclusion of the Summit, the Chairmanship of BIMSTEC will be handed over to Sri Lanka by the current Chair and Prime Minister Modi said he is happy to take upon any task set by President Sirisena as the new Chairman. He also observed that BIMSTEC will be strengthened under the leadership of President Sirisena.

When Elected Politicians Become Capitalists: Provincial Perspectives

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Dr. Siri Gamage
There are numerous criticisms of politicians, politics and political culture by those concerned with the directions of the country, governance style, policies and programs, corruption, delay, and costs of living pressures. However, little attention has been paid to the manner politicians in Sri Lanka become capitalists during their tenure and move away from the socio-economic contexts that they were born into in the Provinces. In order to understand the reasons as to why democratic governance and rule of law are not functioning as expected by the broader population, and the social distance of elected politicians from the very masses who propel them to power, it is important to understand the process where politicians become capitalists and start operating on the basis of a completely different set of norms, motivations and desires compared to what they were elected for. In politics and governance, power is the key variable. In capitalism, capital accumulation including land, machinery, money is the key variable -though the control over labour is also important.
During the British colonial period (1796-1948), the power was vested with the imperial-colonial administration whose key positions were occupied by the British nationals. However, a layer of local chieftains called Mudaliyars occupied important positions in the administration and its institutions spreading into the Provinces in association with other local officials such as Vidane Arachchis. They were playing a supportive role to the British administrators. In return, these chieftains were rewarded with land, servants, status, monetary reward, share of power, titles, respect and recognition. They established mansions called Walawwas, controlled large tracts of highland and paddy land, ruled their respective divisions with an iron fist, and even executed justice at the local level (Research using oral history has the potential to shed new light on their behaviour, attitudes etc.) As in the Kandyan and other provinces, this was the case in the Southern province including the Hambantota district. After the independence, the situation changed and the power transferred to Sri Lankans even though the vestiges of colonialism continued including in areas such as education, law, medicine, religion, tea plantations and commerce. Populist politics to win over mass consent at elections came into being and various tactics including grand sermons, variety of rewards were used by the politicians to attract votes. A political stage was created where contenders became actors and the masses the audience.
During the colonial period, people in the Southern Province became rich by associating themselves with the colonial administration and getting rewarded for their loyalty. This aspect has not been researched adequately by our historians and social scientists in a systematic way though there are a few publications on the subject by historians. For example, I am not aware of a thorough study of Walawwas in the province or the lifestyle, income sources, accumulation of wealth, education, style of administration and its consequences, mannerisms etc. When travelling in the area one can see monuments established at the grave sites for the departed members of Walawwas, e.g. Dahanayake Walawwa in Hakmana, Hakuruwela Walawwa in Weeraketiya area (Some mansions have been transformed into tourism sites today). Research studies are necessary to understand the way a sub stratum of the ruling class from the natives was formed and operated during the colonial period dictating terms for the local population plus how some became rich capitalists. In the 1950s there was a national survey called Lanka Maneema. Land acquired by the crown was auctioned and many local chieftains and some entrepreneurs bought such land. Association with power afforded these chieftains and their families an advantage over the rest of the population for the accumulation of wealth and capital, in accessing English education, familiarity with legal procedures and making children professionals in various fields such as law and medicine.
In terms of the accumulation of wealth and capital, the other important segments were those engaged in agriculture, commerce and business activities.  During the colonial administration, various opportunities existed for highly motivated people from the South to enter into new ventures. Some of them migrated to Kandy and Colombo and established shops. Others found their wealth through construction, transport, catering, plantations etc. Some who acquired large extents of land by virtue of office held or sheer entrepreneurship added more land and/or crops to their profile to become significant players in the localities. Those business people who moved from coastal areas in the South-Western sea board to towns such as Walasmulla, Beliatta used accumulated capital from businesses to purchase land from the peasants who borrowed consumer goods on credit.  Likewise, until 1983, Tamil shop owners from the North operated businesses in these Southern rural towns and invested their profits in purchasing land in their own native areas and educating children. With the arrival of new technologies like tractors and farming methods including fertiliser associated with the green revolution, the productivity from the land increased and made some businessmen richer even though fluctuations of price for commercial crops affected the capital accumulation process e.g. citronella. Compared to the colonial period where the occupants of Walawwas by and large resided in their homes in the provinces, in time to come when the children were educated in English and entered the professions in the capital, absentee landlordism became a reality in areas such as Tissamaharama.
Politics became an avenue for accumulating wealth and capital since the doors were opened in the nation’s parliament for the locals starting in the 1930s. For many, legal profession coupled with family background and connections provided an avenue for entering politics without much hassle. Though the norms of democratic governance remained intact until after several decades since independence, the nexus between power and capital/wealth continued. The changes in the leadership, party structures, and the entry of petty bourgeoisie contestants to high office including from the South infused a new meaning to this relationship between power and wealth/capital starting from the late 80s. Meaning of representative democracy remained in words more so than in practice. Practice itself became the norm. Introduction of provincial Councils in 1987 provided an arena for local aspirants to high office to play the same games that national politicians played at macro level often with the blessings of party hierarchies. This changed scenario provides insights into how the politics is used as an avenue for accumulation of wealth/capital?  
Sociological studies can be designed to study the way average politicians transform themselves during their political careers from their small beginnings to be extremely rich elites. The emergence of professional politicians from the provinces provides an interesting case study in terms of this nexus between power and wealth/capital accumulation and its evolution since the 80s. If one were to pay close attention there are numerous examples from other provinces also indicating the same phenomenon. An important aspect of this phenomenon is as to the nature of relationship between such politicians and their electors which is mediated through various layers of coordinating and personal secretaries, family and friend networks, brokers etc. How the large masses become the power-less spectators of the political drama enacted by these politicians, particularly after the elections, and how a distance is created between the electors and the elected is an issue to examine further. Who gets included and excluded from the political process after the elections and the obstacles constructed for the average voter to access power is a critical dimension to investigate.
The irrigation and settlement projects have made a difference in the life chances of some peasants who were disadvantaged.  Opening of the job market in the middle eastern countries has also have opened opportunities for women who were not able to earn an income locally. Free market, open economic policies and programs as well as opening of borders through globalisation have encouraged young and middle aged, educated and skilled men and women to move out of their local contexts and seek greener pastures elsewhere. Even while such changes have allowed the lower to middle class inhabitants in the provinces to earn better incomes, migrate and even provide better education to children, those who have accumulated capital/wealth at a large scale through politics and other means seem to have elevated their capacities, power and status exponentially through such means as international partnerships and collaborations in mega projects and even corrupt activities. 
The stark differences in life’s fortunes between those wearing amude, redda, hatta –mostly subject to vicissitudes of weather and fluctuating incomes i.e. chena cultivators, compared to those born to privilege offered through high office, agriculture, business, education and professions, politics etc. kept changing as the country’s economy, polity, education and other services changed. Exposure to modernism, urban lifestyle and even foreign influences and experiences have ameliorated such differences to some extent. However, the stark disparities in the economic and social opportunities in terms of work, recognition, access to power and wealth/capital remain especially at provincial levels for many who are desiring to make a difference in the way the country is governed and the domination-subordination dynamic is operating.

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Even more cuts: Busting Locke 

 
  • During these centuries, moreover, the State, which had passed power from the landed aristocracy to the industrialists, sided with the latter
  • From “liberties” to “liberty”: the world according to Hobbes, Grotius, and Bodin was now secularised, subject to no will higher than that of the sovereign

 2018-08-31
It is tempting to view the 17th and 18th centuries as eras of progress, reform, and enlightenment. Intellectuals and academics the world over tout this period of history as a sort of apotheosis for Western Europe, in which the West took over from the East in the domain of the material and the philosophical. That this shift coincided with the rise of colonialism and industrialisation is no cause for wonderment, given that such a paradigm transformation in philosophy needed a firm economic base, exploitative and oppressive, but at the same time advertised as liberal and inevitable to the exploited and oppressed. Take any thinker from these centuries and read into what they thought about rights, duties, and obligations. You will come across the same worldview: the world is composed of individuals, but this does not forbid the State from intervening in their (political) rights in the interests of economic freedom.   
The economic, then, determined the general philosophical consensus regarding the individual during this time. This is true of roughly every society and is valid for every historical juncture, be it in the West or the East. From Thomas Hobbes, Hugo Grotius, and Jean Bodin, history gave way to John Locke, who provided the perfect backdrop for the rising nouveau riche in England through a variant of the Social Contract which balanced the subject with the sovereign: “He was not an enemy of political authority.” During these centuries, moreover, the State, which had passed power from the landed aristocracy to the industrialists, sided definitively with the latter. The bourgeoisie had been the first revolutionary to rebel against the feudal manorial order; once history passed over to the market, he became the reactionary. 
Liberty: Last week I pointed out that the word had a connotation different to the one we take for granted today. To sum up, and to add to what I wrote: When the world entered the epoch that paved the way for capitalism (in Fernand Braudel’s analysis, between the 15th and the 18th centuries), powerful towns gave way to even more powerful nation states. These nation states (precursors to the modern State, with a capital S) bloomed in regions where towns were not powerful: Spain, France, and Britain. The world had known of “liberties” until then, wielded by powerful groups against the less powerful (although when the economic tide turned, the less powerful, namely the peasantry, got the upper hand). It was a relatively peaceful era, demarcated however by ignorance, fanaticism, complacency, and slowness (between the 9th and the 16th centuries, writes Professor Ha-Joon Chang, income per capita in Western Europe grew at 0.12% per year). The transition from towns to nation states came about through war and its “imperious needs”, artilleries and armies. By the end of the 17th century, Europe was waging war on itself, usurping the monarch and turning him into a constitutional figurehead. The sovereignty of the State was soon above all laws, all kings, now.
Europe, hitherto regional, and limited to centres of urban power, became Europe: national, territorial.   
From “liberties” to “liberty”: the world according to Hobbes, Grotius, and Bodin was now secularised, subject to no will higher than that of the sovereign. The sovereign was, however, subject to Natural and Divine Law. Even that changed: “Etiamsi daremus non esse Deum,” wrote Grotius, speaking for the new world order: even if God did not exist, the natural law prevailed. Divine law, though not disparaged or relegated or thrown away, was subsumed by the new secularism, and so soon enough, when the constitutional monarchy made it possible for the bourgeoisie to wield their clout in the parliament and outside it, “theism” (which held that God had the last word on material affairs) gave way to the at times confusing, convoluted “deism” (which held that God created man, but did not intervene in those material affairs). The man who stood between the secular absolutists of the 17th century and the deist liberals of the 18th century, which saw “liberties” give way to an amorphous and rather highly contentious-as-to-what-it-really-meant “liberty”, was Locke. It seems superfluous to devote an entire essay on the man, but it is at the same time essential that we do so.   
Much has been written on Locke. Some contend that he was an apologist for ruthless commercial capitalism. Some point out that his tirades against exploitation were at odds with his ownership of stock in slave trading companies (remember, this was an era when one man’s right over a multitude was taken for granted). Some, not a few, contend that by distinguishing between sovereigns and tyrants, he gave the perfect excuse for Western powers, today, to differentiate between pro-Western dictators (who are favoured) and “anti-Western” democrats (who are deposed).   
Whichever way you look at it, however, you cannot discount his influence on a period of history which defined the length and breadth of modernity. Western Europe owes it to Locke for its conception of liberalism, more specifically classical liberalism (which is what this series is about), and so does the world’s most vibrant “democracy” (note the asterisks), the United States of America. The truth is that without Locke, and his Two Treatises, there would not have been a Declaration of Independence. 
He had it both ways: the subject could revolt against the sovereign, but the sovereign could be deposed only if he had lost the right to rule: “A tyrant has no authority.” The bedrock of the State was political authority, and authority flowed from property.   
Unlike Hobbes, civil society for Locke was not preceded by a state of nature “nasty, brutish, and short”. On the contrary, what had preceded it was an Eden in which liberty flourished. As the population grew, however, so did man’s wants, and the Eden which had subsisted until then was threatened by property: there were just too many individuals, and too little land. It was to resolve this issue that he willingly gave up his liberty, and let his Eden fall: in return for his liberty, which was not really taken away from him, only reduced, he would be ensured ownership over his land. The secular absolutists of the preceding century had viewed the sovereign as a totalitarian tamer; Locke viewed him as a firm mediator. In doing so, he sanctified the instrument through which the sovereign became that mediator, private property.