Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, July 25, 2018

Protesting families of the disappeared launch office in Mullaitivu

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23Jul 2018
Families of the disappeared in Mullaitivu, who protested for 500 days continuously seeking the whereabouts of their missing loved ones have created an office for relatives of the forcibly disappeared.  
"We experience significant hardships when we held our protest in front of the Mullaitivu District Secretariat. That is why we decided to stop the protests there and find a new place," the families of the disappeared said. 
During the 500 days of protests demonstrators faced harassment and intimidation from Sri Lankan intelligence officers and the leader of the protest was attacked by unknown persons. 
The office, situated close to the court on Mankulam road, Mullaitivu was opened today. 
"Our struggle is not over. Only the battlefield of protest and the form [of the protest] have changed," said the families of the disappeared. 
"Only when there is an answer for our loved ones will this come to an end," they stressed. 

Chicken -hearted dim –witted Gamarala threatens free media again !


LEN logo(Lanka e News – 24.July.2018, 8.00PM) President Maithripala Sirisena who dishonored all the election promises , betrayed the voters who installed him in power by turning his back on them within as short as  48 hours  after  being elected , and now precariously clinging on to a 4 % popularity base after having   earned the inglorious distinction as the most incompetent incapable leader the country ever had, is again moving heaven and earth to stifle and suppress the media which are exposing the truth and critical of him.
The president addressing  the Randiyawara Rendawum maiden ceremony yesterday (23) spoke thus :
‘I wish to tell the media Institutions which are today obstructing us and  not giving due publicity to our programs, please do not   deprive yourself of  the democracy , freedom and  the media freedom which you have  been granted, only to  once again be in tears after attacking us , weakening us , destroying us and  dragging us down .’
It is to be noted already four media websites including Lanka e News have been  unlawfully banned in the country.  Because a program was conducted by TNL channel which contradicted the mendacious  statements one by one of the president , parts of the transmission center of the TNL were forcibly removed by Pallewatte Gamarala thereby tarnishing the image of good governance which he promised to establish during the last presidential elections, meaning that  president Gamarala has already  completed his media suppression mission.  
It is a pity this is a moronic president who thinks media freedom is something that he can pick from his pocket and distribute .
 On 2015-01-08 , the masses won the media freedom after sacrificing lives of editors  and journalists , losing their dear ones through disappearances, falling victims  to  assaults and arson. Therefore that freedom was not acquired  in the way this nincompoop of a  president assumes . It was not freedom  which dropped from  the pocket of  a political  imbecile like Gamarala or through his pick pocketing another.
Shockingly it  is the moronic Gamarala who promised good governance and media freedom to the people with the motive to  win the presidential elections who is now full of venom and vengeance  against the media which criticizes his lop sided policies and cranky conduct which have plunged the country into irretrievable doom and gloom. Believe it or not ! he is so vindictive that he has ordered the foreign ministry to get down 14 individuals employed in the foreign service simply because they  made adverse comments against Gamarala  via the internet .
Already , two employees who worked as clerks in the foreign missions of Canada and Poland have returned. Gamarala  is so abysmally ignorant that he does not even know , state employees such as clerks of the lower grades have the freedom to express their views and speak on politics. Yet this spineless cowardly ruler  had got scared of them and via today’s  announcement  betrayed his  inordinate fears – unable to face constructive criticisms .
This is clearly a direct  threat made to the independent mass media . Hence , all must rise against this chicken –hearted dim witted  ruler unconditionally before it is too late.


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by     (2018-07-24 14:51:45)

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF UN SP BEN EMMERSON ON SRI LANKA

(Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism on his mission to Sri Lanka)

Sri Lanka BriefA. Conclusions

24/07/2018

59. In 2015, Sri Lanka seemed to have turned a corner. New elections brought to power a coalition government and with it the promise of change. Human Rights Council resolution 30/1, co-sponsored by Sri Lanka itself, set out key goals for reconciliation, transitional justice, accountability and reform of the security sector, including the counter-terrorism framework. Yet, after a two-year extension granted to the Government in resolution 34/1, progress in achieving the key goals seems to have ground to a virtual halt. None of the measures so far adopted to fulfill Sri Lanka’s transitional justice commitments are adequate to ensure real progress.

60. The counter-terrorism apparatus is still tainted by the serious pattern of human rights violations that were systematically perpetrated under its authority. At the time of writing, the PTA remained on the statute book. The new draft Framework largely reflects the interests of the security sector and is far from being adequately grounded in international human rights law. Individuals are still held in detention under the PTA, impunity is still the rule for those responsible for the routine and systemic use of torture, and countless individuals are the victims of gross miscarriages of justice resulting from the operation of the PTA. The Tamil community remains stigmatised and disenfranchised, while the trust of other minority communities is being steadily eroded.

61. Sri Lanka must urgently implement the commitments made in resolution 30/1 to address the legacy of widespread and serious human rights violations that occurred in the context of the internal armed conflict in the country. The pervasive climate of impunity and the lack of accountability for serious human rights violations that occurred both during the conflict and in the aftermath requires immediate redress.

The security sector is in need of urgent reform. The counter-terrorism legislation requires a complete overhaul to bring it into line with international human rights law. A failure address these issues promptly and effectively will provide fertile ground for those intent on resorting to political violence, as real and perceived grievances are exploited by militants to garner support amongst vulnerable and alienated sections of the population. The price that Sri Lanka’s future generations will have to pay for the continuation of this legal repression may prove as costly or even costlier than that
which has so far confronted the present generation.

B. Recommendations

62. The Special Rapporteur recommends that the Government of Sri Lanka:
a) Immediately establish a moratorium on the use of the PTA for new arrests until the Act is off the statute books and take urgent steps to repeal it.
b) Ensure that the new counter-terrorism legislation is fully in line with international human rights law
c) Immediately provide for prompt and effective judicial review of the legality of the detention of all those still held in detention under the PTA.
e) Submit all individuals charged under the PTA to a fair trial with allguarantees of due process.
f) Ensure that statements and confessions made by PTA detainees have no probative value in proceedings against them.
g) Establish a mechanism for reviewing all PTA convictions in which evidence of a confession to the police was central to the prosecution case.
i) Establish an independent effective and accessible mechanism to complain about torture and ill-treatment in all places of detention. Ensure that investigations into allegations of torture are launched ex-officio and that complainants are not subject to reprisals.
j) Ensure the availability of prompt, independent, adequate and consensual medical examinations at the time of arrest, upon entering a custodial or interview facility and upon each transfer.
k) Ensure that all interviews with detainees are fully in line with the Special Rapporteur on torture’s proposal for a Universal Protocol for non-coercive, ethically sound, evidence-based and empirically founded interviewing practices (A/71/298) and ensure that all interviews are videotaped.
l) Consider transferring those still in pre-trial detention or those serving sentences under the PTA to places of detention closer to their families, and the two Special High Courts dealing with PTA cases to majority Tamil areas.
m) Ensure that the right to habeas corpus is fully reflected in the future legislation, in line with the recently adopted United Nations Basic Principles and
Guidelines on Remedies and Procedures on the Right of Anyone Deprived of Their Liberty to Bring Proceedings Before a Court.49
n) Guarantee full and unimpeded access to counsel that speaks a language understood by the person detained from the beginning of the deprivation of liberty and throughout all stages of criminal proceedings.
o) Urgently ratify and implement the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture, and enable the Subcommittee on the Prevention of Torture to carry
out regular unannounced inspections of all places of detention;
p) Ensure the National Human Rights Commission receives adequate resources to effectively fulfil its mandate, including regular, effective and independent
monitoring of all places of detention, the investigation of allegations of torture and illtreatment,and the review of legislation.
q) Publicly issue unequivocal instructions to all security forces to immediately end all forms of surveillance and harassment against human rights
defenders and PTA victims and their families.
r) Guarantee that all cases of hate speech and attacks on minorities are fully investigated, prosecuted and perpetrators punished, without discrimination.
s) Ensure minimum standards of detention in accordance with the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of prisoners (Mandela Rules).
t) Urgently reform all the institutions of the security sector to place them under full civilian control and oversight. Develop a vetting process to ensure that all security personnel and public officials involved in human rights violations are removed from service.
u) Ensure that the security sector, in particular in the police, intelligence services and the military, adequately reflects the ethnic and linguistic makeup of the country.
v) Demilitarise the Northern Province, as a symbolic gesture of reconciliation and trust-building.
w) Implement the specific and detailed recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on torture (A/HRC/34/54/Add.2), of the Special Rapporteur on minority issues (A/HRC/34/53/Add.3), of the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers (A/HRC/35/31/Add.1) and of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (A/HRC/33/51/Add.2) following their mission to Sri Lanka, and of the Committee against Torture. (CAT/C/LKA/5).

x) Implement Human Rights Council resolution 30/1 in full, including by urgently operationalizing the Office of Missing Persons.

Read the full report as a PDF: Sri_LankaReportJuly2018.PDF

New Constitution for Sri Lanka : ten experts working on initial draft of Constitution

 


2018-07-25

The Constitution making process is in limbo right now and the ‘Yahapalana Government’ seems quite contended with the passing of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution. Attempts to introduce a new Constitution has come under much criticism by many in the country. The Daily Mirror spoke to the main architect of the drafting of a new Constitution for Sri Lanka, Parliamentarian and Constitutional expert Dr. Jayampathi Wickramarathna on the issue.


  • They believe that Sri Lanka must be in the control of the Sinhala Buddhists. There is no single example in the world where part of a country has used devolved power to break away.
     
  • The Executive President can take over all or part of the functions of a Provincial Council under the proposed Constitutional arrangement or ultimately dissolve the Council. So, what’s more?
     
  • There is no concept called Executive Prime Minister - nowhere in the world. It is Parliament which will exercise executive power through the Prime Minister and Cabinet. 

 Q  What is the progress that has been made in drafting a new Constitution by now?
At the second sitting of the Constitutional Assembly held on May 5, 2016 six Sub-Committees were appointed to assist the Steering Committee in its mandate of drafting a constitutional proposal. 
The six sub-committees were tasked to discuss and make proposals on Fundamental Rights, The Judiciary, Law and Order, Public Finance, Public Service and Centre – Periphery Relations. 
Each Sub -Committee consisted of 11 members, including the Chairman, as resolved by the Steering Committee at its sitting on May 04, 2016 and subsequently approved by the Constitutional Assembly. The appointment of members to the Sub-Committees was done in an equitable manner taking into consideration party representations within Parliament, and was based on nominations made by political parties. The six Chairmen were appointed from among the members selected to the Sub-Committees and was based on considerations of seniority. 

The Expert Panel has been working tirelessly and on last 18th met once again and requested for two more weeks. I must say that the Expert Panel has only a Zero Draft’ or ‘Non Paper’ right now before them for the purpose of facilitating future talks.

The Sub-Committees were mandated to develop constitutional principles for consideration of the Steering Committee in respect of the designated subject areas. The Sub-Committees functioned independently in determining the manner in which sittings were organized, and were at liberty to engage expertise and to invite representations. The deliberations before the six Sub-Committees were consultative and interactive in nature and included shared experiences and insights on various aspects of the subject matter discussions. 
The six sub-committees submitted their reports in the end of September, 2017 to the Constitutional Assembly and as expected different political parties had aired their different views in these reports. 
I must admit that after the submission of sub committee reports, the progress on Constitution making process has not been fast tracked. The local government polls and the No-Confidence Motion against Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe also played a role to slow the progress. 
However, in May 2018, the Panel of Experts of the Constitutional Assembly requested to prepare a document – an initial legal draft – based on proposals of the six sub committees that includes various views expressed by various political parties. 
The Expert Panel has been working tirelessly and on last 18th met once again and requested two more weeks and was given. I must say that the Expert Panel has only a Zero Draft’ or ‘Non Paper’ right now before them for the purpose of facilitating future talks. 

 Q  One of the major challenges before you is to come up with a basic Constitutional Policy that could garner the support of a two thirds majority in Parliament and political parties, clergy and Maha Sangha in particular. Many who oppose the new Constitution say that you are in a move to divide the country. How are you going to confront this uphill task?
Only a very small section of people say there is an attempt to divide the country. A vast majority of Tamils accept that Sri Lanka must continue to remain as an undivided and indivisible country. The TNA also is in that position. The Federal Party, which is the main constitutional partner of the TNA was taken to the Supreme Court alleging that they were in a move to divide the country. The Supreme Court having gone through all materials put before it rejected that application. A few of those who allege that there is an attempt to divide the country through devolution are Sinhala Buddhist supremacists. 

The Interim Report of the Steering Committee has very clearly said that Sri Lanka should remain as an undivided, free, sovereign, independent and democratic socialist republic. There should be constitutional provisions to prevent cessation that people enjoy sovereignty as a whole. The power to change the Constitution shall remain with the central legislature and people of Sri Lanka.

They believe that Sri Lanka must be in the control of the Sinhala Buddhists. There is no single example in the world where part of a country has used devolved power to break away. In Scotland in the UK power has been drastically devolved not because of devolution alone but because of territorial reasons. In Catalonia, the cry to break away from Spain has got heightened because the central Spanish authorities have been insensitive to Catalonian concerns and complaints at the center has been very inflexible. Like in Sri Lanka, the Central Government in Spain has found various ways and means to frustrate devolution. But if it is even a small part of Sri Lanka, general thinking is that devolution may lead to cessation and as such we must address that concern. The Interim Report of the Steering Committee has very clearly said that Sri Lanka should remain as an undivided, free, sovereign, independent and democratic socialist republic. There should be constitutional provisions to prevent cessation that people enjoy sovereignty as a whole. The power to change the Constitution shall remain with the central legislature and people of Sri Lanka. 
The Provincial Councils have no role in Constitution making. So, it is very clear that Sri Lanka will continue to be a unitary state. In March, 1990 when the Chief Minister of North-East Vardharaja Perumal made his ill advised statement to declare Unilateral Independence in North East, President Premadasa wanted to dissolve the North-East Provincial Council. But the 13th Amendment did not have such provisions, and special laws had to be introduced. However, it was not a Constitutional amendment. The Steering Committee has in its report proposed that the Executive President should have the power to intervene in a province when there is a clear danger to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. The Executive President can take over all or part of the functions of a Provincial Council under the proposed Constitutional arrangement or ultimately dissolve the Council. So, what’s more? 
I must say the best proposal for meaningful power devolution came from 7 Chief Ministers of the South. Their proposals are based on 30 years of experience. They have made very good suggestions and all 7 Chief Ministers are from the SLFP. 
But I am sorry to say that the SLFP’s own proposals contained in the report don’t go that far although they are not opposed to devolution.


  • Only a very small section of people say there is an attempt to divide the country. A vast majority of Tamils accept that Sri Lanka must continue to remain as an undivided and indivisible country. The TNA also is in that position.
     
  • A few of those who allege that there is an attempt to divide the country through devolution are Sinhala Buddhist supremacists.
     
  • Provincial Councils have no role in Constitution making. So, it is very clear that Sri Lanka will continue to be a unitary state. 

 Q  Is it going to be a federal system of governance, unitary state, confederation or a union of regions?
It is certainly a unitary state with meaningful devolution. I speak for my party, the United Left Front and LSSP majority group. If I was asked to sum up the aspirations of the people on January 8, 2015, I would say ‘Democracy’. So, you want a democratic Constitution. 
Development must not be exclusively centric. The President may be given certain powers in relation to PCs. But the President may be elected by Parliament. Colvin R De Silva once said that ‘You must never have 2 powers at the apex of the state which act as counter-force to each other.’ 
The Bill of Rights, brought afresh to the proposed draft includes not only political rights but social, economic, cultural, women and children’s rights, and that is the trend world wide.

 Q  The Constitution and the electoral system are closely linked components in a parliamentary democracy. The Proportional Representation (PR) Voting system has come under a lot of criticism from almost all quarters. To add insult to injury, the newly introduced local government electoral system under which the February local government polls were conducted has also been criticized by voters, political parties, members of the local government bodies and many others. How are you going to tackle this problem?
We are for a new electoral system. A mixed system based on PR and First Past the Post System. The ‘Manape’ System must come to an end. 

Development must not be exclusively centric. The President may be given certain powers in relation to PCs. But the President may be elected by Parliament. Colvin R De Silva once said that ‘You must never have 2 powers at the apex of the state which act as counter-force to each other.’   

 Q  Sri Lankans will in future have as their Head of State a more powerful President or a President weakened further or a ceremonial Head of State with a Prime Minister with executive powers?
We don’t want power to be centralized in one person or parliament without safeguards. The Power is to the Centre and Province. The subjects of National Security, Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity remain with the centre. The centre should have the power to make National Policy and Standard on all subjects, but the centre must not take back devolved power in the guise of national policy. 
There is no concept called Executive Prime Minister - nowhere in the world. It is Parliament which will exercise executive power through the Prime Minister and Cabinet. The Prime Minister will have to go home at any moment if he loses confidence of Parliament. 

 Q  The two party rule, the unity government or so called Yahapalana Government has been proved a flop. Do you agree?
Yes, to some extent. The 19th Amendment to the Constitution has certain flaws because we were not able to fulfil the aspirations of people and fully abolish the Executive Presidency for which  President Maithripala Sirisena was voted on January 8th, 2015. That was because the government did not have a simple majority, let alone a 2/3 majority. Anyway it is a new experience for the two parties. Unfortunately, our political culture does not support such arrangements because both parties are looking forward to the next election. 

We don’t want power to be centralized in one person or parliament without safeguards. The Power is to the Centre and Province. The subjects of National Security, Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity remain with the centre. The centre should have the power to make National Policy and Standard on all subjects, but the centre must not take back devolved power in the guise of national policy.  

 Q  Are you confident that the new Constitution could be introduced before 2020?
The 10 experts nominated by the Steering Committee and drawn from various professions like engineering, legal, political and academia, with different backgrounds are working on an initial draft based on interim report and 6 sub committee reports which can also be called as a Zero Document or Non Paper to facilitate further discussion. Two of them have already submitted their individual reports. 
I must categorically say that Mr. Sumanthiran or myself are not involved in the expert committee work as they work independently, though the joint opposition tries to show a different picture. 
The Steering Committee has decided to prepare a final report and we have no involvement in that process either and we have explained this in Parliament last week. The ball is in their court now. 

Jaffna Uni students remember Black July pogrom 35 years on

Students and staff at the University of Jaffna today held a remembrance event to mark 35 years since the pogrom of Black July in 1983. 
Home23Jul 2018
Over 3000 Tamils were massacred during the pogram which saw Sinhala mobs target Tamil homes and businesses, looting and ransacking property, as well as rounding up Tamils and burning them alive.
Eye witness reports described mobs chasing Tamils down the street with knives and setting them alight alive. Many hundreds of women were raped. Tamil political prisoners locked up in Welikada jail, deep within the island's south, were also targeted as prison guards allowed Sinhala inmates to slaughter them.
Read more here

Sri Lanka seeks to leave behind horrors of Black July 1983 but Tamil community still struggles to get their legitimate rights

Tamil National Alliance MP, Sumanthiran. Image courtesy @MASumanthiran
 


Chathuri Dissanayake -

Maharagama, Sri Lanka: Black July 1983. It was a dreadful month which witnessed the most brutal anti-Tamil pogrom Sri Lanka ever experienced. But there were heroes in the midst of violence. Like the head priest of a Buddhist temple in Campbell Place, Dehiwala, just a few kilometres from Colombo. And Kadeeja Umma and her family, in Kandy. The Buddhist monk twice drove away Sinhala mobs who came for the Tamil community. He could not prevent them from torching a few houses, however.

 
Among the Tamils living in the area was a 19-year-old MA Sumanthiran and his family. Realising their lives were in danger, Sumanthiran’s boss, a Sinhalese government official, gave them shelter. Then came a harrowing four-day boat journey to Jaffna, recalls Sumanthiran, without adequate food or water, along with hundreds of other Tamil families fleeing the Sinhala mobs. The young man survived the 27-year bloody guerrilla war that followed, going on to become a legislator in the Sri Lankan parliament. A Tamil National Alliance MP, Sumanthiran today represents Jaffna district.
Kadeeja Umma’s family was sheltering a Tamil family of four when Sinhala mobs killed and burned down homes of Tamil residents. Living in a Muslim majority community, the Tamil family had nowhere to go. Kadeeja, 19 at the time, recalls how her family sheltered the Tamil family for days until they were able to get to safety with the help of law enforcement authorities.

“I remember how scared the family was,” she recalls. Kadeeja was reminded of this incident again 35 years later in March when Sinhala extremists ran riot in Muslim areas in Digana, in central highlands of Sri Lanka, torching their homes. Kadeeja, like many others, thought back to what she saw 35 years ago. The Tamil family had found shelter in the very same house Kadeeja was living in now, but she had none to seek shelter from.  Instead, they all ran into the neighbouring jungle till law enforcement authorities took control of the situation three days later.

“We are the generation born after July 1983, literally into a full-blown war,” said young activist and researcher Nayanthini Kadirgamar. More reconciliation efforts are needed to bridge the gap between the country’s community, she says. “We don’t have direct experience of the riots but have felt deeply the impact of a polarised and fearful community our whole lives. We heard the same fear being expressed by the Muslim community after the recent riots in Ampara and Digan. A fear felt while doing the most routine things, like sending their children to school or attending the mosque for prayer. Addressing this fear is important.”

“The country has learnt nothing from the violence of 1983,” echoed Marisa de Silva, a human rights activist. “Black July was a gruesome state-sponsored pogrom against the Tamil community, and even today we continue to be polarised, and continue to be manipulated by the politicians who take pride in pitting the majority community against one or the other minority community.” Kadirgamar agrees with Desilva, adding that “as an activist working with women and other social groups in the East, North and South, it has been a challenge and also an opportunity. In instances where rationality has not worked to burst myths and deep prejudices held against other communities, confronting the fear of the 'other' head on and to understand it and find ways to work together has helped. But we have a long way to go."

But National Integration, Reconciliation and Official Languages Minister Mano Ganesan insists “the country has come a long way despite shortcomings”. A victim of '83 violence himself, the minister takes solace in the absence of outright conflict. “Yes, problems are still there, but we don’t have a conflict now,” he says admitting the need to find a solution.

And today, after almost 70 years of struggle for their rights there is a “golden opportunity towards that goal”, feels Sumintharan. “In the past, be it ‘56, ‘77, or ’81, whenever the Tamil community spoke of power-sharing there was a pushback similar to ’83 although not in the same scale. Later political parties could never bring about a solution as there was always opposition. But today, with both major political parties in the government, there is a window of opportunity to find a lasting political solution through constitutional reforms,” he says. But Sumanthiran warns that time is running out and reforms need to happen soon.
 
But even as Parliament works on constitutional reforms, the state administration has been struggling to meet the needs of Tamil refugees returning to their homeland after decades. Many Tamil families had moved to the north after July 1983 and later when war broke out those who could left the country as refugees. India hosted close to 500,000 refugees. Since the end of the war in 2009, these refugee families have been returning to Sri Lanka but are struggling to re-integrate into the present society.
With little help from the administration, these families face problems with housing and documentation needed to get restarted in Sri Lanka, says Raga Alphonsus a Programme Advisor for Non-Governmental Organization ZOA. “The North already has a housing problem. But the returnees, with no family here and no land ownership, are worst off, missing out on state assistance under housing beneficiary programmes,” explains Alphonsus. Also, it takes months for these people to get their documentation attested and accepted in Sri Lanka. “Children born in India can’t get their birth registered, and without birth certificates they cannot get a national Identity Card, without this they cannot do anything. The government charges a penalty of 25,000 Lankan Rupees for late registration of births, which the returnees don’t have," Alphonsus points out.
 
Without basic documents, many returnees struggle to find decent work. Some who worked in skilled jobs in India as lab assistants, nurses and clerks remain unemployed as their qualifications are not recognised in Sri Lanka. Their plight is made worse by the economic hardships the north and eastern provinces have been thrown into.  Despite many efforts, the government has failed to generate jobs for the youth and need-based borrowing has caused, as Alphonsus says, “On top of the war-trauma, now these communities have a debt trauma.”

Minister Ganesan admits there are problems in the government’s efforts to facilitate the reintegration process causing frustration in the post-war societies in North and East.

“We are aware of the situation and action is being taken,” Ganesan assures.

Chathuri Dissanayake is a Sri Lanka-based freelance writer and a member of 101Reporters.com, a network of grassroots reporters.

Paradigm shift on repositories of knowledge, Wisdom and Heritage

From Storage to dissemination:

 

article_image

July 17, 2018, 8:56 pm

Speech delivered by Sudharshan Seneviratne (Emeritus Professor. University of Peradeniya) at the 58th Annual General Meeting of the Sri Lanka Library Association. Colombo on June 29th 2018

Thank you for extending an invitation to share quality time with custodians of knowledge and information to our nation. It is also my privilege to dedicate this talk to the memory of the late Ian Goonatilleke, dear friend, intellectual and librarian par excellence. Each time I walk in to the central library at the University of Peradeniya memories of Ian, his smile, warmth and argumentative dialogues are yet embedded in my mind to this day.

The professional organization of librarians in Sri Lanka, founded in 1974, is now the apex body for the Library and Information Sciences. It is a relatively young organization but a critical cog keeping memory alive. Sadly, memory loss seems to be part of our national psyche at present. Memory as a vital role is echoed in the words of the late Sivanandan as he inscribed the prophetic words, "When memory dies, a people die".

Academics, researchers, concerned citizens, students and children, the world over, are indebted to the professional Librarians. You are entrusted with the noble profession of protecting, preserving and sustaining repositories of information and knowledge to humanity. Protecting knowledge is an integral component, so essential to any civilized culture. The SLLA that has rendered a valued silent service preserving and curating information through their skills as an asset to humanity under trying and challenging circumstances. They have relentlessly engaged themselves enhancing their commitment and professionalism to face transformations and demands of the present Millennium and globalization.

History of knowledge and information

From this back drop I wish to take up a few salient features noted in my title, From Storage to dissemination: Paradigm shift on repositories of knowledge, Wisdom and Heritage.

Storing information and knowledge has a long history. Pre-historic people stored their memory as folk lore and myths. The amazing pre-historic cave art in India, Africa and Europe are such examples. In Australia memory is known as Dream Time and it is often translated into cave murals. Around 6th Millennium BCE stones of memory or megalithic monuments encapsulated memory and corporeal remains of the departed. With the dawn of Civilization, around C.4000 BCE, formal storage of information and knowledge became a necessity. The need to record legal codes, religious practices, economic transactions, medicine, mathematics, astronomy and the sciences, etc., essentially had to be recorded and stored. A temple at the Babylonian town of Nippur, (early 3rd millenniumBCE) had a number of rooms filled with clay tablets. This may have been the earliest recorded library-archives.

The culture of this island was and is nurtured by the philosophy of Siddhartha Gautama. Knowledge, its dissemination and preservation are central to its ideology. First is knowledge. The term bodh has wider connotations such as perception, observation, intellect, awakening and consciousness. Buddhi means realisation and intelligence to perceive. Bodhi then is perfect wisdom and enlightenment. Secondly, dissemination is sharing of knowledge, is the most selfless and magnanimous gesture. Just as capital in circulation (not hoarded) is profitable, knowledge disseminated is productive and of greater service to humanity. The Buddha’s original pronouncement to the first 60 monks was the dissemination of the dhamma or knowledge. In his own words it said "carata bikkhave carikam bahujana hitaya bahu jana sukhaya…", that is to travel beyond and to spread knowledge for the greater good of many. Thirdly, is the preservation of knowledge! The Buddha continued the age-old tradition coming down from the Veda of recitation by memory. There is also evidence that books existed at that time as scribes are mentioned in early Buddhist texts. The Buddha refers to a simile of a person who is in possession of books but has no meaning if the books are not read and the reader lacks knowledge and comprehension. In fact, Buddhist ethos is based on the trajectory, namely, information, knowledge and wisdom. Library is based on the same ideals. The three Buddhist Councils were congregations to record memory and it is said that the dhamma was finally documented at Aloka-lena in Matale or at Dambulla, Sri Lanka. This was to be the forerunner to future libraries associated with monasteries.

It is evident that three aspects noted above, namely, knowledge, preservation of knowledge and dissemination of knowledge present three foundation stones required by a library. Our own history in South Asia is gifted with a rich legacy of religious and secular texts and repositories that preserved knowledge and information. The existence of the library at Nalanda University in India and the Potgul-vehera at Polonnaruwa are such examples among many. The statue of Pulatisa (Rishi Pulasti) at Polonnaruwa holding an ola leaf book facing Potgul-vehera indicates the premium placed on the preservation of knowledge. A Middle historic inscription records how books were deposited at the Lova-mahapaya at Anuradhapura. The SLLA is embedded in that cultural and historical ethos.

Conversely, history also informs of incidents where repositories of knowledge were subject to wanton destruction. Such events are now recognized as cultural genocide by UNESCO. It is recoded that fanatical Christians burnt down the great library of Alexandria because it housed "heretical pagan" literature. Inquisitions during the medieval period physically decimated individuals who had privy to traditional knowledge, books and wisdom, an antithesis to a dogmatic church. Inquisitions may have caused greater damage to knowledge than the destruction of books caused in China during the Cultural Revolution. In India the famous library of Nalanda University was burnt, allegedly by invading Turks. It is said that the flames of Nalanda library continued to burn for several months. In Sri Lanka King Mahasena destroyed the Mahavihara, which included its monastic library. While Stalin’s purged dissidents, library books of dissent were made into bon fires in Nazi Germany. In north Sri Lanka, the valuable library of Jaffna was torched in 1983 by state sponsored goon squads. The destruction of the Jaffna library liquidated the heart of knowledge, identity and culture of a people. In 2010, during my tenure as Director General of the UNESCO-Sri Lanka Central Cultural Fund we secured UNESCO funds for heritage training programmes and provided gift books to stock and revitalize the library in Jaffna. I am not quite sure whether that act alone will absolve the carnage that defiled a sacred space of knowledge. We also have the Taliban and LTTE destroying UNESCO prescribed World Heritage sites. Among other bizarre cases are the demand made in Islamic countries to lynch Salman Rushdie for his Satanic Verses while Christian Americans ostracized Cat Stevens, in some cases, destroyed discs carrying his wonderful music when Stevens embraced the Islam faith. We also came close to banning Professor Stanley Tambiah’s book Buddhism Betrayed by the 1980s regime. This insanity against knowledge and culture continues as we now hear of Koran burning and Bible burning. In the final count it is the cumulative knowledge of humanity and its aesthetic expressions that suffer and lost forever by such scars of crime against humanity.

Situating the library and paradigm shift

I will now address some country specific situations. It is understood that a library, as it is known in our country, is a repository of printed, digital and other mediums of sound and visuals. All this is translated to knowledge and information, mainly stored in libraries. Most of the larger libraries are associated with Universities (centres of knowledge), State Department libraries, state sponsored public libraries and those associated with religious denominations. There are variations such as private libraries, libraries of research organizations and children’s’ libraries.

It is natural, therefore, that libraries are an integral component of national heritage. In the year 2007, UNESCO-Central Cultural Fund redefined heritage as composed of four elements beyond culture per se. This redefinition recognized culture, environment, knowledge from the past and next generation as four integral components constituting heritage. As libraries are repositories of knowledge these inevitably become a major component of national heritage. This is given due recognition by the make-up of the Ministry of Heritage. They are: Departments of Archaeology, National Museum, Central Cultural Fund, National Archives, Tower Hall Foundation, and Department of Culture as the main segments. As a component of heritage, libraries are therefore provided with a broader national platform beyond a tunnel view or parochial identities. Its personality then is universal as education and knowledge rest beyond borders having no inhibitions and encouraging an uninhibited spirit of inquiry reaching out to its readers who are the main stake holders.

At this juncture I am reminded of words of wisdom noted by an old friend, the late Ravinder Kumar, former Director of the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in New Delhi. In his view, while the economic aspect of education fosters life skills, the cultural role of education is critical for social sustenance. This is because while on the one hand education reproduces certain traditions and values, it is also expected on the other hand to "install the notion of curiosity and innovation and also examine conventional wisdom and inherited values in the minds of the young." This is a critical social and cultural function of education coalescing with knowledge information through formal and informal learning. He then concludes that "knowledge is in theory communicable across cultural borders and that persons of any cultural background are capable of using it." The library is therefore a catalyst democratising and universalizing knowledge.

The crux of the matter is how we situate libraries beyond books and buildings? What are the other areas of cognition we need to nurture critical thinking and cultivate the culture of reading beyond the text books? How accessible are libraries to those who are not privileged to enter Universities or a religious Order? A vast number of people who are recognized as public intellectuals (after Antonio Gramchi) do not have access to libraries.

This calls for an expanded purview of the library and greater professionalization of librarians beyond curating and accessing. There is a need of this hour to view the library beyond the "structured material buildings". It then needs to function as alternative repositories of collating memory, cultural objects, tangible and intangible heritage, or having sculpture gardens beyond the physical space of the libraries and playing the proactive role as centres of exhibitions, performing art and even as museums. In short they need to be sources of outreach programs. Several libraries world over have gradually moved into the concept of the alternative library-museum as points of convergence. Libraries now need to redefine its cultural and intellectual scape and recognize the total nation as its primary stake holder. This means the need for a parallel existence of the formal and structured building housing a "library" on the one hand and informal or alternative library/libraries that incorporate multiple areas of tangible expressions and intangible cognitive values on the other. The library needs to be proactive in its role as a portal of convergence and connectivity. It is a dialectical interaction needed to unfold a ripple and a counter ripple effect and not a stand-alone policy.

The multiplier effect of the alternative library

In my last section I wish to outline an experiment we carried out through alternative convergence of knowledge and its storage. It was done through the Revitalization of Ola-Leaf Tradition – 2007, a Project of the UNESCO (Bangkok) Programme on Cultural Survival and Revival in the Buddhist Sangha: It was a project on Documentation, Education and Training to Revitalize Traditional Decorative Arts and Building Crafts in Buddhist Temples.

The project was carried out by the Department of Archaeology, University of Peradeniya and undertook "training of the trainers", who were young monks and lays students. The focus was to preserve ola leaf books stored in temple libraries and information documented in such books and memory found in the Kandy region. We initiated a programme of revitalization and empowerment of young monks with writing skills, reading, making ola books, digital recording and preserving and storing, training of documentation on floral resources needed in the process of manufacturing. We also recorded folk lore, rituals and technology of crafts people and the revival of the vanishing art of making stylus (panhinda) and covers or Kamba for ola leaf books. We eventually linked the crafts people to the sustainable heritage tourism programme of the Central Cultural Fund. The young monks went on to initiate the ripple effect by establishing heritage clubs in their villages and trained young lay students to read and write ola books and in the production, curating and cataloging ola books. Most of the young monks were affiliated to Rajamaha vihara that house large quantities of ola leaf libraries. It was gratifying to see the outcome of a multiplier effect launching an informal library and a living process of humanizing knowledge.

Conclusion and challenges ahead

Having narrated such idealistic situations, I am fully aware of the impediments librarians face in their profession. I have friends and colleagues in different libraries spread over the island and I hear and feel their concerns. They need greater support from the public and private sectors enhancing funds for infrastructure development, technical assistance, training and awareness programmes, greater digital application, expanding the culture of reading and multiple auxiliary facilities among other necessary value-added futuristic plans. Such initiatives eventually will enrich the preservation of knowledge and provide a greater participatory role to the public in conjunction with these professionals. It is my personal and professional view that one cannot place a premium on the valued service you render to the nation. Often your services go un-noticed and un-recognized. Regardless of that, what you selflessly render is a compassionate and selfless gift to the next generation and to walk them through life as enlightened citizens of the world.

Finally, we need to look at ourselves, country and humanity. Knowledge and heritage as an outreach of refinement needs to be the ideal bench mark. As a point of convergence and humanizing education and culture - every type of library needs to be a portal incorporating and disseminating information, knowledge and wisdom. Rabindranath Tagore went on to state "Libraries are more important to the education system than the institutions such as schools, colleges and universities." This insight carries a universal message.

With that sentiment I wish to conclude with a quote by Amitav Ghosh inscribed in 2001, of an ‘archipelago of hope’. It was about creating those sanctuaries that remain "stubbornly open to the flow of opinions, stubbornly hospitable to imagined enemies, stubbornly resistant to the floodwaters that seek to grind all forms of life into uniform grains of sand". We must open the universe a little more and the library becomes the center of that universe.

That message of universality is best conveyed through libraries.

The countdown of generational first-hand stories: ‘Black July’ 35 years later




logo Wednesday, 25 July 2018 

Here we are again at another anniversary of the pogrom in Sri Lanka known as ‘Black July’.

The violence was a harbinger that dissipated Tamil life in the city of Colombo especially, and to the generation of that my father. It escalating a brutal war along with triggering an island-wide mass migration of Tamils for 30 plus years is history.

My father’s generation was an important component and formed a significantly affluent presence in the other ways also diverse as Tamils living in Colombo. The generation of my father, having been born in the north during pre-independence Ceylon or shortly thereafter, then notably in vast numbers moved to Colombo. There they built their professional education/career/entrepreneurship, family, indulging in the arts and spiritual part of their enriched lives. And they are diminishing in number in the capital city nowadays.

Early on they began exiling the isle of Serendipity in the aftermath of July 1983 and now the natural law too creeping upon with the inevitable reality. This is a sombre countdown as those with first-hand experiences of that saga of Tamil life become non-existent and now it will become another abstract memory etched in this world. Their life churned through living under different constitutions, a linguistically different official Language Act introduction, putting down roots and growing a family… only to see separation from their loved ones in their golden age. 

My father’s generation sought stability and attained a fulfilling life despite signs of instability clawing into the mainstream a few years after the British Empire handing over the reign to the ethnicity belonging to the majority inhabitants of the isle. However, in their professional lives and beyond, in dedicated contribution of the chosen field to belonging to the city and society at large, my father’s generation never compromised their values along ethnic lines. They forged a lifetime of friendship not only with their Tamil colleagues from other Tamil areas of the isle but also across ethnicities.

Their perseverance and esteemed citizenship gave us, their next generation, a cosmopolitan life and the encompassing exposure to diversity before stepping out of Sri Lanka, though personally I didn’t realise the value of these environs fully while living there.

My father left home from his native village in the wee hours of a morning as a 21-year-old leaving to the hustle and bustle of the capital city, leaving behind his four other siblings and parents in their quintessential home. The ancestral nestling sits on the edge of Mudaliya Vayal (Mudaliya paddy field) in Madduvil-North, a village in the township of Chavakachcheri in Jaffna peninsula. He left the place in possession of their generational credentials in sticking to traditional Tamil values and admiration to apply the lingering English work practices in their careers.

The July 1983 violence short-circuited their life in the capital and their hope for retirement in the north. It also unexpectedly ended spending life in golden years near their children and or other extended families and friends in close proximity.

The July 1983 incidents were the third such occurrence for my father’s generation, and the most severe in the city and country they called home. My father faced a life or death situation only on the first of the three major attacks against Tamils, during that first one in 1958. My parents were living at that time in Ratmalana. This town apparently was a much-sought-after idyllic enclave by Tamils at that time. This town is probably the only centre shade providing tree-lined section in all of Galle Road, the main thoroughfare in the city.

I recall my father (we called him Pappa), saying that Ratmalana was urbanised to the vision of the then Prime Minister Sir John Kotalawela. Sir John held office until in 1956 and then the years saw violence unleashed on Tamils, majorly in 1958, but there was no shade from the violence to scores of Ratmalana Tamils. Scores were burnt to death in Ratmalana and neighbouring towns. My father said he slept in nearby bushes of manioc plants and fortunately my mother was temporarily in her ancestral home in Kalvayal, a village in the same township of Chavakachcheri at that time. Pappa was presumed no more until he arrived there weeks later.

‘Tamilness’ thrives

despite attacks

This shattering only after a decade of Ceylon’s independence didn’t prevent a sprawling perseverance for Tamil arts, religious life, institutions and periodic festivities that sprung year after year. Tamilness thrived in Colombo in every aspect as much as in the Tamils’ cultural capital of Jaffna in the north or Batticaloa in the east.

Tamil arts flourished within schools and outside, there were popular drama and theatre, publication of Tamil novels, then there was the across the Palk-Straits popular Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation Tamil Service, a small but much appreciated Tamil film industry, the Tamil pop song scene and so forth. Employees of a few of the Government ministries hosted Tamil Art festivals, notable among them and growing in popularity year after year was ‘The Navarathri’ celebrations by the Customs Department officers. Newspapers Thinakaran, Virakesari and Sinthamani delivered exemplary journalism.

The merchant scene was spectacular. From eateries, to wholesale commission agents in Pettah, printers, sari palaces and jewellery boutiques glittered commerce. The city centre of Pettah and the commercial establishments were studded with pockets of piety belonging to all four faiths. Wellawatte, which has now become the number one enclave for Tamils, had three popular book stores selling English and Tamil titles; Daniels, Rizwi and Vijayalakshmi book depots interestingly were run by Tamil speakers of three different faiths. This perhaps was coincidental, nevertheless they reflect the character of the city suburbs at large.

The Ramakrishna Mission in Wellawatte was the venue for numerous festivals along with its spiritual presence, a children’s park and an invoking library too by the Wellawatte shoreline. The Vivekanada Society in Kotahena conducted grade level exams in Hinduism and the Tamil Methodist Church on Moor Road Wellawatte was iconic and they still are. The Vivekanada Society in Kotahena was even admired as better functioning than its peers in India by writer Priyadarshi Dutta of Kolkata during Swami Vivekananda’s 150th birth anniversary in 2013!

The violence

The 1977 violence on Tamils and the 1983 pogrom spared us out of simple luck and a vigilant neighbourhood of non-Tamil ethnicity. Our destiny would have been devastatingly different today had there been loss of property and or life to our family in July 1983. Since 1970 our family was nestled in Dehiwala at the seaside home custom built by my parents. Mercifully it still stands through the 1977 and 1983 troubles as the neighbourhood was home to a senior officer in the Army belonging to the Burgher community. In July 1983 the Army officer’s family opened their doors, especially to Tamil children, ladies and also other Tamils in the neighbourhood, to spend nights or anytime in their premises whenever they felt they needed added safety.

Furthermore the rolling hooligans were prevented from coming down our lane by Sinhala Municipal workers known to us and more Sinhala folks at their usual hangout spot of a nearby ‘dara maduwa’ – firewood shop. I used to take ‘pongal’ sweet rice for them after celebrating Thai Pongal right out our front porch. This ‘dara maduwa’ is also no longer there after more urbanisation.

The house was doing fine but I along with my brother-in-law of six months left home on the morning of that Monday, 25 July, to a vehicle dealer in Orugodawatte in Colombo North not realising the nature of the day ahead. We decided to walk to my father’s office located within the old Parliamentary complex at Galle Face, the seaside promenade of the city.

It wasn’t that we were brave, but only opted for walking without realising the unfolding horror all around. We safely completed a terrifying walk seeing burning cars and passengers being pulled and dragged from buses en-route to Galle Face. But my father had already left the office and was given protection to safely reach home. We were held up in the Parliament building over a couple of nights until we were taken home after the curfew was lifted.

The situation remained unsafe for anyone to move about; yet my forever courteous friend Dr. Thushara Rodrigo from the same 1981 batch as I at D.S. Senanayake College, dropped by at our house one day during this week in 1983 to checkout our wellbeing.

The violence continued unabated for several days and on Friday, 29 July, it was at its peak. It was called ‘Koti Dawasa’ meaning ‘Tiger Day’ with rumour mills working that armed Tamil youth were in the city. Many Tamils died that day and there were no verified reports of armed youth.

Tamil politics and my father

I seldom discussed Tamil nationalistic politics or any ethnic biases my father encountered in-depth with him at home. His most noted quip about any political settlement for ethnic matters as far back as I could remember to his passing away is, “They won’t give anything,” meaning no devolution of power would be forthcoming.

Growing up in Dehiwala, I remember he would subscribe to one English, and one Tamil newspaper every day and multiple newspapers on Sundays. He never brought home nor have I seen him reading ‘Suthanthiran,’ meaning the firebrand Tamil journal of nationalistic politics. But he would regularly read Saturday Review that was edited by Gamini Navaratne and published from Jaffna, he liked the good journalism of this newspaper.

As a Director of the General Treasury, he very much liked Minister of Finance Ronnie De Mel over any other Cabinet minister while there. I also gather that he highly appreciated the manner and politics of leaders Colvin R. de Silva, Dr. N.M. Perera, Pieter Keuneman and Bala Tampoe. From an earlier tenure with the Ministry of Health, he would recall profound memories of working under Minister Siva Obeysekera. Apart from primarily working in Colombo, he also would relish working briefly in Ratnapura. His interaction with any Tamil leader of the times was with TULF leader Appapillai Amirthalingam, regarding his dealings as the Leader of the Opposition with the Treasury.

My father retired in the late 1980s, moved to Toronto in the early 1990s and passed away in December 2013.

Diaspora life

In the year following ‘Black July’, at the same age my father left his home in the north, I too left Sri Lanka at 21 and never had to live through the rough and tumble of the horrendous war and repercussions in the country we called home. This year’s passing added adding yet another milepost, as I am at the age of 55 today, just a year older than my father was in 1983.

Nowadays at every turn I tend to recollect the age of my parents to plot its relevance to the chores of my own life. Some of the global or personal upheavals of the day make me anxious about what the future holds, perhaps to a degree of worrisome levels. But then I am part of the global Tamil diaspora scattered far away from our ancestral habitats. Likely forever I will miss the glory of living in my ancestral homeland in the north just as my father also saw this dream evaporating.

Historical currents in the Indian sub-continent have moved people far across the globe, as far as the Caribbean two centuries ago. Workers in the tea estates of the central hills in the isle of Serendipity, though nearby, a historical event of those times such as the colonial rule shipped them away from their native villages in India. Like theirs, ‘Black July’ too now fades into the memory of time, especially for those of us who left the shores.

These make me think I am a tiny dot amongst humans living outside of their homelands, uprooted willingly and unwillingly in the course of history. But only those generational first-hand stories can vividly portray the times and perspectives of those lives prior to the calamities or the real desire to relocate from their homelands.

Sooner, this will apply to my generation as well!

Sri Lankan reform has 'ground to a halt' with torture used freely – UN

Coalition government has failed on promise to repeal Prevention of Terrorism Act

Sri Lankan children look on as a soldier stands guard. Photograph: Ishara S.kodikara/AFP/Getty Images

Diplomatic editor-

Sri Lanka’s progress towards reform has “virtually ground to a halt” and brutal torture is used with impunity, the UN concludes in a scathing report on the country’s human rights record.

The report, which comes three years after the country appeared to have turned a corner in its history by electing a new coalition government, is published on Monday following a UN visit to Sri Lanka at the request of the government. “None of the measures so far adopted to fulfil Sri Lanka’s transitional justice commitments are adequate to ensure real progress,” it says.

Ben Emmerson QC, the UN rapporteur on countering terrorism, met most senior members of the government, military judiciary and prison staff – including inside high security Anuradhapura prison.
Sri Lanka suffered three decades of civil war as Tamil fighters fought for a separate state, culminating in 2015 in the election of a national unity government.

Emmerson concluded on the basis of his visit that progress towards reconciliation and a fair judicial system had virtually ground to a halt. The British barrister said “impunity is still the rule for those responsible for the routine and systemic use of torture, and countless individuals are the victims of gross miscarriages of justice resulting from the operation of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)“.

He added: “The Tamil community is stigmatised and feels disenfranchised, while the trust of many minority communities that the government is able to deal with all forms of nationalism equally, is eroding.”

Emmerson said he had heard “distressing testimonies of very brutal and cruel methods of torture, including beatings with sticks, the use of stress positions, asphyxiation using plastic bags drenched in kerosene, pulling out of fingernails, insertion of needles beneath the fingernails, use of various forms of water torture, suspension of individuals for several hours by their thumbs, and mutilation of genitals”.

He added: “The pervasive climate of impunity and the lack of accountability for the serious human rights violations that occurred both during the conflict and in the aftermath needs to be addressed and those responsible for human rights violations, sanctioned.”

Although the number of arrests under the PTA was falling, the law was still being used and needed to be repealed as the government had promised in 2015. It was difficult to resist the conclusion that the inertia “reflects the continuing influence of certain vested interests in the security sector, who are resistant to change, and above all, to accountability”.

The definition of terror in the PTA and proposed replacement legislation was too broad, vague and all encompassing, suggesting the PTA in effect allowed for indefinite detention. Emmerson said he had met “a significant number of individuals detained under the PTA whose length of detention ran into double figures in terms of years”.

Figures from the Office of the Attorney-General showed that out of 81 prisoners at the time in the judicial phase of their pre-trial detention, 70 had been in detention without trial for more than five years and 12 had been in detention without trial for more than 10 years.

Many current and former PTA detainees interviewed claimed they had signed documents in a language they did not understand or were asked to sign at the bottom of a blank piece of paper, having been tortured, sometimes in exchange for transfer out of police or security service custody”.

The Sri Lankan government insists it does not condone torture and is committed to ensuring all allegations are investigated, including by the independent Human Rights Commission. It says no evidence of any such allegations have been passed to the commission.