Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, June 19, 2018

Palestinian activists slam draft law prohibiting filming of Israeli forces


A proposed new law could see a maximum of five years in jail for anyone photographing or filming Israeli army activity

Ameer Jaber, 14, holds the camera his father Aaref gave him in one hand, and the phone smashed by Israeli soldiers in the other (Akram al-Wa'ra/MEE)

Yumna Patel's picture
HEBRON, Occupied West Bank - On 2 June, Aaref Jaber witnessed Israeli forces shooting and killing 37-year old Palestinian construction worker Rami Wahid Sabarneh. The incident took place just down the street from his home, which sits east of the Ibrahimi Mosque (also known as the Cave of the Patriarchs) in the southern West Bank city of Hebron. He filmed the entire thing.
“A soldier saw me film the shooting and he approached me, telling me to delete the video," Jaber, a member of the Hebron-based Human Rights Defenders (HRD) group, told Middle East Eye. 
"When I refused, he pushed me up against a wall and put his gun to my head. He said ‘Did you understand? Or should I put this bullet in your head so you can understand?’”
For years, the Israeli government has targeted Palestinians and their supporters through a series of highly controversial laws. But the latest bill discussed by Israeli lawmakers has local and international activists and journalists alike fearing for the future.
'We started off by giving cameras to 10 families and trained them on how to use their cameras as a form of nonviolent resistance'
Badee Dweik, Human Rights Defenders
The proposal, which was put forward late last month with the support of right-wing Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman, seeks a ban on filming or photographing Israeli soldiers while on duty.
The bill calls for a maximum five-year prison term for anyone photographing, recording or distributing Israeli army activity on social media with “the aim of hurting the soldiers’ spirit,” and up to 10 years for anyone convicted of “seeking to harm national security.”
Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported on Sunday that, despite concerns from Israeli Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit that the bill was “problematic from a constitutional standpoint”, it was still approved by the Ministerial Committee for Legislation.
Although the committee reportedly called for substantial changes to be made to the bill before it reaches the Knesset plenum, Palestinian activists say they’re sceptical.
“Just the fact that they are considering this bill in the first place is extremely dangerous,” Badee Dweik, co-founder of the HRD group that operates in Hebron, told MEE.
“They have not even passed this bill, and we are already feeling the effects of it here in Hebron,” Dweik said. Over the past month, the activist explained, at least a third of the nearly 20-member group have been verbally and physically assaulted by Israeli forces for their documentation work.

‘The camera does not lie’

In the Old City of Hebron, where some 800 Israeli settlers live under the protection of the Israeli military, human rights violations are a daily occurrence.
Following the Ibrahimi Mosque massacre in 1994, the old city was divided into Palestinian and Israeli-controlled areas, known as H1 and H2. In H2, a thousand Israeli soldiers and 20 military checkpoints restrict Palestinians' every move.
In 2014, Dweik and his friends who live in and around the Old City launched HRD with the purpose of documenting the daily violations and exposing them to the international community. They focused on the H2 area. 
Essential to the group’s work is the Capturing Occupation Camera Project, which it launched in 2015.
“We started off by giving cameras to 10 families and trained them on how to use their cameras as a form of nonviolent resistance,” Dweik told MEE.
Since the project was launched, the organisation has grown significantly from its core group of activists, to dozens of others, including children, equipped with cameras and mobile phones.
Aaref Jaber's sons stand in front of their house with their cameras, which they say go with them everywhere (Akram al-Wa'ra/MEE)
“Once we saw the effectiveness of the project, we began training around 30 children in four at-risk schools in the H2 area on how to document the occupation,” he said, adding that the children were also taught nonviolent ways to protect themselves during confrontational situations and educated on their rights in case of arrest.
“The camera does not lie. It reflects only the truth, and is a peaceful weapon that we use against their violence,” Dweik said.
The fatal shooting of 20-year old Palestinian Abdel Fattah al-Sharif, who was lying incapacitated on the ground after stabbing a soldier in Hebron, showed how essential audio-visual documentation is when it comes to holding Israeli soldiers to account.
The moment Elor Azaria, an Israeli soldier, put a bullet into Sharif’s head was caught on camera by Imad Abu Shamsieh, one of the cofounders of HRD. The footage took the international community by storm and was vital to Azaria's prosecution in court.
“I was drinking coffee in the morning with my wife Fayza when we heard commotion on the street,” 47-year-old Abu Shamsieh told MEE.
“My wife, who is also part of the Human Rights Defenders, grabbed the camera and we went down to film what was going on.”
After capturing the footage, Abu Shamsieh immediately sent it out to HRD, Israeli NGO B’Tselem, where he was a volunteer, and several other media organisations.
Following the release of the video, Abu Shamsieh and his family faced an onslaught of threats from Israeli forces and settlers.
“Just six hours after I published the video, Israeli intelligence officers came to my house and arrested me for interrogation. We were harassed by soldiers and punitively detained for long periods of time at checkpoints,” he said.
According to Abu Shamsieh, Israeli settlers would throw Molotov cocktails at his home and verbally abuse his wife and daughter in the street. They even once tried to stab his 16-year-old son with a screwdriver. Nearby Israeli soldiers did not intervene.
“They circulated a photo of me calling for my death. And when the case against Elor Azaria was taken to court, the soldiers came to my house and threatened me if I went to testify.”
Abu Shamsieh refused to change his testimony. He believes that if it hadn't been for his video and subsequent statement to the court, Azaria would never have been sentenced (the soldier only ended up serving eight months in prison).
“I never imagined that the video would get so much attention and result in what it did,” Abu Shamsieh told MEE. “If I didn’t take my camera with me that morning, no one would have believed my testimony.”
“Despite all the threats and abuse my family and I have faced as a result of our work, my wife and I will continue doing what we do and teaching our kids how to use the camera. It is the only tool we have to defend ourselves.”

Threats, assault, and arrest

Abu Shamsieh’s experience of abuse at the hand of Israeli soldiers is not unique to him and his family.
Almost every member of HRD has been subjected to verbal and physical abuse at the hands of Israeli forces.
In 2017, Israeli forces raided Dweik’s home more than four times, threatening him and telling him to stop his work. On one occasion, they smashed his camera. His 12-year-old son Abdullah was arrested the same year while he was filming soldiers with a camera his father gave him.
The past month, however, has seen an uptick in threats targeting the activists and their families, which Dweik attributes to the buzz surrounding the new bill.
During the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, activist Malika Qafisheh was confronted by soldiers outside the Ibrahimi Mosque for filming them. They broke her phone.
On the Eid al-Fitr holiday marking the end of Ramadan, another activist, Ziad Dweik, was detained without reason by soldiers for nine hours on his way to visit his sister in the Old City. Upon intervention by HRD’s lawyers, he was released - only to be called in for interrogation by Israeli intelligence shortly afterwards.
Aaref Jaber points to the spot just outside his home where he filmed Israeli soldiers fatally shooting a Palestinian construction worker in early June (Akram al-Wa'ra/MEE)
Badee Dweik told MEE that earlier this month he was stopped at various checkpoints in the old city three times in less than 24 hours. Each stop lasted for at least 30 minutes.
“A trip that should have taken me seven minutes took me more than an hour. It’s clear that they are targeting us more now because of this new bill,” Dweik said.
The latest victim of the intensified attacks was Aaref Jaber, the HRD activist who was held at gunpoint after filming a shooting earlier this month.
Shortly after the incident, Jaber rushed home and sent the videos to Dweik and the rest of the group. Within minutes, Israeli intelligence officers arrived at Jaber's house and deleted the videos from his phone.
“They then asked me to go outside, so I did without resisting, and they immediately put me in a headlock and started beating me,” Jaber said.
When his wife and kids went to pull the soldiers off him, the soldiers pushed them, causing his wife to fall to the ground and sprain her shoulder.
Jaber’s 14-year-old son Ameer pulled out his phone to film the assault, as his father had taught him to do in events like this. The soldiers grabbed the phone and smashed it.
Jaber believes attacks on him and other camera-wielding Palestinain activists "show how much the occupation is scared of our work”. While he remains resolute, he also worries that Israel's proposed new bill will see these attacks become worse and more frequent.
A ‘draconian’ piece of legislation
In its report on Sunday, Haaretz cited a senior member of the coalition behind the bill as saying that an agreement was reached “whereby the proposed law will call for a ban on interfering with Israel Defense Forces soldiers in the line of duty, but there will not be a total prohibition on filming and documenting such activities.”
The alleged agreement, however, means nothing to Dweik, Jaber, and Abu Shamsieh. All three expressed concerns that the vague language of the bill would serve as a cover for soldiers to abuse their powers.
“What does ‘interfering with soldiers duties’ mean, exactly?” Dweik asked. “It can mean anything that the soldiers want it to mean.” Jaber nodded in agreement.
'They have their guns which they say they use to protect their people. But we have our cameras, which we use to protect our people'
Aaref Jaber, Human Rights Defenders
“That is why this bill is so dangerous,” Dweik said.
In a statement to MEE, B’Tselem, which regularly releases videos of army violations in the occupied territory, criticised the Israeli government over what it called a “draconian” piece of legislation.
“If the government finds the occupation too embarrassing to even be visibly documented, it should work to bring it to an end - not go after photographers,” B’Tselem said, adding that “either way, the documentation of this reality will continue”.
While the bill will likely affect the work of journalists and groups like B’Tselem, the activists of HRD expressed concerns that the brunt of the legislation would be felt by grassroots activists and ordinary citizens.
“This is a racist law that attempts to silence ordinary Palestinians and activists like us who choose to resist the occupation and attempt to liberate our people nonviolently,” Dweik told MEE.
“If we do not do this work, how will the international community know about what goes on here?” he asked.
Pointing to the cameras and shattered phone in his son Ameer's hand, Jaber said defiantly: “They have their guns which they say they use to protect their people. But we have our cameras, which we use to protect our people.”

Trump plan nears completion, satire dies

 Palestinians are great fans of Donald Trump and his Ultimate Deal will surely prove an easy sell.Ashraf AmraAPA images
Omar Karmi-19 June 2018
Fresh from making peace on the Korean peninsula, US president Donald Trump, aka The Messiah, is turning his benevolent gaze to the Middle East.
(He hasn’t. And he isn’t.)
The Ultimate Deal™ is imminent, folks, so dust off your fineries, it’s soon time to celebrate.
(It’s not.)
The Deal will be delivered by a crack team of presidential advisors whose insight and neutrality guarantees that the US proposal will take into account the grievances and perspectives of everyone concerned.
Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law, and a senior White House advisor, has actively helped fund Jewish settlements in occupied territory through his parents’ foundation. He apparently thinks the Obama administration “tried to beat up on Israel and give the Palestinians everything.”
David Friedman, the US ambassador to Israel, has put his mouth where his money is, not just financing settlements but declaring that he saw those as “part of Israel.” Burnishing his credentials further, he also believes Palestinians in Gaza are “basically Egyptians.”
Finally, Jason Greenblatt, the special envoy, has gone one further – probably to the envy of the others – and actually served as an armed guard to one of these settlements.

Chump change

With such sound counsel, and the issue of Jerusalem already happily resolved, it is hardly surprising that expectations are sky high.
(It’s not. They are not.)
Certainly Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, sounded positively Gandhian on a recent appearance on BBC’s Newsnight. The Palestinians, he said – if they acceded to all Israeli demands – could have everything.
“You can call it what you want,” said Netanyahu, who was reportedly described by a former official in the Obama administration as a “chickenshit motherfucker.” Israel, he added, would even be generous enough to take responsibility for overall security.
“It’s a state minus, it’s autonomy plus.”
(It’s really not. It’s just more occupation.)
Amazingly, Mahmoud Abbas, head of the Palestinian Authority, has chosen to meet such largesse with sullen silence. Having seen the rug pulled from underneath the peace process charade and run out of ideas, Abbas has cut off relations with the US and is taking out his aggression on his own people instead, showing he has learned a lesson or two from his occupiers.
By contrast, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are hugely excited by the bright prospects their Palestinian Arab brethren are faced with. They seem nonplussed as to why Palestinians are not similarly giddy.
Palestinians should “shut up and stop complaining,” the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammad bin Salman, widely known as MBS and seen as the power behind the throne, reportedly told an audience in New York in April.
(This is advice Palestinians are sure to take seriously. After all, everyone loves to be lectured by a man whose inherited wealth allows him to spend $550 million on a yacht.)

Looking for muscle

Of course, as impressed as MBS and his counterpart in the UAE, Mohammed bin Zayed, aka MBZ, are by Israel’s peacemaking overtures, they equally fear Tehran’s plans to conquer the globe.
With an airforce out of the 1960s, a military budget a fifth of that of Saudi Arabia and an arms race that Iran’s Gulf rivals are “decisively winning,” it is easy to see (or not) why Riyadh and Abu Dhabi believe Tehran is only a hop, skip and a nuclear weapon away from total world domination.
An Arab country (Morocco) losing a soccer game against Iran because of an own goal tells you everything you need to know about Middle East politics: Iran plays defense, doesn't do much, wins.
With growing American reluctance to see its military sucked into regional conflicts – a reluctance that began under Barack Obama and has continued under Trump’s America First isolationism – the Gulf countries therefore need muscle.
Where better to turn but Tel Aviv? After all, whether you want to start a warshoot unarmed protestersexecute unarmed civiliansbomb a neighboring country, there is no problem Israel won’t butcher with a bullet or a bomb.
The ideal partner for Gulf countries to ensure a peaceful outcome from their rivalry with Iran then. And the perfect coalition for Washington, where diplomacy is a game for the weak.

Beyond satire

The message to Palestinians is the same, whether from Washington, Tel Aviv, Riyadh or Abu Dhabi. Put up or shut up.
If you do neither then you are reduced to the kind of desperation that drove thousands of people to demonstrate at the boundary between Gaza and Israel for nearly two months, unarmed and at the mercy of Israeli snipers unconstrained by any orders or any sense of humanitarian feeling.
The Great March of Return might have brought a temporary spotlight on Gaza. But with more than a hundred dead and thousands injured, it is a heavy price to pay for headlines that are quickly forgotten and have little consequence.
Doing nothing, Abbas’ current strategy, is also futile. Trump may not win reelection, but no American president will defy the Israel lobby to walk back on Jerusalem.
Wealthy Gulf countries were for a while the only meaningful Arab counterweight in Washington to Israel’s lobby there. But Gulf politics is fickle and openly or covertly, Arab diplomats have conceded defeat in that battle long ago. There is no help there.
Perhaps the Ultimate Deal™ will prove the ultimate insult. When vice has stopped even paying tribute to virtue it may finally convince Palestinians across the board that the two-state deception is at an end.

U.S. withdraws from United Nations human rights body


FILE PHOTO: U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo attends the daily briefing at the White House in Washington, DC, U.S., June 7, 2018. REUTERS/Carlos Barria/File Photo

Lesley WroughtonSteve Holland-JUNE 19, 2018 

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States withdrew from the United Nations Human Rights Council on Tuesday accusing it of a “chronic bias against Israel,” a move that activists warned would make advancing human rights globally even more difficult.

Standing with U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, Haley slammed Russia, China, Cuba and Egypt for thwarting U.S. efforts to reform the council. She also criticized countries which shared U.S. values and encouraged Washington to remain but “were unwilling to seriously challenge the status quo.”

The United States is half-way through a three-year term on the main U.N. rights body and the Trump administration had long threatened to quit if the 47-member Geneva-based body was not overhauled.
“Look at the council membership, and you see an appalling disrespect for the most basic rights,” said Haley, citing Venezuela, China, Cuba and Democratic Republic of Congo.

Haley also said the “disproportionate focus and unending hostility towards Israel is clear proof that the council is motivated by political bias, not by human rights.”

Washington’s withdrawal is the latest U.S. rejection of multilateral engagement after it pulled out of the Paris climate agreement and the 2015 Iran nuclear deal.

It also comes as the United States faces intense criticism for detaining children separated from their immigrant parents at the U.S.-Mexico border. U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein on Monday called on Washington to halt its “unconscionable” policy.

Rights groups have criticized the Trump administration for not making human rights a priority in its foreign policy. Critics say this sends a message that the administration turns a blind eye to human rights abuses in some parts of the world.

Diplomats have said the U.S. withdrawal from the body could bolster countries such as Cuba, Russia, Egypt and Pakistan, which resist what they see as U.N. interference in sovereign issues.

Among reforms the United States had been seeking was to make it easier to kick out member state with egregious rights records.

Haley said the U.S. withdrawal from the Human Rights Council “is not a retreat from our human rights commitments.”

Twelve rights and aids groups, including Human Rights First, Save the Children and CARE, wrote Pompeo to warn the withdrawal would “make it more difficult to advance human rights priorities and aid victims of abuse around the world.”

“The U.S.’s absence will only compound the council’s weaknesses,” they wrote.

Jamil Dakwar, director of the American Civil Liberties Union’s Human Rights Program, said Trump’s “misguided policy of isolationism only harms American interests and betrays our values as a nation.”

Jewish rights group the Simon Wiesenthal Center applauded the U.S. withdrawal and urged other countries to do the same.

Reuters reported last week that talks on reforming the council had failed to meet Washington’s demands, suggesting the Trump administration would quit.

The council meets three times a year to examine human rights violations worldwide. It has mandated independent investigators to look at situations including Syria, North Korea, Myanmar and South Sudan. Its resolutions are not legally binding but carry moral authority.

Speaking before the U.S. announcement, U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric said Secretary-General Antonio Guterres “is a strong believer in the human rights architecture of the U.N. and the active participation of all states.”

When the Council was created in 2006, U.S. President George W. Bush’s administration shunned the body.

Under President Barack Obama the United States was elected for a maximum two consecutive terms on the council by the U.N. General Assembly. After a year off, Washington was re-elected in 2016 for its current third term.

In March 2011, the U.N. General Assembly unanimously suspended Libya’s membership in the council because of violence against protesters by forces loyal to Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. But U.N. officials said no member has withdrawn.

Haley said a year ago Washington was reviewing its membership and called for reform and elimination of a “chronic anti-Israel bias.” The body has a permanent standing agenda item on suspected violations committed by Israel in the occupied Palestinian territories that Washington wanted removed.

The council last month voted to probe killings in Gaza and accused Israel of using excessive force. The United States and Australia cast the only “no” votes.

“The U.N. Human Rights Council has played an important role in such countries as North Korea, Syria, Myanmar and South Sudan, but all Trump seems to care about is defending Israel,” said Human Rights Watch executive director Ken Roth.

Additional reporting by Michelle Nichols at the United Nations and Stephanie Nebehay in Geneva; Editing by Steve Orlofsky and James Dalgleish

Trump is defiant as border crisis escalates, prepares to lobby House GOP on immigration bills

President Trump said on June 19 that he wants "the legal authority to detain and promptly remove families together as a unit," not more immigration judges.



As he prepared to meet with anxious Republicans on Capitol Hill, President Trump on Tuesday defended his administration’s policy of separating migrant children from their parents at the border and demanded that Congress produce comprehensive immigration legislation to address what he called a “massive crisis.”

Trump said he plans to make changes to whatever immigration measure emerges from the House, although his aides have said he would sign both bills under consideration or, perhaps, a narrower fix that immediately addresses the family separations.

Trump called on Congress to authorize the government “to detain and promptly remove families together as a unit,” which he said was “the only solution to the border crisis.” And he went on to mock current security measures at the borders as insufficient and castigated the immigration court system as corrupt, appearing to reject a proposal by Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) that would keep migrant families intact in part by increasing the number of immigration court personnel.

“We have to have a real border, not judges,” Trump said during a midday speech to the National Federation of Independent Business. “Thousands and thousands of judges they want to hire. Who are these people? . . . Seriously, what country does it? They said, ‘Sir, we’d like to hire about 5,000 or 6,000 more judges.’ Five thousand or 6,000. Now, can you imagine the graft that must take place?”

In remarks before a gathering of business owners in Washington, Trump argued that undocumented immigrants could “game the system” by taking counsel from immigration lawyers and reading statements that are prepared for them.

“They have professional lawyers,” Trump said. “Some are for good. Others are do-gooders and others are bad people. And they tell these people exactly what to say. They say, ‘Say the following.’ They write it down. ‘I am being harmed in my country, my country is extremely dangerous, I fear for my life.’ . . . In a way, that’s cheating.”
Trump is scheduled to visit House Republicans at the Capitol on Tuesday evening to lobby them on broad immigration legislation that would include language aimed at ending the separations while also providing billions of dollars for his long-sought border wall and other security priorities. 

“We have a House that’s getting ready to finalize an immigration package that they’re going to brief me on later, and that I’m going to make changes to,” Trump said. “We have one chance to get it right.”
In rebuffing Trump, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) emerged from the weekly GOP meeting and said, “All of the members of the Republican conference support a plan that keeps families together while their immigration status is determined.”

Republicans are drafting narrow legislation to address the issue of family separations. GOP senators are coalescing around a broad framework that would also allow families to be detained together and reworking the docket of immigration cases so those families are sent to the front of the line of migrants waiting for their court hearing.

Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) is waging a publicity campaign against the Trump administration’s "zero tolerance" crackdown on immigrant families.
McConnell said he hoped the Senate could pass such a bill by the end of the week.

Trump and top administration officials are unwilling — at the moment, at least — to unilaterally reverse its separation policy. The president seemed especially animated in his speech before business owners and agitated about the way his administration’s enforcement of its family separation policy is being portrayed in the media.

“They are helping these smugglers and these traffickers like nobody would believe,” Trump said of the news media. “They know it. They know exactly what they’re doing, and it should be stopped, because what’s going on is very unfair to the people of our country, and they violate the law. People that come in violate the law. They endanger their children in the process, and frankly, they endanger all of our children.”

Congress could represent the best opportunity to bring an end to the turmoil sparked by the new “zero tolerance” enforcement effort at the border. Pursuing a targeted fix to family separations would represent a rebuke to a president who has hinted in recent days that only a broader bill that included the border wall and other enforcement measures would pass muster. 

The Department of Homeland Security has said 2,342 children have been separated from their parents since last month.

As the numbers have mounted, stories of parents in despair and images of children held in chain-link cages have prompted a stream of Republican lawmakers to break with the president and call for a halt to the policy while Congress pursues a solution.

“The administration should end that new policy immediately while Congress works with the president on a bipartisan immigration solution that secures the border, provides a status for those already here and prevents a humanitarian crisis at the border,” Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) said Tuesday.

Sen. John Cornyn (Tex.), the second-ranking Republican senator who is crafting the Senate bill, said his legislation would “keep families together while we expedite their ability to appear before an immigration judge” and would detain them in a “humane, safe and secure facility” in the interim. 

The legislation would mark one of the rare times in Trump’s presidency that Republicans have challenged him, and comes five months before midterm elections where GOP control of Congress is at stake.

In the House, a prominent conservative leader introduced another stand-alone bill intended as an alternative if the more-sweeping bills set for House votes this week fail.

“It takes out some of the more controversial issues like ‘sanctuary cities,’ the wall, DACA, and it keeps it very narrow,” Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), chairman of the House Freedom Caucus, said in a morning Fox News Channel interview. The bill, however, retains some elements that Democrats oppose, including provisions making it harder for migrants to claim asylum at the border.

Trump repeated his false claim Tuesday that Democrats were responsible for the separation of parents from children consistent with the “zero-tolerance” policy that Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced with fanfare this year. 

“Democrats are the problem,” Trump tweeted. “They don’t care about crime and want illegal immigrants, no matter how bad they may be, to pour into and infest our Country, like MS-13. They can’t win on their terrible policies, so they view them as potential voters!”

Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) fired back during a speech on the Senate floor, saying Trump was “ignoring reality” with his claims that Democrats were responsible for family separations and that a change in law is needed.

“As commentator after commentator — Democrat, Republican, liberal, conservative — has said: President Trump is simply not telling the truth and in a cowardly way,” Schumer said. “No law — no law — requires the separation of families at the border. That’s just not true.”

While Republicans scrambled to craft legislation, it was not clear whether Democrats would support the measure. Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) said Tuesday that he and other Democrats would object to any modification of an existing court settlement that limits the detention of migrant children held by federal authorities.

Democrats, Merkley said, “are not going to try to overturn a court decision that was designed to protect kids.”

Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) has presented her own plan that would halt family separations. All 49 members of the Senate Democratic Caucus support it. No Republicans have signed on yet. 

Elsewhere in the Senate, Republicans were seeking to ramp up pressure to address family separations. Sen. Orrin G. Hatch (R-Utah) plans to send a letter to the Justice Department calling for a pause on separations until Congress can pass a legislative fix, his office said. 

McConnell declined to endorse such a pause on separations Tuesday, saying that the practice “requires a legislative solution.”

Trump’s upcoming remarks to the House Republican Conference come days before lawmakers will vote on a pair of Republican bills meant to address the uncertain legal status of “dreamers” — young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children — after Trump moved last year to cancel the Obama administration program that protected them from deportation.

But the immigration debate has now become consumed by the consequences of the Trump administration’s border policy. 

Top GOP leaders have spoken out against the separations, including the head of the party’s national House campaign organization. Polls released Monday by CNN and Quinnipiac University showed Americans oppose the policy by a roughly 2-to-1 margin.

Even more legal challenges to the administration’s policy arose Tuesday, as New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, a Democrat, said his state would sue the Trump administration over the family separation practice. The American Civil Liberties Union is already pursuing a nationwide class action lawsuit in San Diego.

Meanwhile, a second Republican governor — Larry Hogan of Maryland — announced Tuesday that he would not deploy National Guard resources to the border until the Trump administration stops separating migrant children from their parents as part of their criminal prosecution efforts.

“Immigration enforcement efforts should focus on criminals, not separating innocent children from their families,” Hogan said in a tweet.

Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker (R) acted similarly Monday, saying he was scrapping plans to send National Guard assets to the border because of the separation policy. 

A defiant White House continues to defend the policy with a wide variety of sometimes contradictory rationales. Trump has persistently and falsely blamed the policy on Democrats while warning of an existential threat from illegal immigrants.

“If you don’t have Borders, you don’t have a Country!” he tweeted Tuesday.

But other White House officials have made a policy case for the separations. Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen told reporters Monday that her department is merely enforcing existing laws and blamed immigrant parents for having “put their children at risk.” 

“Congress and the courts created this problem, and Congress alone can fix it,” she said. “Until then, we will enforce every law we have on the books to defend the sovereignty and security of the United States.”

Two previous presidents operating under the same laws — a Republican and a Democrat — and both generally refrained from separating families at the border. Some Trump administration officials, including White House Chief of Staff John F. Kelly, have openly cast the separation policy as a deterrent to future illegal immigration.

Rep. Elijah E. Cummings (D-Md.) used an unrelated House hearing Tuesday morning to make an impassioned plea to his Republican colleagues to convince Trump to abandon the use of “child internment camps.”

“I’m talking directly to my Republican colleagues: You need to stand up to President Trump,” Cummings said at the outset of a hearing about a Justice Department review of its handling of the investigation into Hillary Clinton’s email server. “We need you to tell him to abandon this policy. … We need you to stand up for those children.”

Other Republicans have generally accepted the premise that legislation is necessary.
“I think the law needs to be changed so that children can be kept with their parents,” House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-Va.) said Tuesday in a CNN interview, calling for passage of the “consensus” immigration bill he helped negotiate with other House Republicans. 

The question is whether any immigration legislation can possibly pass the House this week — let alone the Senate, where Democrats have more leverage.

The two bills set for a House vote this week would both address the status of dreamers, as well as provide funding for the border wall that Trump has long demanded. 

Both bills are expected to include language meant to address the family separations — in short, by allowing the Trump administration to keep families together in detention. After critics of the separation policy said language in a draft bill circulated last week would do nothing to compel the Trump administration to change its practice, Republicans have moved to rework the provision.

According to a GOP aide familiar with the new language, which is set to be released Tuesday, the Department of Homeland Security would be required to keep families together, even when a parent is charged with the misdemeanor crime of illegally entering the U.S., and would also remove an existing 20-day cap on custody for accompanied children. The bill, the aide said, would also allow DHS to use the $7 billion appropriated in the bill for border technology to house families.

The two bills differ in several other ways, however. One takes a more aggressive approach to immigration enforcement — for instance, requiring employers to screen their workers for legal work status using the federal “E-Verify” database — and does not guarantee dreamers a path to permanent legal residency. The other, which has been written to garner more Republican votes, omits some of the hard-line measures and offers dreamers a path to permanent residency and eventual citizenship.
Neither bill is supported by Democrats, and it is unclear whether they have the support of enough Republicans to pass the House. Two conservative lawmakers who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss their deliberations said numerous House members are wary that the GOP compromise bill omits the E-Verify requirement and that it could give the parents of dreamers an indirect path to U.S. citizenship.

Further raising doubts among conservative Republicans, the lawmakers said, is that the bill is all but dead on arrival in the Senate, where Schumer on Monday called it a “sham of a bill” that “holds Dreamers and kids who have been separated from their parents hostage in order to cut legal immigration and enact the hard right’s immigration agenda.”

Seung Min Kim, Sean Sullivan, Mark Berman and Erica Werner contributed to this report.

‘I Can’t Go Without My Son,’ a Mother Pleaded as She Was Deported to Guatemala

As a growing number of families are separated as part of the Trump administration’s attempt to control illegal immigration, some parents are being deported before recovering their children.

Elsa Ortiz, 25, was deported to Guatemala from the United States on June 5 without her son Anthony, 8.CreditMarian Carrasquero/The New York Times

By Miriam Jordan-June 17, 2018

They’d had a plan: Elsa Johana Ortiz Enriquez packed up what little she had in Guatemala and traveled across Mexico with her 8-year-old son, Anthony. In a group, they rafted across the Rio Grande into Texas. From there they intended to join her boyfriend, Edgar, who had found a construction job in the United States.

Except it all went wrong. The Border Patrol was waiting as they made their way from the border on May 26, and soon mother and son were in a teeming detention center in southern Texas. The next part unfolded so swiftly that, even now, Ms. Ortiz cannot grasp it: Anthony was sent to a shelter for migrant children. And she was put on a plane back to Guatemala.

“I am completely devastated,” Ms. Ortiz, 25, said in one of a series of video interviews last week from her family home in Guatemala. Her eyes swollen from weeping and her voice subdued, she said she had no idea when or how she would see her son again.

As the federal government continues to separate families as part of a stepped-up enforcement program against those who cross the border illegally, the authorities say that parents are not supposed to be deported without their children. But immigration lawyers say that has happened in several cases. And the separations can be traumatic for parents who now have no clear path to recovering their children.

“From our work on the border, we have seen a significant increase in the number of moms separated from their children, and many of them have reported they didn’t even have a chance to say goodbye before the separation, “ said Laura Tuell, the global pro bono counsel at Jones Day, an international law firm providing assistance to refugees in Texas, whose lawyers spoke with Ms. Ortiz.

Elsa Ortiz had a photograph of her and Anthony on her phone.CreditMarian Carrasquero/The New York Times

“Some of the women we have encountered in detention at the border have reported facing pressure to deport voluntarily in order to be reunified with their children,” she said.

Critics say that Ms. Ortiz’s saga is the latest indication that the administration’s new enforcement strategy was rolled out without adequate planning. The processing and detention of migrant families can involve three Homeland Security agencies — Customs and Border Protection, Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Citizenship and Immigration Services — as well as the departments of Justice and Health and Human Services. Poor coordination among them has made it hard to track children and parents once their paths diverge in the labyrinthine system.

[Our reporter visited the largest licensed migrant children’s shelter in Texas, which now houses 1,500 boys in a former Walmart. Read more here.]

“I cannot convey enough how much utter chaos there is,” said Michelle Brané, director of migrant rights and justice at the Women’s Refugee Commission, a research and advocacy organization that monitors immigration issues. “The government does not have a proper system in place to track families and coordinate.”

In some cases, parents and children have gone weeks without being able to communicate with one another and without knowing one anothers’ whereabouts. From April 19 to May 31, a total of 1,995 children who arrived with 1,940 adults were separated from their parents, according to administration officials.

Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced the “zero tolerance” policy officially in early May to stanch the flow of migrants, mainly from Central American countries like Guatemala. It calls for prosecuting nearly all of those who are found to have entered the United States illegally. Previously, most border-crossers who were caught would have faced deportation but not criminal charges, and would not have been separated from their children.

Children whose parents have been arrested are transferred to the custody of the Health and Human Services Department, whose staff screens them, finds housing and remains responsible for them.

From that point, migrant parents and children become separate legal cases in the maze of government bureaucracy, and keeping them linked has proved challenging. Different legal protections are afforded to juveniles and adults in the immigration system, and as a result, reuniting families can take months or longer, several legal experts said.

Elsa Ortiz spoke to a social worker in the United States from her home in Guatemala.CreditMarian Carrasquero/The New York Times

In federal court, parents typically plead guilty to the misdemeanor offense of illegal entry. Many are then likely to accept “expedited removal” from the country, in the hope of being reunited quickly with their children. But children cannot be subject to expedited removal; they are automatically entitled to a full hearing before an immigration judge, and their cases take longer to resolve.

“Once the parent and child are apart, they are on separate legal tracks,” said John Sandweg, who was acting director of ICE during the Obama administration.

Reunification becomes particularly difficult when a parent is deported without the child and is no longer on American soil, Mr. Sandweg said; in those cases, “there is a very high risk that parents and children will be permanently separated.”

Federal immigration officials say parents are not supposed to be deported without their children, and if this occurs, parents have two options: They can have a family member who is living in the United States take sponsorship and custody of the child, or the child can be flown home and delivered into the custody of the authorities in the parent’s home country — and from there to the parent.

Normally, an ICE spokeswoman said, the agency works with the Health and Human Services department “to reunite the parent and child at the time of removal, and with the consulate to assist the parent with obtaining a travel document for the child.” In any case, she said, the agency has procedures in place to make sure detained parents have either telephone or in-person contact with proceedings related to their child. A government hotline has been set up to help parents locate their children.

A spokesman for Health and Human Services said that the department does not discuss individual cases of minors in its facilities.

Ms. Ortiz’s greatest fear is that she won’t be able to return to the United States to claim custody of her son, and that without her intervention, he won’t be returned to her.

Ms. Ortiz provided detailed accounts and documents that attest to her detention, criminal prosecution and separation from her son. The story of how the two of them came to be in the United States involves years of difficult single parenthood in Guatemala, with both economic setbacks and threats of violence from the rising lawlessness in her community.

A few years ago, Ms. Ortiz fell in love with a “good man,” she said, who treated her son as his own child. The man, named Edgar, moved to the United States to work in construction and had been sending money to help support them. He asked that his last name not be disclosed because he fears repercussions from federal authorities.

This year, Ms. Ortiz, fearful of the thugs who were increasingly preying on people in her neighborhood, decided it would be best to take her son and join Edgar in the United States.

They made it to Texas safely, but shortly afterward, as they walked along a road, they were intercepted by border agents, arrested and taken to a station. Ms. Ortiz said she was interviewed the next day by border officials, and that is when she was told her son would be separated from her. “I begged, please don’t do this, don’t take him,” she said.

About an hour later, her son’s name was called. Mother and son stood up, and over Ms. Ortiz’s loud protests, Anthony was led away. A 12-year-old girl went with him.

Elsa Ortiz is back in the small rural village in Guatemala where her family lives.CreditMarian Carrasquero/The New York Times
 
Ms. Ortiz worries that her son, who was detained in the United States while she was deported, will not be returned to her.CreditMarian Carrasquero/The New York Times
 
A few days later, Ms. Ortiz said, she boarded a bus filled with migrants and was taken to a federal court in South Texas, where she pleaded guilty to illegal entry. Ms. Ortiz was later transferred to another facility, in Laredo, Tex., where she was finally able to make telephone calls.

She contacted Edgar to tell him that their plan had gone awry, and that she and her son had been arrested and then separated.

“She was crying desperately,” Edgar recalled in a telephone interview.

An officer at a detention center gave Elsa Ortiz a phone number to get in contact with her son, but said she was deported before she could use it.CreditMarian Carrasquero/The New York Times

By this time, it had been more than a week since she had seen Anthony, and she still had no idea where he was.

At one point, an immigration officer handed her a handwritten note on a pink slip of paper with the words, “Call Shelter Son” and a telephone number. But before Ms. Ortiz could get access to a phone to make the call, she said, another officer summoned her and several other women to inform them that they were booked on a deportation flight that was leaving shortly.

What about Anthony? No one would listen, she said.

Ms. Ortiz recalled sobbing heavily as she reluctantly climbed the steps to the plane that would take her and dozens of other deported migrants back to Guatemala early in June. She said she was the last to board.

“Please don’t put me on the plane,” she remembered pleading over and over in Spanish. “I can’t go without my son.”

“I was shaking, I could barely walk,” Ms. Ortiz recalled. She said that an American immigration officer escorting her across the tarmac was also in tears. “She told me to talk to the boss when I got inside the plane,” Ms. Ortiz said.

But he did not listen.

“I cried the entire flight,” she said. “When I arrived at the airport in Guatemala, I was almost fainting. They gave me a tranquilizer.”

She phoned Edgar from Guatemala the next day, and he reached out to a lawyer at Jones Day, who provided him with the government hotline number.

After several attempts, Edgar got a woman on the line who asked for the boy’s name and date of birth. “She told me he is fine — he has clothes, shoes and his own bed, we are taking good care of him,” Edgar recalled.

Later that day, a caseworker from the shelter called the cellphone number of the boy’s grandfather, José Ortiz, in Guatemala — the only telephone number the boy had memorized. She put Anthony on the phone, and his grandfather said he seemed cheerful.

“He shared how he was learning English, playing games and being well treated,” Ms. Ortiz said.

Finally, on Thursday, she got to speak to Anthony herself. She told him to be good. They joked about an imaginary character — “the clown” — who they always pretended slept between them in the bed they shared. But she said Anthony seemed worried — about her.

“Mammy, are they treating you well in the house where you are at? Anthony asked.

“Yes,” she said, knowing that he would not know — not until the shelter workers told him, and she dreaded how he’d respond when they did — that the house was in Guatemala.

[Have you crossed the U.S.-Mexico border with children? Tell us your story here. O en español.]

Elsa Ortiz now lives with her father, stepmother and siblings outside Guatemala City.CreditMarian Carrasquero/The New York Times