Recording war history : a challenging task Or just an opening of a can of worms?

2018-08-17

It is not clear as to what exactly prompted President Maithripala Sirisena at this juncture to think about compiling the history of the three-decade war between the Armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).  

According to the political column of our sister paper, The Sunday Times, he had convened a meeting of retired and serving military leaders on August 6 apparently to plan and execute the recording of the history of the war. 

The President, according to the newspaper report, has attributed the twisted versions of war history by many people including retired military officials, to his move to record the ‘true’ history of the victory of the armed forces over the LTTE, the outfit that had been described by many analysts as the world’s most ruthless terrorist organization.  

It would be an interesting and politically, militarily and historically important document if one can compile the history of the war impartially and giving it the due political and historical weight, as the conflict did not break out in a vacuum.  

Some have written books on the war, but they have been accused of being influenced by party politics, ethnic prejudice and personal agendas. Besides, the concerns raised by the Sunday Times over the lopsided composition of attendees of the very meeting the move raises many other questions.  

One might question the timing of the President’s move as the meeting had been convened at a time critically important for the Government, and especially for the President. 
Following the humiliating defeat at the February 10 Local Government elections, the Government is obsessed with the forthcoming national elections. Hence, one can infer that this move is also a part of the preparation for the election.  

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has been exploiting the military victory over the LTTE at every election after 2009 – the year in which the war came to an end, as if it was he, who had taken all the strategic decisions during every battle while being in the battlefront.  

His claim for the war victory has been so successful that even the war-winning Army Commander Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka was humiliated at elections by the people, who once, during the last phase of the war venerated him.  

It was the war-victory that was mainly marketed by the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna during the last LG Elections as well and it is definitely going to be so at the forthcoming Presidential and Parliamentary elections also.  

President Sirisena seems to be attempting to counter this situation. Earlier, pushing Rajapaksa to an awkward and envious position, President Sirisena annulled two 19th Century Gazette notifications issued by the British Empire, which declared as traitors a large number of local chieftains, who rose against the empire during the 1818 Uva-Wellassa rebellion.  

And now he seems to have opted to find the real heroes of the three-decade-long war.  

The President’s meeting had not been attended by former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and former Army Commander Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, two veterans without whose contribution the war victory would not have been a reality.  

It is not clear as to why these two very important persons did not participate in this meeting. In spite of the experience and the knowledge of the commanders of the three Armed Forces, who served before Fonseka being vital in compiling the war history, nobody would contest the fact that it was the last phase of the war that was most important.  

Hence, to think about recording the war history without the contribution of Fonseka and Gotabaya Rajapaksa is ludicrous and clearly a political project of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).  
History is always written by the victor, they say. The dedication, commitment, bravery etc. of the loser or his side of the story would largely be left unnoticed or intentionally suppressed.  

EPDP Parliamentarian Ramesh Nadaraja, who was shot dead in the mid-1990s in Wellawatte had been writing the history of the Eelam War in the Dinamurasu Newspaper, he was editing at the time of his death. 

A reader had written to him protesting that he was giving too many credits to the LTTE and Nadaraja replied that he was writing the history and not party propaganda. He argued if the LTTE had excelled the other Tamil groups there must be reasons which cannot be blacked out when it comes to recording the history. 

And also the armed conflict between the Armed Forces and the Tamil Armed Groups did not break out in isolation in the late 1970s.

It was not totally devoid of politics.  

As VI Lenin described it was a “continuation of politics” pursued by both Sinhalese and Tamil leaders of the previous several decades.  

Also, the misery of the people especially those living in the war theatre is also an important aspect that has to be recorded.  

Therefore a war history recorded only from a military perspective would not tell the future generations what really happened.  

In a country where everything including religion is politicized, one cannot expect the intentional as well as unintentional contributions of the political parties that are not involved in recording the history to be included in that version.  

"Some have written books on the war, but they have been accused of being influenced by party politics, ethnic prejudice and personal agendas"

Therefore the contribution of the 2002 Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) in the war victory, irrespective of its highly dangerous flaws is likely to be unnoticed if the history is to be compiled.  

For instance, the CFA showed the outside world to Vinayagamurthi Muralitharan alias Karuna Amman which ultimately resulted in the breaking of the LTTE.

The CFA exposed the unreliability of the LTTE to the world as the rebels had shot at even the international ceasefire monitors and thus 25 European countries designated it as an international terrorist organization.  

CFA did not cover the sea and it was during that period that majority of the LTTE ships with military cargo were destroyed by the Sri Lanka Navy, with foreign intelligence support.  

D.B.S.Jeyaraj, the Senior journalist once wrote how a large number of LTTE cadres had entered into the wedlock during the CFA and how it had, in turn, affected their commitment towards the separatist war.  

In fact, the LTTE itself had largely contributed toward its decimation. The very notion of a Separate Tamil State close to Tamil Nadu, the southernmost State of India that houses 60 million Tamils is against the geopolitical realities.  

Besides, the organization antagonized India by killing its celebrated former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.  

They lost their friends among the Sinhalese Leftists by killing Sinhalese civilians.  

Killing Muslims and expelling them from their original habitats in the North and the East dissociated them from the Muslims.  

Also, the Tamil intellectuals left the area either to the south of the country or to the Western world, leaving the organization to rely only on themselves and their weapons.  

There is no agreement between senior-most military Officers, who actively participated in the last battles of the war on many issues that contributed to their victory.  

One says that it was the Army that provided intelligence to the Navy to destroy LTTE ships, while another says that Navy obtained the necessary intelligence from the Foreign Sources.  

In the light of such disagreements it is doubtful that in the process of the recording of history, due recognition would be given to the contribution of some of the past battlefield victories, towards the final victory.  

If the President can persuade the compilers to cover all these and such other aspects it would really be a comprehensive history.  

Otherwise, it would just be an opening of a can of worms.  

Family members pay tribute to massacred Tamil schoolgirls

Families of the 53 massacred schoolgirls, who were killed in a Sri Lankan air force bombing raid 12 years ago, gathered in Mullaitivu today, where a community event was held to mark the anniversary of the Sencholai massacre.

14Aug 2018

The event, held in Puthukkudiyiruppu, saw hundreds of locals gather to lay flowers before portraits of the massacred schoolgirls and staff members. It is one of many being held around the world today, in remembrance of the massacre.

To date, no-one has been held to account for the deaths.

Related Articles: 

14 August 2018 : Sencholai massacre - Searching for justice after 12 years

Internal strife marks three years of the National Unity Government in Sri Lanka

By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham/Daily Express-By Editor on August 18, 2018

Colombo, August 18: The government  completed three years in office on August 17, marking a milestone of sorts when the two traditionally rival political parties, the United National Party (UNP) and Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), set aside their differences and came together to form the National Unity Government.

There was plenty of goodwill on this day three years ago, with many thinking of it as a historic opportunity to work together in a politically amicable climate towards finding meaningful solutions to the problems faced by the people and the country, especially the long drawn national (Tamil ) question.

But today, exactly three years on, that goodwill has been smashed to smithereens and all sections of the Sri Lankan population are deeply disheartened by the government’s performance, and the inability of the elected members of the two parties to put their differences aside and work towards the common good of the country.

They have not addressed any of the serious problems faced by the people. Instead, what the people have been subjected to is juvenile handling of serious issues which have served to further amplify people’s hardships.

Lest one forgets, President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe came to power promising that they would create a new political culture that would transcend party politics. But they immersed themselves in the very same politics, the main cause of the failure of the Sri Lankan polity to make any progress, especially politically.

The juvenile manner in which the two leaders have been undermining each other politically ignoring the fact they are the leaders of the same government, would be stuff of a comic script if not for the fact they are destroying the country.

Earlier, before things disintegrated beyond repair, it seemed that the President and the Prime Minister were working with  mutual understanding in handling the main issues, even when relationships between other politicians belonging to the two parties appeared to be at odds. The two leaders managed to hide their differences and appeared to enjoy a semblance of a working relationship.

But this is not so anymore. Subtle disagreement has now manifested itself as open warfare with President Sirisena rejecting many proposals and developmental projects initiated by the UNP component of the government.

The disintegration of the unity government is now taking place in slow motion. But what is intriguing is the Prime Minister’s statesmanship like behaviour in the face of President Sirisena’s open belligerence. While the President has been criticizing his partners in governance, the Prime Minister has been silent.

In contract, not a single week passes without ministers and members of parliament of both parties holding press conferences to vehemently criticize one another on issues of governance and politics.

This writer had, in an earlier column, pointed out  that it was beginning to appear as though politicians of both parties were trying a bizarre experiment on how best to put party politics in the forefront, while being partners in a government. Whether it is economic development plans, constitutional reforms, reconciliation process or any other policy initiative, both parties have demonstrated almost diametrically opposed view points.

The often hostile posturing by President Sirisena towards UNP’s initiatives can be attributed to the fact that even though he is the Executive President of the country, politically he appears to be a weak leader. Though he was able to secure the leadership of the SLFP immediately after winning the 2015 Presidential election and assuming office as the Executive President, he has not been able to bring the party under his full command. His attempts to keep his flock together by using his Presidential powers have failed miserably.

More than half the MPs belonging to the SLFP led United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) are functioning as members of the ‘Joint Opposition’ led by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Meanwhile, 16 MPs of the Sirisena faction, most of who were holding ministerial positions for more than two and a half years, left the government a few months ago and have become supporters of the former President.

In this backdrop, it is anybody’s guess how many of the SLFP ministers and MPs of the President’s faction, who are still in the government, will continue to be loyal to him when the term ends.

If a national election is announced now, there is no doubt almost all the SLFP members who are with the President will switch their allegiance to the Rajapaksas (who now are part of the popular Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) to ensure a political future for them.

In political terms, the SLFP component of the government is so weak that they are being compelled to take positions regarding all crucial issues in consonant with the thinking of the Joint Opposition.

It can be easily said that the inability of President Sirisena to command his party with full authority is one of the major reasons for the multitude of problems the government is facing today, particularly in running an effective state administration.

A case in point is the chaos in almost all the sectors of the government service, which have been staging strikes and street protests on a regular basis.

On the other hand, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe who at one point thought that a divided SLFP would be highly advantageous to him and the UNP in future elections, is probably re-thinking that belief now, as the outcome of the local government elections early this year proved. The unexpected victory of the new political party of the Rajapaksas sent shock waves through the Sri Lankan polity.

The dismal performance of the UNP and the SLFP at the local government elections could be attributed to the tussle between the coalition partners and the failure to deliver on the promises made during the 2015 general elections. By amplifying their differences and playing it out on the public arena, the government leaders unwittingly pushed themselves into an unenviable corner, making it impossible to secure the people’s endorsement for government activities as a united force.

Instead of accepting their failures, the leaders of the two parties gave accusatory excuses for the poll disaster, with Sirisena at one point laying the blame on Wickremesinghe’s policies and actions and unsuccessfully trying to have him removed him from the premiership.

At the other end of the failure spectrum,   Wickremesinghe’s hopes of exploiting the split in the SLFP to his advantage also proved futile, as the split only enables the SLFP elements led by Rajapaksa emerge as the bigger political force in the country, pushing Sirisena’s SLFP to a position of a distant third competing for a position only with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).

The Rajapaksas are no longer interested in recapturing the leadership of the SLFP because they believe their new party the SLPP has successfully replaced their former party as one of the main political force in the country. The disarray in the government and the outcome of the local polls have made the Rajapaksas confident of handsomely winning any election in the future.

The Rajapaksas appear over confident, but the UNP and SLFP are reluctant to face elections, leading the Rajapaksa camp ridiculing the coalition partners as suffering from election phobia. The government may well be running scared, for not only did it postpone the local polls by more than two and a half years, but it is now  coming out with numerous excuses, including the delimitation process, to delay the provincial councils elections.

With the Presidential election due before the end of next year, the Rajapaksas and their allies are intensifying their campaigns to create momentum against the government. The coalition partners on the other hand appear to be utterly confused about future political strategies. In this background, is it any wonder that no one is betting on the unity government partners staying united for the full term?

(The featured image at the top shows President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe not in the best of terms)   

Transport Allowance Of Rs.200,000 To 55 MPs – A Comment

By P. Soma Palan –AUGUST 17, 2018

P. Soma Palan

I refer to the Front Page headlined news Report in the Daily Mirror of 13thAugust that the Government is to pay a Transport Allowance of Rs. 200,000 per month to 55 Members of Parliament, both from the Government and the Opposition, to facilitate monitoring Implementation of Government Projects and activities. This amounts to an aggregate amount of Rs. 11 million per month. Relative to the National Revenue of the country, this payment may be a pittance. But relative to the earned salaries of a middle class person, it is a huge amount paid out of Public Funds. Therefore, as concerned citizens, the informed Public would want to know that this money will actually be put into productive use. The Government’s public declaration, that the country is facing a financial burden, resulting from a colossal Debt, and loan repayments and interest, will not be eased by the spendthrift payment of such a big Transport Allowance per person.

Transport Allowance of Rs.200,000/-

There is ambiguity and lack of clarity as to whether this payment is a fixed, absolute, recurrent monthly payment or a variable Allowance on a pro-rata basis as per actual Transport trips done to the District and Divisional Project areas, in a full month of 25 working days. As a rule, Transport Allowances are paid relative to actual Travel done, unless a full month travel is mandated. If it is paid irrespective of Transport is involved or not, then, it is a fixed salary payment under the guise of a euphemism called Transport Allowance. If it is the former, a deceptive salary increase to select group of MPs is partial and unfair by the rest of the MPs

Who will Monitor the Monitors of the Projects?

 Members of Parliament are well known for not attending Parliamentary sessions in the first place. Often times, Parliamentary deliberations are crippled for want of a quorum. Therefore, what guarantee is there that these MPs would attend Coordinating Committees at District and Divisional levels, unless there is a structured Reporting system is in place, to ensure that the Monitoring MPs will actually do the job they are assigned with. 

Projects Implementation Coordinating Committees at District and Divisional levels

It is said that these MPs will be assigned positions in the Project Implementation Coordinating Committees at District and Divisional levels. I believe that the aforesaid Committees consists of Technical Professionals on Project Management who are more qualified and equipped to report to the relevant Line Minister on the status of Projects than half-baked politicians, who are just members of Parliament. Further, isn’t it the responsibility and duty of the Ministry top Officials to follow through and monitor the Projects undertaken by the Ministry and ensure their implementation ,and report to the Minister concerned about their status, constraints faced, progress and what is done and remains to be done ,and projected period of completion ? Sri Lankan top Officials are habitual seat warmers in their closeted air conditioned rooms, and hardly venture out on field inspections and monitoring.

Maximizing of people and Minimizing Productivity

It is the inbuilt nature of the Government Service to increase the number of people, for a job of work than increasing the productivity of the existing cadre. No wonder the Government Service has a bloated workforce, with one third being passengers with little or no productivity. To pay Rs.200,000/-per head for 55 MPs, is a case in point. Implementation of Projects is the function of the Executive, the Minister concerned and his Ministry Officials. It is not the responsibility of the elected Members of Parliament to do the executive function, as their primary function is to represent their constituents in Parliament and attending to their needs, and voicing Public grievances and participation in the legislative process. I have no idea of the total number of Projects the Government have on its hands. This is crucial to know why 55 MPs are required to monitor Projects implementation. Whether they will be monitoring individually or in groups is not known. On the assumption there are a large number of Projects to monitor, then the 55 MPs, most of their time ,will be on the roads than in Parliament. There are Implementation Coordinating Committees at District and Divisional levels and top of it there is now a Parliamentary Monitoring Group of 55 MPs. By maximizing the number of people on the same job, there is a minimization of productivity of human resource. This is a negation of sound Management sense and principles.

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Sri Lanka replaces 'Siva's footprint' board to 'Buddha's footprint'

Photograph: Virakesari

17Aug 2018

The Sri Lankan state has replaced the name board at the mountain known in English as Adam's Peak, from 'Sivanadi Patham' (Siva's footprint) to 'The Sacred Footprint of Gauthama Buddha'. 

The move has been condemned by Tamils as further evidence of the Sinhala Buddhisation of Tamil or Hindu historic and cultural references. 

Related Articles: 

03 May 2018 : More Sinhalisation of Tamil temples

05 September 2017 : Buddhas on the A9 - Sinhalisation of Vavuniya

12 August 2017 : Buddhas encroaching Kovils - Sinhalisation of Point Pedro

Capitalism, liberalism and their discontents

Britain, the most powerful industrial nation was a pioneer in protectionism

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 2018-08-17

. As a friend recently pointed out, take out the references to real world examples and all you are left with are hard to remember, harder to apply equations. Sure, that’s a given in any profession (it’s the job of the professional to appear smarter than his/her client,

 let’s not forget), but it’s particularly infuriating in economics owing to the fact that this is, after all, a field that has real world implications. Foggy, obscure, sometimes obscurantist, as a discipline it has been subjected to myths and falsities which by being repeated and promoted over and over again have acquired the status of honest-to-god-truth. Probably that’s why I’ve learnt to put up with my distrust of economists. 

On June 19, Advocata Institute, “an independent policy think tank based in Colombo, dedicated to economic development through free markets”, hosted a lecture titled “Capitalism in Asia and What It Means for Sri Lanka” delivered by the inimitable Razeen Sally. Professor Sally, as those who have attended his seminars (in particular, his “Night Watchman” lecture, “What makes a classical liberal?”), is in favour of free markets and less red tape and has displayed a general aversion to the Left (which explains his belief that in Sri Lanka, public and economic policy has been permeated by socialism). The June 19 lecture was no different, and it was more of the same, but it compelled an interesting riposte from an outfit calling itself (tongue-in-cheek) the “Avacado Collective”, which challenged the Professor’s worldview in clear, concise, convincing terms.   

Advocata is dedicated to free markets. So is Professor Sally. Like all advocates of free markets in the subcontinent and the developing world in general, they espouse the gospel according to Smith, Ricardo, Say, and Malthus, the fathers of classical political economy, believing it to be the only way out for the problems of our societies. But free markets are not always free and free trade is not always fair. There are myths attached to these theories and philosophies which have come to define the trajectory of economic history in the West.

Myths paraded as truth 

The Sri Lankan economic experience, post-1977, has mostly been that of promises made and broken by administrators, of powerful industries being sold to the ‘free market’ in the name of efficiency and eventually being turned into worthless replicas of their former selves. (Does anyone remember, as the Avacado Collective does, the Werahera CTB Workshop and the Thulhiriya textile complex?) But consider that it is not just in policy seminars that myths have been paraded as truths, and that they have formed what we assume to be the only economic reality, one which a good part of the world has rejected. We are still stuck in the “golden era” of “classical liberalism”.   

Of course, this is just one way of looking at the issue. There is another way. A recounting of history. The history of capitalism, free markets, political economy, and classical liberalism, as gleaned from the transition from the manor to the market.   
Why capitalism developed in Western Europe, no one has fully ascertained. It was born in the 16th century and was the child of the Reformation and the Enlightenment. It accelerated in the 18th century through the use of technologies that were invented by, as Professor Ha-Joon Chang points out in his perceptive work Economics: The User’s Guide, “practical men of good intuition.” It accelerated more so when Europe began colonising the rest of the world, forcing the conquered countries to enter into trade agreements. India was virtually castrated here; as Will Durant once wrote, there would not have been an Industrial Revolution were it not for the resources plundered from the Crown Colony of the Empire: “From Plassey to Waterloo, 57 years, the drain of India’s wealth to England is computed by Brooks Adams at two-and-a-half to five billion dollars.”   

This dualistic economy, of mass exploitation on the one hand and minority privilege on the other, was supplemented by a State that was all powerful and had a vested interest in the continuation of unfettered industrialisation (given that the parliament was populated by industrialists). In fact there was very little that was free in the market: as Fernand Braudel, the eminent historian, has observed more than once, capitalism was the product of large corporations and monopolies vying for power against each other, and not of the eternally touted image, projected in textbooks today, of islands of small shopkeepers in a perfectly competitive market. Britain, the most powerful industrial nation was a pioneer in protectionism. 

British Government intervention

Paradoxically, then, there wouldn’t have been capitalism in Western Europe without the State, that harbinger of bureaucracy which horrifies free market advocates today. British Government intervention, which picked up after Robert Walpole became the first Prime Minister, provided tariff protection and subsidies to strategic industries, a method resorted to by the “Miracle Economies” of the 20th century. (When I come across tirades hurled at the land ownership scheme of the Sirimavo Bandaranaike Government, I can only smile at the irony, given that while that regime limited land ownership to 10 hectares, Japan, Taiwan, and Korea, which were geographically larger than ours, limited it to as little as two or three hectares) 

Classical liberalism, with its emphasis on property rights and economic freedom, was born of all this. But liberalism, more specifically liberty, is a notoriously hard to define term, and in the early days, it had a different connotation. Again, I refer to Braudel; he traced its evolution from “liberties”, which was the liberty of powerful groups wielding hegemonic power over a multitude to “liberty”. Unfettered capitalism, through this, gave rise to unfettered individualism, which then gave rise to a dilemma: if everyone is free, how will society survive?   

"Why capitalism developed in Western Europe, no one has fully ascertained. It was born in the 16th century and was the child of the Reformation and the Enlightenment"

Rene Descartes seemingly resolved the issue as follows: individuals are parts of a whole, and so, if the part is to survive, the whole must too. The interests of the part had to, in other words, coincide with the interests of the whole. From the 17th century then, Western society not surprisingly hardened its attitudes towards elements of society which could not maintain the unity between the one and the other: right until the Middle Ages, the peasantry had been sanctified (Christ, after all, was the son of a carpenter), but in the heydays of capitalism, they would be demonised. Hence the workhouses, capitalism’s equivalent of Stalinist gulags, which crop up so harrowingly in Dickens’s novels. The rise of classical liberalism over these decades could not have been a random affair.      

Sri Lankan people want leaders to be decisive

Friday, 17 August 2018

The different leaders we have seen in Sri Lanka in the last 40 years beginning with JRJ to the current President were very different in their approach to power and authority, based on their cultural values and understandings of the leadership style.

In order to understand about leadership, we need to first understand about power and authority. Power is the ability to get what one wants. Power that comes through moral persuasion can be seen as ‘legitimate authority’. On the other hand, socially-legitimated power is defined as authority.

The Sri Lankan ethos today is to look to strong leaders to solve problems rather than to institutions. Whenever people have a problem, they will look for a politician they know within the system to whom they can appeal to, rather than rely on the institutions to deliver like in the West.

The common discourse today regarding politics is the need for decisive and just leaders – people who can make credible decisions quickly and stick to them once they are made. Being decisive does not mean being hasty; being decisive means knowing when to take a decision.

The primary aspiration of a disgruntled population who vote for change in the hope of their betterment is that they are looking for stability and order and for a strong political direction that will not waffle. To most of those people the current Government has been a bit of a disappointment, because of the slowness in decision making. This is largely because it is a coalition of two parties, each of which are going their own way because of their ideology and political ambitions.

The government has only been able to move by fits and starts. The outcome therefore of the concluded LG election a few months ago to the ordinary people of this country was certainly not a shocker. It was however a shock for the ruling elite because they never had their ears to the ground.

Interestingly, 15.7 million voters were eligible to vote at the 2018 LG elections according to 2017 listings. Out of that only 11.2 million voted. Around 4.5 million boycotted LG elections to perhaps show their frustration with the current administration; 4.5 million silent dissenting voices is massive in any democracy. It is time our politicians understand the public is getting fed up with all the current political parties and have shown their dissent very silently.

Even after a few months after the election defeat the leaders so far have been slow to take measures to restore confidence in the Government. The governance of the country needs to take a new direction at least in the next 12 months for all our citizens to witness real social, political and economic advancement of our nation.

Responsibility to the public

The President and Prime Minister would find it very hard to abandon the promises they made because the next presidential election is only 15 months away and Parliamentary polls are not due for two years. Moreover 6.2 million people voted for the National Unity Government with so much of hope.

On the other hand, the Government’s true strength, and which is in the national interest, is that the two-party alliance of UNP and SLFP work together and have further engagement with the ethnic minority parties to find a political solution to the ethnic conflict which is the country’s long-unresolved problem.

The ground reality is that the public perception is that the Government is not very effective and not doing much, this is not an accurate description of the reality. Development projects are taking off with international support. The Government has brought in a variety of new laws, the most important of which is the 19th Amendment to the Constitution. The 19th Amendment in particular could not have been passed if not for the current Government.

The media is filled with statements by Opposition leaders who are giving dire warnings about the actions of the Government and state of the economy. Unfortunately for the Government, very few Ministers come out openly to defend the Government. In addition, the State media does very little to minimise the misinformation effectively.

Practical solutions

No doubt at the last LG election the strength of the UNP was reduced to 32.5%, while the President’s SLFP was reduced to 13%. Political analysts say the decision to cut the farmer subsidies to the bone was a disaster for the Government. Prices of essential items like coconut, rice and sprats have skyrocketed. Sri Lankan people sadly have short memories.

In 2015, the petrol that was at 162 was reduced to 117, kerosene from 110 to 44 and a 410 gram milk packet from Rs. 465 to Rs. 325 and electricity bills by 25%. But the fact that VAT was increased in general from 12% to 15% and the interest rates going up and the depreciation of the rupee has had an overwhelming impact on COL.

Therefore, going forward, the Government should focus on issues that can help alleviate the suffering of the people. The people want the price of food (onions, potatoes, lentils, sprats, milk powder, coconut, dry fish) reduced. The Government needs to ensure there is enough rice in stock for the next six months. Then the farmer and rural enterprises issues need addressing. There is today a drinking water shortage in five provinces. All this clearly needs addressing by the Government.

For the Unity Government to once again become a beacon of hope and win the trust of the people, the President and Prime Minister both need to act with responsibility and maintain discipline among their ranks by getting rid of the people around them if directly accused of bribery and corruption and focus on addressing the common man’s problems without unnecessary delays.

(The writer is a thought leader.)

FIGHT AGAINST CRIME AND CONTEMPT OF THE LAW

Saturday, August 18, 2018

 

The threat of more strikes in the transport sector and the uncertainty on Provincial Council elections brings focus to the political divisions within the government of unity. However, the arrest of ‘Navy Sampath’, wanted for some big crime brings relief to the government, with a message of progress in the fight against corruption and criminal acts of the past regime.

Colombo Fort Magistrates Court’s order to initiate separate legal action against the suspect Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi, a former Lieutenant Commander of the Navy, on matters beyond his arrest in connection with the abduction, torture, extortion and the alleged abduction of 11 persons, shows a wider range of crime. It is an extension of crooked practice in covering one’s identity that point to support from hidden sources. The additional offences include preparing a false passport, a false National ID, and pretending to be another individual. He is also wanted for the former TNA Jaffna District MP Nadaraja Raviraj’s murder, found not guilty by the Colombo High Court, but being appealed by the State.

The Magistrate also directed inquiry into the alleged transfer to him of Rs. 500,000 from the Sri Lanka Navy. This could show the wider involvement of high-ranking Navy personnel in the long absence of ‘Navy Sampath’, and alleged naval links to the abduction of 11 persons, mainly youth in 2008 and 2009, held in naval premises in Colombo and Trincomalee. The breakthrough with ‘Navy Sampath’ should give encouragement to the FCID and other anti-crime forces that have come very far in the hunt for the killers of Lasantha Wickrematunge and Rugby Captain Wasim Thajudeen. This could be a major turn in the government’s pledge to fight the crimes and corruption of the Rajapaksa Regime, threatened by lack of sufficient support from forces of government. Quick and clean police and legal action on the ‘Navy Sampath’ related abduction of 11, could give those in government keen to proceed with a good fight against corruption, cause for new political strength.

Sangha and the Law

Moves by sections of the Maha Sangha to have an intervention in support of the leader of the Budu Bala Sena, Galagoda Atthe Gnanasara Thera, convicted by the Supreme Court for Contempt of Court, is no surprise. The Kotte Maha Sangha Sabha, to which Gnanasara Thera belongs, has observed a legal problem involving the monk’s conviction.

The Mahanayake Thera of the Sangha Sabha sees the actions of Gnanasara Thera that led to his conviction, being for the betterment of the country, the Maha Sangha and the Buddha Sasana. There was a mighty row just over a month ago, about this Thera having to wear the prison jumper, when convicted to imprisonment. The observing of a legal problem over this monk’s conviction is in keeping with the ‘jumper’ trend, and nothing on how his conviction affects the country, the Maha Sabha and the Buddha Sasana.

The Kingdom of Kotte gave us some great monks who brought to the people the fine teachings of the Dhamma and Sinhala Literature, and a wonderful combination of both. The ‘Loveda Sangrava’ alone can teach both monks and laymen the value of law and order in society. Their teaching did not seek any confrontation between the Law and the Buddhist Order. Members of the Sangha did fight for freedom from foreign and colonial rule, and bring a more equitable society in this country. The Buddhist clergy does not seek to violate or insult the Rule of Law, especially when the Supreme Court of the land interprets it.

The case record of Gnanasara Thera shows he did refer to the law of the foreigners or Suddhas. It is good for those worried about the Suddha’s law to know that the bulk of our laws have come from the colonial rulers, and accepted in this post-colonial, independent country. Free Education itself was a law adopted during colonial days. The structure of the Nikayas was also bought to law in the days of the Suddhas.

The verdict of the Supreme Court is certainly based on such law. Roman-Dutch Law and a vast amount of our laws have come from western traditions of legality. The members of the Sangha, who are citizens of this country, are bound by the laws of the land, as are all other citizens. The Buddhist monks certainly have the right, just as other citizens, to seek amendments or changes to laws that are outdated, undemocratic, and unfair by the people. This does not mean contempt for the institutions that administer the law as it stands – The Courts of the Country. What Gnanasara Thera did was to bring the Court at Homagama, and the judge presiding in that Court to gross contempt. There is a law against such action, even when committed by one wearing a Yellow Robe of the Sangha.

It is necessary for all sections of the Sangha, including from the Kotte Sangha Sabha, to understand and appreciate this realty, which is in keeping with an understanding of the teachings of the Buddha, which seeks a civilized and humane society, and not a society of the vulgar and the unlawful.
The ‘pohottu’ spread

The government certainly has to come to a quick decision on the Provincial Council elections. Three councils are not functioning, and very soon, the others will be dissolved.

The delay in the polls can only be a loss to the government, both the UNP and SLFP branches of it. Disagreement on the type of poll to be held is of little interest to voters, and there are many new voters being registered. The government must realize that the defeats suffered by the UNP, and worse by the SLFP, in the Local Government Polls was largely due to the delay in that election.

If the government is unable to come to a decision on the system of polling for the provincial elections, is it not possible for the proportional system to be used, with existing legislation? Many analysts of election laws think this could be done, as law has still not been replaced, although the second reading of the new Act has been passed. In the absence of a new Act, they see the old Act remaining as law. Is this not a position the Commission of Elections should take or could take, and go ahead with the next polls? The Government and the Elections Commission should move with speed on these polls.

While the government has this problem, the Joint Opposition is certainly having its own problems. Apart from the differences within the Rajapaksa family on the next candidate for the presidency, the increased differences within the SLFP remains a constant problem. The Speaker gave a very clear and firm ruling on the office of Leader of the Opposition. The UPFA/SLFP members of the JO must now decide whether they can really leave the UPFA. Are they prepared to face a possible expulsion from their seats in the event of resigning from the Alliance they contested the election? This is a matter that will have to be decided by the Courts, but are they ready to take such a risk. The Chairman of the SLPP, Prof. Peiris, with all his knowledge of the law, may not be able to give a clear ruling on this issue.

The JO and SLPP are divided on the Rajapaksa brotherhood on the presidential candidacy. The voice from Kalutara is very clear on his opposition to Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. There are questions whether Gotabhaya or Basil, and certainly not Chamal, will support the future expectations of Mahinda Rajapaksa for his son Namal.

The team of Blue 16 of the SLFP also shows further divisions, with four of them – SB Dissanayake, Dilan Perera, Dayasiri Jayasekera and Thilanga Sumathipala making a show of remaining with Maithripala Sirisena as the next Blue candidate.

The new political activity at Polonnaruwa by President Sirisena, with more tough talk on solving wider national issues, cannot give any satisfaction to any of the Rajapaksa brothers in the line-up for the candidacy. While the general expectation on the JO and SLPP or Pohottuwa is for success as in the Local Government election, there are doubts emerging whether the public will vote the same way for a government. They are also worried about the ability to win over sufficient votes from the minorities.

All of this makes the Pohottuwa look more like a bunch of small pohotttus, than a winning flower.

There are also concerns about the ability of President Sirisena to call for a presidential poll at any time in 2019. An early 2019 poll will pose major problems for the US citizen Gotabhaya, even with full military backing, to show that he is only a Sri Lankan citizen. Will electoral politics in Sri Lanka be left to the Citizenship Laws of the USA, or will a candidate here need an anti-immigration move by Donald Trump to sign one’s nomination form?

Isuru Devapriya: Despicable ‘Criminal’ waste of public funds

The Colombo municipality encompassing an extent of only 37.2 Sq km with a population of 550,000 has 119 members to represent 41 wards, approximately one member for 4,400 people.

by Susiri Gamage-Aug 18, 2018

( August 17, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) It has been reported that the Western Provincial Council has decided to import some 125 luxury chairs with facility of heating its councillors’ posterior at a cost of Rs 650,000 each. Chief Minister Isura Devapriya has made a futile attempt to justify the move, saying that the council had sufficient funds for that purpose while government is taking stringent steps to control unnecessary imports. Excellent furniture is locally manufactured. The Government Factory, established in 1849 and later shifted to its present location at Kolonnawa in1928, was the main supplier of furniture for the entire government, local government bodies and later, also for some corporations and there was no need to call for tenders for purchases from the Government Factory. We as, new recruits in the public service in the General Treasury, were shown by our superiors, the table and the chair manufactured by the Government Factory and used by D. S. Senanayake as the Minister of Agriculture in his office located on the third floor, middle part of the Old Secretariat Building. Although this is an isolated incident it surfaced thanks to the intervention of a JVP councillor.

On August 14, the Ontario Legislature, in Canada, one of the vibrant democracies in the world passed a resolution with a big majority to reduce the Number of elected members and wards of Toronto municipal council from 47 to 25. Toronto is the 4th largest city in North America, with a city area of 630.2 Sq.km, and a population over 2.81 million. Its annual GDP is 304 billion CaD (Rs 38000 billion) with an annual operational (recurrent) budget of 13 billion CaD (Rs. 1,625 billion) comprising a phased out capital budget of 37 billion CaD (Rs 4687.5 billion) for a period of 10 years. Municipal services include water supply, management, electricity, sanitation, roads, subways, housing, fire services, child development, daycare services parks, snow removal from, elders’ homes, and many more services not provided by Sri Lankan local government authorities. It is under such circumstances that the number of wards and council members have been reduced from 47 to25. The ratio of representation is one for 112,400.

It is also worth having a glimpse at our closest neighbor, Chennai municipal Corporation of India. An estimated 4.9 million people live within the city area of 426 Sq km. It was divided in to 200 wards in the year 2011, with some seats allocated to specific castes, representing approx 24,500 people by one ward member in the municipality. The Mayor is considered an honourable and ceremonial post as the first citizen, but expected by law to take instructions from the Municipal commissioner, appointed from the IAS.

In contrast, the Colombo municipality encompassing an extent of only 37.2 Sq km with a population of 550,000 has 119 members to represent 41 wards, approximately one member for 4,400 people. A recent economic survey reveals that the daily income of 45% of the total population is below Rs 800.00 and accordingly one has to work 800 days to meet the cost of each of the chairs to be imported for the Western Provincial councilors.

Although the stories in fiction does not happen in real life, it reminds me of the story of Manor Farm, in the famous satiric novel “Animal Farm” written by George Orwell. Pigs make a rebellion, chase away the owner of the farm and animals take over the farm. All farm animals were considered equal in the beginning. As time went by they changed their motto as “all animals are equal and some are more equal than others”. Their earlier promises of not to sleep on beds, not to consume liquor were violated. After a party at former owner’s house pigs were found drunk and sleeping on beds. Those who did not have anything of their own go for all the luxuries at the expense of the poor tax payer.

“Universal Rights” challenged “People” and their “Politics” 

Drowned in sordid socio-political culture, Sri Lanka not geared for a better future 

 2018-08-17

In post WW II modern world, democracy is accepted as an uncompromising way of private and public life. During the half Century we spent after WW II, the modern world has universally accepted Democratic Rights of all people. Declared Human Rights in a well-defined Charter that in its preamble says “….recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.” accepted by all member States as a primary Constitutive document of the UN adopted by the General Assembly in 1948. Thereafter the ILO, the “Tri partite” (States, Employers and Employees) global body of the UN system, diligently worked out and adopted Conventions that further explained human rights in terms of “employment” that in general are called “Labour Rights.” Together the Declaration of Human Rights and the ILO Charters lay down principled conditions that guarantee “the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family.” A human family that includes children, adults, ageing populations, gender, all ethnic and religious communities, youth and employees, leaving out none.  

"Sri Lanka as a UN member bound to treat all its 20 million plus people without divisions and discrimination"

Sri Lanka is a member State of the UN from December 1955 and is bound to treat all its 20 million plus people as “members of the human family” without demarcations, divisions and without any form of discrimination.Yet the problem remains, that we don’t have a social and a political culture with long and established traditions to uphold such “Rights andValues” and we lack social structures that can hold people and organisations accountable and responsible in honouring those “Rights and Values”.
Most recent exhibition of such arrogance against people was the intimidating selfish behaviour of the Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA).With total disrespect for human life, threatening with strike action and then though unsuccessful, resorting to strike action over 05 times during the past 24 months,their attitudes and approach in gaining what they wanted, displayed how low even the once respected noble medical profession has descended to. They worked in tandem with the Faculty of Medical Teachers’ Association that promoted student protests for 10 long months, encouraging and supporting student boycott of lectures and protests on Colombo roads.  

The elite professionals and the university academia being so, the Railway employees or any other cannot be expected to be any better. All live in a socio-political culture of “threats, power and force” that’s taken for granted as the shortest route to“answers”. This gets more chaotic with the “populist” albeit foolish stand of President Sirisena reversing most decisions arrived at even in Cabinet meetings. When the Finance Minister stood his ground as per the decision at the Cabinet meeting, President Sirisena hastened to give striking Railway unions a hearing and a promise to increase their salaries. On Monday last, they declared the strike called off on President’s promise. The irony is the absence of  “People” as the most important factor in any of these decisions.  

On the flipside of these irresponsible and anarchic protests and strike actions, this “Yahapalana” government led by the UNP, ignored their responsibility in resolving issues and allowed them to drag on at the inconvenience of people. The SAITM medical degree issue was thus muddled up for over 02 whole years, allowing street protests over weeks and months.Though people blamed the government for all that as “inefficiency”of an ineffective, spineless government, the political leadership of the UNP enjoyed the growing public anger against medical doctors, the university students and striking railway unions that demanded suppression, use of force and called for “privatisation” without trade unions. While the JO led by Mahinda Rajapaksa expect to politically gain from the chaotic instability they plan, demanding this government should be dissolved for their inability to provide answers, the UNP leadership tend to believe the anti-union, pro privatisation social psyche goes well with their investor led completely liberalised free market economy.  

"The tug of war between Rajapaksa campaigns and UNP politics is not about politics for democracy"

The tug of war between Rajapaksa campaigns and UNP politics is not about politics for democracy. It is not about restoring a democratic society that guarantees “the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family”. No, it is not. It’s about regaining political power for “all members of the Rajapaksa family” at the cost of democracy and for businessmen with the UNP leadership, it is about unrestricted exploitation of labour without union rights.  

Ever since the economy was turned into an export manufacture economy with FDIs by Jayawardene’s UNP government 40 years ago, businessmen have been asking for relaxing of labour laws on the argument, investors cannot be attracted with a labour law regime that protects labour rights.They don’t face the fact that with all the 55 pieces of law the Labour Department works with, there are multi-national corporations like Uni Levers and CTC in this country that worked for good profits, negotiating and working with trade unions. Yet the BOI was established to curb “Right to association and collective bargaining” through administrative mechanisms and for 40 years with all incentives given for FDIs, there is no “development” for over 90 per cent of the people. Janavasiya was brought in for poverty alleviation and was expanded as “Samurdhi” that’s still running and this government is promising “development” with “Grama Shakthi”, “Gamperaliya” and with many different policy statements by both the President and the PM, each on his own.  

Politics of this government that live on the mystic belief that “development and FDIs” are inseparable twins, allowed employers to resort to extremely uncivilised labour practises in busting trade unions. This was highlighted in a letter addressed by the FTZ & GSE Union to PM Wickremesinghe on 10 August 2018.The letter reveals how this “yahapalana” government keeps mum over such issues. Reminding past complaints it says, “With almost 2 months without any measures taken to mitigate issues mentioned in our letter addressed to you, one of the issues raised therein, has taken a very serious turn of events with the top management of one of the companies deciding to hunt down employees they arbitrarily sacked from one of their factories. And it goes on to say, the company has resorted to “lifetime revenge” from employees sacked for organising a trade union. The FTZ & GSE Union letter says, “Addressing letters to other employers, the company has requested them, not to employ workers sacked from the factory for organizing a trade union.” This they say, is how a garment factory then owned by leading politician arbitrarily sacked workers for collectively raising their grievances,with an e-mail sent to all employers in the EPZ by an unknown sender “Protect Apparel Industry” with photos and names of all sacked employees carrying one of the most disgusting captions “Beware of this kind of Dogs”.  

It is for such ruthless exploitation of labour this government accepts social chaos in developing a social psyche that allows de-unionising and suppressing of “democratic and labour rights.”A social psyche that allows destroying of universally accepted principles of human and labour rights. A government economic policy that demands “investor friendly” rule in violation of decent civilised life in a democracy.  

"It’s about regaining political power for all members of the Rajapaksa family at the cost of democracy and for the businessmen with the UNP leadership"

We are no more in a world that accept “slave employment”. Today employment comes with accepted rights and decent working conditions, Sri Lanka is bound by ILO Conventions 87 and 93 and by its own Constitution that guarantees human rights including right to association.Thus “Decent Work” is not about wages alone. It is about human dignity in employment.   

In polar opposite to union busting and de unionising the labour force this “Yahapalana” government promotes as necessary for economic growth,“In Europe, unions weren’t destroyed — they thrived. Deals between unions and companies are brokered formally or informally by governments. But that’s just the beginning. In Germany, for example, worker’s representatives sit on company boards.
In France, collective bargaining is a right, negotiated by sectors, for example, among all waiters and restauranteurs — not individual companies and employers. In Scandinavia, companies have to account for their social costs and benefits.” [Umair Haque on “How Capitalist Utopia became Everyone Else’s Dystopia” -https://eand.co/ July 2018]  “The point is…” Haque says,“Europe developed better mechanisms for economic interaction —fuller ones, if you like, which ensured more stable, opportune, and empowered societies. Average people had genuine power to demand a fairer more of an economy’s gains — as they should, not just for moral reasons, but also socio-political ones….”  

Drowned in a sordid socio-political culture, present day Sri Lanka is not geared for a better future that ensures a more stable, opportune, and an empowered society. Politics in Sri Lanka is on reverse gear. Political campaigns are sadly mobilising people to destroy their own democracy and social stability.In allowing industrial arrogance for looting and not industrial peace for growth. In short, we are heading towards socio economic anarchy, with no alternate political discourse. The two major political players wanting power at the expense of the people and their future. The people too joining in to help create despots on the way.