Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, June 15, 2018

Sri Lanka moves to compensate war victims after years of delay

Sri Lanka President Maithripala Sirisena is under pressure to address war-era abuses

Sri Lanka President Maithripala Sirisena is under pressure to address war-era abuses
MailOnline US - news, sport, celebrity, science and health stories|
Sri Lanka on Wednesday announced the first steps in a long-delayed process to compensate victims of the civil war, nearly a decade after the end of the conflict which claimed 100,000 lives.
The government said it had approved draft legislation to set up an office of reparations, a key demand from international observers urging reconciliation in the ethnically divided nation.
The office would decide on potentially tens of thousands of compensation claims from those afflicted by fighting that ended in 2009 with the defeat of the Tamil Tiger rebels.
"It is proposed to give members of the office of reparations the right to decide on compensation where it is necessary," said government spokesman and cabinet minister Rajitha Senaratne.
President Maithripala Sirisena has faced international criticism for the lack of progress towards reconciliation since his election three years ago.
The United Nations Human Rights Council has led a chorus pressing Sirisena and his administration to take urgent steps towards addressing war-era abuses, including punishing soldiers and rebels accused of atrocities.
After years of delay the government bowed to international pressure in March and established an office to trace the tens of thousands still missing since the end of the war.
Sirisena's pledge upon election in January 2015 to investigate the war and compensate its victims saw Sri Lanka narrowly avoid being slapped with international sanctions.
The previous regime of strongman president Mahinda Rajapakse, who ruled with an iron fist and crushed Tamil separatist fighters in 2009, refused even to acknowledge war-era abuses.
Sri Lankan forces were accused of killing up to 40,000 Tamil civilians during the final months of the war when the Tigers' quest for independence came to a bloody end.
International rights groups have called for the prosecution of both the military and the Tigers, who were notorious for suicide bombings and enlisting child soldiers.
Sirisena has expressed willingness to investigate specific allegations of wrongdoing, but maintains he will allow only a domestic inquiry and oppose any foreign investigation.
ADVERTISEMENT
At the end of last year, the Sri Lanka Campaign published a critique of an intervention in the House of Lords by Lord Naseby. In that intervention, Lord Naseby sought to discredit prevailing UN accounts about the nature and extent of atrocities committed during the final stages of the civil war in Sri Lanka, and urged members of the international community to row back pressure on bringing perpetrators to justice.[1]These arguments were based on what he referred to as “real gems” of fresh evidence contained in 39-pages of war-time diplomatic despatches from UK Military Attaché Colonel Anton Gash, obtained through a Freedom of Information request to the UK Foreign Office.

Waiting for Development Why definitions of poverty and development need to be redefined

There is no explanation or definition given to what development is. 
It is always economics and money that is discussed as development in Neo-Liberal economies.
Most urbanites are sick and living on a dozen pills a day for more than half their lives.
A complete breakaway needed and go after new and clean Presidential candidate.
2018-06-15
“We have initiated as a Government an impartial development programme this country needs. As we have already initiated Gramashakthi National Movement, in a few weeks we would initiate the Gamperaliya Development Programme, that would include all Grama Niladhari Divisions in Lanka,” said President Maithripala Sirisena in an advertisement aired a few days ago in the Sinhala Channel of Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation.

The Prime Minister has also been talking of ‘development’ both in Parliament and outside on numerous occasions.
A complete breakaway and go after new and clean Presidential candidates-none is possible within this free market economy
The term ‘development’ perhaps is the most hacked term both in English and Sinhala languages, after ‘socialism’ faded off from vogue in recent decades. 
Maybe it is less so in the Tamil language, for during the past 30 years and more, they were caught in a brutal conflict that did not allow the Tamil society to know what ‘development’ is, other than ‘development’ of the armed conflict.
Meanwhile, in the Sinhala South, though every Government promises ‘development’, it still remains as elusive as Yahapalanya of the present (dis)unity Government.
The irony is, though starved of development that is promised at every election, as I discussed in my article last week, there is no mention of ‘development’ in the mad search for a 2020 Presidential candidate either.
Thrown about quite freely by both politicians and economists, there is no explanation or definition given to what ‘development’ is. 
At most, one would know of ‘development’ that is talked of, is restricted to the ‘two word’ attributive adjective ‘socio-economic’. That does not lead us to any complete and real understanding of what ‘development’ is, in this unrestricted free market economy.
What is nevertheless meant by innuendo is that with ‘development’ comes more money and better buying power. 
‘But for whom’ is yet another important question that is vaguely answered or left out without answering.
It is always economics and money that is discussed as ‘development’ in Neo-Liberal economies.
It is all about measuring ‘economic growth’ with the growth of the urban middle-class. This urban growth that comes with expanding and increasing ‘consumer choice’ has turned people into ‘consumers’ with an insatiable appetite.
Life is slipping through a cesspit of errors and follies, wholly created by inept political leadership still revered by the majority of the Sinhala Buddhist urban middle-class, sponsored by the filthy rich
Chasing after they have made most urbanites sick and living on a dozen pills a day for more than half their lives. 
That again has been turned into a peripheral but lucrative industry in urban middle-class life with ‘fitness centres’ mushrooming and a very health conscious urban population creating one of the most profitable private sector industry; the private curative health sector dominated by the medical profession.
None discusses all that as ailments of this unrestricted free market economy.
Apart from the growth of this mostly sick urban middle-class, ‘development’ is talked in terms like, ‘per capita income, inflation, GDP, a balance of payments, increase in exports over imports’ etc. and with ‘year on year’ comparisons.
The addition of the Eight Millennium Development Goals (MDG) that range from ‘halving extreme poverty rates to halting the spread of HIV/AIDS and providing universal primary education’ have not solved any major issues; people in the world have been struggling with, in this Neo-Liberal world.
Their extension in 2016 as ‘2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development’ will not mean anything more to the poor in this world. In Sri Lanka, they are not mentioned even in passing by the leaders of this Government in any of their ‘development’ programmes or statements.
As argued many times before, free-market economy not only provides space for majoritarian extremism and is inherently corrupt; it is also a wholly city-centric consumer market.
Therefore ‘development’ is reduced to a growth of a market economy that thrives with urban life and is measured accordingly on economic data per se.
This leaves out the larger majority of the rural society and the urban poor.
‘Poor’ also has a much-distorted count in national data. Poverty line drawn every month and has a national average was calculated as Rs. 4,532 for 2018 April and is said to be enough for “a person to fulfil the basic needs” during the whole month, according to the Department of Census and Statistics (DC&S).
The not-so-implied-assumption is that a family of four with two adults earning a total of Rs. 9,064 per month in April, is not a poor family in Sri Lanka.
The contradiction is, this same DC&S in its 2016 Household Income and Expenditure survey calculates the percentage of income spent on food as 34.8 per cent and would, therefore, mean, a family just above the poverty line would live with Rs.3,154 for food in a single month.
This thus raises the serious issue, ‘what is poverty?’
Is it simply about how much a person or a family earns to live with Rs.3,154 spent on food per month?
If that is the income necessary to keep a family above the poverty line, Sri Lanka should be the cheapest country on this planet to live in. 
It was 64 years ago in 1954 Darrel Huff, a journalist authored the bestselling book on statistics titled “How to lie with Statistics”.
Huff tells us how all these numbers, pie charts and bar charts are used to paint fantasies.
Talk about the reduction of poverty and about economic growth. In this Sri Lankan, free market economy poverty is now said to have dropped to 5.4 per cent.
To break off from all this Neo-Liberal jargon on ‘development’ we need to redefine poverty and development. 
Poverty is not about how much money a family should earn to meet their meagre food budget. Poverty is about the poor quality of life and development is about creating access and space for continuous improvement in living a quality life.
Apart from adequate food with a minimum required nourishment, decent housing with basic facilities, health, education, cost of daily commuting and clothing, a decent human life is also about recreation and right to cultural engagement as individuals and collectively as a community.
“Development” therefore is about planning to provide people access to such socio-economic and cultural life without inequalities. Without discriminations in opportunities and without any bias or partiality on gender, caste, age, geographical location, religion or ethnic differences.
The most unpredictable and ‘hard to think’ issue in Sri Lanka is, how and who would initiate such policy and programme. In a recent Tweet that I got engaged with, Prof. Siri Hettige stressed the need for planning development.
“Which Govt. institution in Sri Lanka should initiate and lead a programme on the development and implementation of strategic plans for all State institutions?
This I guess can be done within months” he tweeted. The fault line there was his stress on ‘Government institutions’. What we fail to understand is that 40 years of this unrestricted free market dynamics have not only eroded the quality of the politician and his political party but has also corroded the finer mettle in our professional services. 
Together, all of them have become unseen drivers of extremely corrupt regimes, whatever face and name are given to a Government.
State institutions, therefore, have no creative, intellectual and independent resources left with them.
They have Neo-Liberal experts, specialists, consultants and administrators, expected to keep the system going in tow with IMF, World Bank, ADB thinking.
For that expertise, they are well cared for within this system. That is how statistics are used as Darrel Huff explains, to paint that elusive “development” picture the people are told can be achieved.
Thus no State Institute or Agency would ever begin a new discourse in defining poverty and development that needs to break off from the ‘diatribe’ on free-market capitalism and socialism.
Nor is there a political leadership capable of such intellectual discourse.
Despite the PhDs, LLBs and Attorneys-at-Law, CIM and CIMA professionals, Medical Doctors and other professionals, what they in Parliament are capable of is well exhibited every time the Parliament is convened. 
Sadly, the Universities too don’t intellectually function as Universities should.
The responsibility for this new discourse in first defining poverty and development and then framing a National Development Policy Paper for public debate and discussion thus falls on those who want an end to this socioeconomic and political tragedy.
It becomes the responsibility of those who are willing to accept, life in Sri Lanka is slipping through a cesspit of errors and follies, wholly created by inept political leadership still revered by the majority of the Sinhala Buddhist urban middle-class and is sponsored by the filthy rich, that’s growing within this free market economy.
It needs a complete breakaway from comfort zones that make noise over mega corruption and go after new and clean Presidential candidates.

None is possible within this free market economy.

Thursday, June 14, 2018

On the action and inaction of law enforcement personnel | Kandy: The damage and the distrust


AMALINI DE SAYRAH-06/15/2018

Editor’s Note: These are excerpts from a long-form story on the experiences and reflections of Muslim families in AkuranaAmbatennePallekeleDigana and Katugastota, three months after a series of violent attacks against their communities. Groundviews visited these areas in the first week of June 2018.

Individuals whose homes and businesses were damaged by Sinhala-Buddhist extremist mobs spoke with increasing frustration of the inadequate State response to the violence. They also outlined the probable causes that would motivate these groups to wreak this violence.

In order to ensure attention to key issues, we are publishing each as an excerpt.


‘We hid inside the house, trying to keep the children calm and quiet’ says Faunoon. She didn’t let her children catch a glimpse of what was happening outside their home in Ambatenne, though her husband watched helplessly from the front hall as his three-wheeler was burned.

After stoning their glass windows, setting fire to their curtains and breaking the locks on the doors, the mob eventually left. It was only after that, she said, that the STF arrived at their home. 

‘Everything was already destroyed, then they came and told us they would take us to somewhere safe.’

‘We have it all on tape,’ says Fazil. When the mobs came, the first thing they did was break the CCTV cameras of the Welekada Thakkiya masjid, located immediately off the Ambatenne main road. These would otherwise have been able to capture footage of all the houses being set on fire. They missed one, however, and

‘On the tape, we can hear the police and STF who are supposedly standing guard on the main road, telling the mobs to do their damage.’ Niyas says. He asks why, during a time of curfew and an emergency, the security personnel who were supposed to be protecting them, were instead aiding those who were targeting them.

‘When the DIG of the area tells you to close your shop and go home, he knows something is about to happen,’ says Cassim. He was among many shop owners in Katugastota who were given these instructions. They returned hours later to find their properties in flames. If the police knew, he asks, why did it still happen? In addition to being able to identify the attackers as people they knew, Cassim says it was equally disheartening to see law enforcement, placed there for supposed protection, allow the violence to carry on.

‘I didn’t even realise that he was gone’ says Samsudeen, recalling hours hiding in a small cemetery the night his son died. When he came to the road in the morning, someone mentioned that two of his sons had been taken to hospital, and he was relieved, as it could mean they were safe. In reality, it was only one son, who had sustained serious burns, who had been admitted. His other, older son, who is a moulavi, had walked through the destroyed premises. Suddenly, Samsudeen heard him call out in a mournful cry. He had found his brother Basith’s body.

After the body had been taken out of the house, the DIG visited to condole with the family. ‘He said he will send 300 men to guard the place’ says Samsudeen, ‘but I asked him if even 3,000 of his men will be able to bring back my son.’
Read the full story here.

Police Firm Despite Pressure From PM To Go Easy On UNP MPs Implicated In Bond Scam

logo
The Police will not back down from investigating UNP Members of Parliament alleged to have received monies from Perpetual Treasuries Ltd (PTL) and its subsidiaries despite Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe taking issue with senior officers for naming certain parliamentarians in ‘B’ Reports submitted to court, according to Police sources.
Ranil
Sources close to the Prime Minister acknowledged to Colombo Telegraph that he had summoned Senior DIG (CID) Ravi Samaraweera and Director CID Shani Abeysekera prior to leaving for the UK and accused them of unfairly targetting UNP MPs by naming them in ‘B’ reports submitted to court with respect to the Central Bank bond scam.
The officers had assured the premier that they were not engaged in any such conspiracy and that they were merely following procedures as and when names come up, sources added.
Although Wickremesinghe’s castigation of the officers carried a subtle request to desist on this matter, the Police will not do so, Colombo Telegraph learns.
The issue was headlined when it was revealed that UNP minister Sujeewa Senasinghe had received money from PLT during the 2015 parliamentary election campaign and even afterwards.
Senasinghe denied that he had any knowledge of such donations and said that he would give the relevant amount to charities named either by the Speaker or the Chief Prelates.
However, Senasinghe earlier said that he would resign his parliamentary seat if it was found that he had received any money from PLT. He added at the time that he was from a wealthy family that rode horses and owned elephants and therefore did not need any financial help to run an election campaign.
Senasinghe was also named among many who had dozens of phone conversations with PLT head Arjun Aloysius, the man at the centre of the controversy on account of being the son-in-law of Arjuna Mahendran, the Governor of the Central Bank when the dubious transactions took place. At the time Senasinghe said he talked with Aloysius to obtain information for a book he was writing, but phone record show that many calls had been made long after the said book was published.

Read More

Bar on Gota’s arrest to continue

In view of submissions and consent of both lawyers of former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and the Attorney General, the Court of Appeal yesterday ordered to continue an order preventing Gotabhaya Rajapaksa being arrested under the Public Property Act over a complaint that the D.A. Rajapaksa Museum and Memorial in Medamulana was built using public funds amounting to Rs.90 million.

Court of Appeal (President) Preethi Padman Surasena and Justice Arjuna Obeysekara made this order pursuant to a writ petition filed by Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

Accordingly, the order issued by the Court of Appeal dated April 5, 2016 preventing Gotabhaya Rajapaksa being arrested, will prevail without any time bar.

The Court of Appeal observed that the certificate issued under the Public Property Act would not be operative against Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and no further certificates under the offences of Public Property Act would be filed against him in respect of this subject matter of this case in any proceedings.

The Court was informed that in view of the aforesaid circumstances, former Defence Secretary will present himself before the FCID to make a statement on June 25.

The court was further informed that Gotabhaya Rajapaksa will appear before the Magistrate’s Court upon notices issued by a Magistrate.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva appearing for the former Defence Secretary and the Additional Solicitor General who appeared for the Attorney General informed Court that both parties agreed to take a common stand regarding this issue.

On a previous occasion, the Court of Appeal had upheld the petitioner’s version that the certificate issued under section 8(1) of the offences against the Public Property Act is ultra vires or violative of petitioner’s legitimate expectations.

Rajapaksa cited IGP Pujith Jayasundara, CID Director Shani Abeysekara, FCID Director Ravi Waidyalankara and the Attorney General as respondents.

Rajapaksa also seeks an order in the nature of a writ of prohibition preventing the respondents from proceeding or relying upon the certificate filed under and in terms of Section 8(1) of the offences against the Public Property Act against him.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva under the instructions of Counsel Sanath Wijewardena appeared for Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

Additional Solicitor General Viraj Dayaratne with Deputy Solicitor General Dilan Ratnayake and Senior State Counsel Udara Karunatilleka and SSC Nirmalan Vigneshvaran appeared for the Attorney General.

Political Ifthars and Rajapaksa hunt for Muslim vote Muslims strongly believed then that the groups had the blessings of the Government 

Gotabaya Rajapaksa seems to be in the plan B
The Rajapaksas are seen now luring the Muslims
According to Plan A, Mahinda Rajapaksa is expected to be the next Premier
Rajapaksas must develop a mechanism to address the ordinary people
It is not clear if they have forgotten the last three years of the Rajapaksa regime
Some Muslim groups’ new found love for Rajapaksas can largely be attributed to the outcome of the February 10 LG Elections
2018-06-15
The Rajapaksas, who ruled the roost in the country some three years ago are seen now luring the Muslims, especially by appearing at Ifthar events, the events organised by various Muslim and non-Muslim groups for the Muslims to break their Ramadan fast.

Large gatherings of Ifthar, which should be meant for helping the poor to break their fast, are becoming frequent events with increasing political colouring.

However, going by this year’s Ifthar events attended by the Rajapaksas, one can argue that it is the various Muslim groups that are eager to associate with Rajapaksas, rather than the latter going behind the former.

Two Ifthar functions held recently and attended by former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, an official much hated by the Muslims three years ago, had drawn much attention of the electronic and print media in all three languages. And the Rajapaksas were seen making use of the events to the hilt.
The interest shown by Rajapaksas and the Muslims in each other these days is not without reasons.
Despite some Muslim organizations have started to approach the Rajapaksas, the question remains whether Muslims at the grassroots level have changed their mind to support Rajapaksas
The former had started to show their keenness in getting along with Muslims in late 2016, which was first indicated by a meeting convened by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa with his Muslim friends, where he assured the safety and security of Muslims in a future Government led by him.
Some Muslim groups’ new found love for Rajapaksas can largely be attributed to the outcome of the February 10 Local Government Elections, at which the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), the party unofficially led by the former President swept the electorate.
The SLPP came first in 231 out of 340 Local Councils for which elections were held. (Election for one council was suspended on legal grounds.)
The two main political parties in the Government, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) on which the Muslims reposed their total trust until the recent anti-Muslim riots in Ampara and Kandy Districts, suffered a humiliating defeat at these elections. 
The UNP came first in only 41 councils and the SLFP, which contested for some LG bodies under the symbol of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) was able to defeat the other parties only in around 10 councils.
The erosion of the UNP vote bank was incredible. The party that defeated the then undivided SLFP, led by President Maithripala Sirisena, bagging around five million votes at the 2015 August Parliamentary Election, lost about 1.5 million votes at the Local Government Elections.
In spite of the two coalition partners in the Government managed to collectively get more votes and seats in an overall perspective, it is the number of councils that are being dominated by each party that matters in deciding the winner.
They made a very serious blunder in calculation after the war victory, where they thought they could win all future national level elections without the support of the minorities
Thus the SLPP became the dominant party in all 17 Sinhalese dominated districts in the country.
It is obvious that the Local Government Election-results brought to the surface the political trend that had gradually been created for the past three years as an undercurrent, among the people in the Sinhalese dominated 17 districts.
With the two ruling parties wasting time in fighting each other while having no tangible economic or political programme to win over the voters in the rest of their tenure and the UNP, the main party in the Government having tarnished its image with the Central Bank Bond Scandal, one cannot expect the trend to turn. 
Yes, a comeback by the Rajapaksas in 2020 is most likely in the eyes of the general public.
It is in the light of this likelihood one has to understand some Muslim groups’ interest in the Rajapaksas.
Both genuine aspirations, as well as mere opportunism, could be inferred as the driving force behind  this interest.
There are leaders of Muslim organisations who are seriously concerned about the safety and security of their community and they feel the necessity of a dialogue and interaction with the possible future leaders of the country.
Also, it is not a naysay that there may be people, who attempt to develop a rapport with the possible future rulers, with the sole purpose of gaining political or economic mileage, using the cravings of the Rajapaksas to win the hearts and minds of minorities.
There may also be another group, who are frustrated with the Government due to its inaction in general and particularly owing to its lethargic attitude during the recent anti-Muslim riots.
This was the backdrop against which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was invited for an Ifthar event in Beruwala, ironically one of three adjacent areas that came under attack by extremist groups in June 2013, during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure as Defence Secretary under his brother, President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Large crowds attended the event and Rajapaksa was awarded a colourful welcome before he made an inspiring speech. As his brother did in 2016, the ex-Defence Secretary assured to the gathering the safety and security of Muslims under a future Rajapaksa Government.
Gotabaya might have been preferred over his brother in this event and in another such event held at a luxury hotel in Colombo in the light of his recent activities, which point to a preparation for the next Presidential Election.
He has formed an organization called Eliya (Light) and held a very successful seminar under the theme Viyath Maga at the Shangri- La Hotel in Colombo where he elaborated on his economic vision.
However, Gotabaya Rajapaksa seems to be in the plan B of the Joint Opposition as their main concern has been to create a situation where the Parliamentary Election would be held first.
According to Plan A, Mahinda Rajapaksa is expected to be the next Premier who might manipulate the situation so that he would be able to ascend to the Presidency after re-amending the 19th Amendment to the Constitution.
Whether it is Plan A or B, Rajapaksas critically need the support of the minorities. 
They made a very serious blunder in calculation after the war victory, where they thought they could win all future national level elections without the support of the minorities.
They arrived at this wrong conclusion in the light of the 2010 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections but only to wake up to the reality with their humiliating defeat in 2015.
In an interview with the Japan Times during a visit to Japan in 2016 former President Rajapaksa confessed that he was defeated as the Muslims who constitute around 10 per cent of the population did not support him. He had told this in several local media as well.
Yet, despite some Muslim organizations having started to approach the Rajapaksas, the question remains whether Muslims at the grassroots level have changed their mind to support Rajapaksas.
It is not clear if they have forgotten the last three years of the Rajapaksa regime when they were harassed by various extremist groups with the apparent support of some Ministers of the Government.
Muslims for reasons - real as well as perceived - strongly believed then that those groups had the blessings of the top leaders of the Government.
It must be recalled that it was the ordinary Muslims dissociated themselves from Rajapaksa regime before their leaders did so, after these unpleasant happenings.
Hence, Rajapaksas must develop a mechanism to address the ordinary people, not necessarily the leaders, in a convincing manner, if they were serious about a lasting support of the Muslims.  

Sri Lanka jails extremist Buddhist monk for six months over threats to woman

Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara, head of Buddhist group Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), walks towards a prison bus while accompanied by prison officers after he was sentenced by a court for threatening Sandya Eknelygoda, wife of missing journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda, in Homagama, Sri Lanka June 14, 2018. REUTERS/Dinuka Liyanawatte

Ranga Sirilal-JUNE 14, 2018

COLOMBO (Reuters) - A Sri Lankan court on Thursday jailed for six months a Buddhist monk accused of inciting violence against Muslims after finding him guilty of intimidating the wife of a missing journalist, in a case seen as a test of the independence of the judiciary.

Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara, the secretary general of the hardline Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) or “Buddhist Power Force”, was found guilty of having threatened the woman, Sandhya Eknaligoda.
“I have done my duty towards the country,” Gnanasara told reporters as he boarded the bus taking him to prison. “Why should I regret?”

In 2016, Gnanasara interrupted a court hearing over the abduction of the journalist, Prageeth Eknaligoda, in which military intelligence officials were accused.

He shouted at the judge and lawyers because the military officials had not been allowed bail, and threatened Eknaligoda’s wife.

On Thursday, Magistrate Udesh Ranathunga sentenced the monk to two terms of six months in jail, to be served concurrently, as well as a fine of 1,500 rupees, and a payment of 50,000 rupees ($313) as compensation to the journalist’s wife.

The judge rejected Gnanasara’s request to make a statement after he expressed disagreement with the sentence. He was taken to prison while fellow monks, who attended the hearing in his support, chanted Buddhist scriptures.

Galaboda Aththe Gnanasara Thero, head of Buddhist group Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), walks towards a prison bus while accompanied by prison officers after he was sentenced by a court. PHOTO:REUTERS
 Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara, head of Buddhist group Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), walks towards a prison bus while accompanied by prison officers after he was sentenced by a court for threatening Sandya Eknelygoda, wife of missing journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda, in Homagama, Sri Lanka June 14, 2018. REUTERS/Dinuka Liyanawatte

Gnanasara faces a separate contempt of court case over the same incident. It was not immediately clear if he would appeal against Thursday’s sentence.

Dilantha Vithanage, the chief executive of the monk’s BBS group, told Reuters it would appeal against the verdict.

The monk has faced accusations in cases regarding anti-Muslim violence, hate speech, and defaming the Koran, the Muslim holy book.


 Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara, head of Buddhist group Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), walks towards a prison bus while accompanied by prison officers after he was sentenced by a court for threatening Sandya Eknelygoda, wife of missing journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda, in Homagama, Sri Lanka June 14, 2018. REUTERS/Dinuka Liyanawatte

The BBS, led by Gnanasara, has been alleged by Muslims and some government ministers to have stirred up violence against Muslims and Christian, mainly in Buddhist-dominated parts of Sri Lanka, allegations the monk has denied.

In 2014, Gnanasara signed a pact with Myanmar’s Ashin Wirathu, who once called himself “the Burmese bin Laden” in what they called the first step in a broad alliance against conversions by Islamists in the region.

($1=159.8000 Sri Lankan rupees)

Children in Sri Lanka are at risk of entering adulthood


‘Eat, Play, Love’: Sri Lanka’s children need more to ensure they enter adulthood without a disadvantage, warns UNICEF

UNICEF opens petition, launches Father’s Day campaign featuring musician Jananath Warakagoda, former Sri Lanka rugby captain Fazil Marija, and broadcaster K C Pragash, to show how through ‘eat, play and love’ parents can build their children’s brains, and transform their futures.

( June 14, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) 13th June 2018: Children in Sri Lanka are at risk of entering adulthood at a disadvantage to their peers, because they have not benefited from the good nutrition, stimulation and protection – known as ‘eat, play and love’ – that enable a brain to grow to its full capacity by the age of 5 years, warns UNICEF.
Advances in neuroscience have proved that during the early years of life a child’s brain grows at an astounding rate which is never again repeated. During this time, neural connections occur at lightning speed, forming the architecture of a child’s brains and determining their health, ability to learn and deal with stress, and even influencing their earning capacity as adults. Incredibly, a child’s brain grows and develops to 85 per cent of its full capacity by the age of 5.
In these early years’ brain development depends on three things: good nutrition, play and stimulation in the home environment and in preschools (aged 3-5 years), and love and protection from harm including violence, abuse and neglect.
These can be provided by parents through simple actions, and can make a lasting, positive difference to a child’s development. Yet at present too many children in Sri Lanka are at risk of missing out on some or all of these key interventions:
An estimate 17% of children under five are at risk of poor development due to stunted growth*, resulting from poor nutrition.
15.1% of children under five are suffering from ‘wasting’*, which if untreated can lead to chronic malnutrition.
73.4% of children aged one to fourteen experience corporal punishment at home by parents**, including children under the age of five.
Only 48.7% of three to five-year old’s attend pre-school***, which when of good quality helps to foster cognitive and language development, social competency and emotional development.
Marking the run up to Father’s Day (17th June) – an internationally recognized moment to celebrate good parenting – UNICEF has launched a new digital campaign to celebrate and inform parents how they can support their children’s optimal brain development. Directed by Ilango Ram and featuring musician Jananath Warakagoda, former Sri Lankan national rugby captain Fazil Marija, and broadcaster K C Pragash, each with their own children, the campaign consists of three two-minute ‘masterclasses’ that, in a humorous way give key information to parents on how through simple actions, they can help to build their children’s brains.
Each ‘masterclass’ is based on a key insight, including the fact that up to 75% of the energy derived from food goes toward brain development in under-fives, and that five minutes of play can spark 300,000 brain connections in young children.
“The science is clear – the first five years of life are absolutely critical to a child’s whole future” said Tim Sutton, Representative, UNICEF Sri Lanka, adding “This means that if we don’t enable every child to reach their full brain capacity by age five, we are robbing them, and Sri Lanka of its most valuable resource – the brains of its next generation. At present, too many children are at risk of entering adulthood at a disadvantage. Thankfully, parents can make all the difference. Through ‘eat, play and love’ they have the power transform their child’s future.”
Stimulation, in the form of quality preschool learning opportunities between the ages of three and five is also vital to development. A quality preschool is a place where trained teachers help children learn through play, fostering cognitive and language development and social and emotional competencies, yet many, often the poorest, **** do not attend.
To ensure that every child under 5, irrespective of their wealth or location can benefit from at least one year of quality pre-school, giving them the best possible chance to succeed in school and life, UNICEF has launched an online petition at www.unicef.lk/eatplaylove, open to all that will be presented to decision makers in the future. We urge all to sign.
The Master Classes were produced with the support of Publicis Sri Lanka, part of the Leo Burnett Group.

CDS helped Navy offficer escape legal action


Disappearance of 11 youth:


The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) informed court that Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Admiral Ravindra Wijegunaratne had aided and abetted Navy officer Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi to escape from legal action by allowing him to avoid court warrants issued against him.

Lieutenant Commander Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi is a wanted suspect in connection with the disappearance of 11 youth in Colombo in 2008 and 2009.

The CID told court that he had fled the country with the blessings of former Navy Commander and Chief of Defence Staff Ravindra Wijegunaratne.

The CID informed the Court, according to the earlier statement given by Navy Lieutenant Commander Laksiri Galagamage about the suspect (Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi), the CID had found that former Navy Lieutenant Commander Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi was in the Navy officers’ quarters during the period that court had issued the warrant.

The CID had found that Chandana Prsad Hettiarachchi and current (CDS) Ravindra Wijegunarathne were as in the same Navy officers’ quarters.

The CID had found the CDS had used two rooms in the seventh upper floor. The CID officers have found the meal chart of Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi during that period.

Further, they have informed court that Ravindra Wijegunarathne helped Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi to hide in the officers’ quarters. The CID had requested the Navy Commander to submit Documents pertaining to the vacate of post by Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi and his official vehicle.

Since the Navy had failed to submit the relevant documents on the suspects and witnesses as requested during several previous hearings, Counsel appearing for the aggrieved party Attorney-at-Law Achala Senevirathne requested the Magistrate to issue a notice on the Navy to handover these documents to the CID.

The CID stated that they would take necessary action to arrest Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi.
Two other suspects Kasthurige Gamini and Aruna Thushara Mendis were ordered to be further remanded until June 28. The Magistrate fixed the hearing for June 28.

On Professor Carlo Fonseka for no reason at all

  


“With apologies for generalising, I would say that despite decades of free education Sri Lankans are still lazy thinkers; a most gullible lot. Astrologers abound and it is easy to spread a false story. Divine intervention is still widely believed and sought after and clever Kattadiyas make good money. Political leaders shamelessly dash coconuts asking for divine curses on enemies. Faith healing missionaries keep audiences spellbound. Schools do teach science but students are not encouraged to think scientifically. Subject content is studied for exams and the scientific thinking habit ends after uploading the textual content at exams. Science is divorced from lives.” (Shyamon Jayasinghe)

 2018-06-14 

I still remember the first time I met him. It was somewhere in 2013. To keep a long story short, I had written a book and owing to my immaturity (I was 18 at the time, after all) I felt he was the best person to write the foreword to it. And why? Because the book, a novella (which I have since disowned, so horrendous it is!), delved into the perennial conflict between reason and mysticism and Prof. Carlo Fonseka, a leading light in the Rationalist Movement in Sri Lanka, would have enjoyed reading on that. Or so I thought. What I knew, back then, during that first visit, was that he wanted to meet me. (I had provided him with a first draft beforehand). So I went, rather pompously (I was 18 and immature, let us remember once more), to his residence, a large, sprawling, and yet somewhat un-ostentatious home tucked away in the corner of Pita Kotte, and rang the bell. He was not there, he was in the washroom, and he would meet me in five minutes, I was told. So I sat down and waited, eager and (again, I was immature) rather pompous. 
I was not fully aware of the professor’s contribution to the field, barring a quick perusal of the translation of Abraham Kovoor’s Gods, Demons, and Spirits (the translation, Deviyo saha Bhoothayo, was by Dharmapala Senaratne
I came to talk about the book, its contents, and what the professor could write by way of penning the foreword. Instead, after he came, the first thing (or one of the first things) he asked me was what I thought about Shakespeare. I was no Shakespeare fan by any stretch of the imagination – besides, I have a poor memory, so remembering those immortal lines of his has always been a tedious, impossible task – but I had seen some film adaptations of the Bard’s work, and I told him that the play which caught my attention the most was Julius Caesar, hastening to add that I was an ardent fan of the 1953 adaptation starring (of all people!) Marlon Brando. Prof. Fonseka, whom I thought preferred the book to the film (which he did, as he implied later), was astounded, and went on relating his first experience seeing it at the Regal when he was a schoolboy at St. Joseph’s College, and how he would sacrifice the opportunity of seeing the Big Match to frequent the Regal and watch other movie adaptations of the Bard’s plays. “Shakespeare forged the first demagogue in the history of English literature, in Mark Antony,” he told me. The conversation trailed from one play to another, until it struck noon. And no, we didn’t talk about the book. 

Before I left, he brought a copy of The Island (it was a Sunday) and showed me an article he had written on the indomitable Richard Dawkins, and on rationalism. Back then I was not fully aware of the professor’s contribution to the field, barring a quick perusal of the translation of Abraham Kovoor’s Gods, Demons, and Spirits (the translation, Deviyo saha Bhoothayo, was by Dharmapala Senaratne, another firebrand from the Rationalist Movement). I didn’t think much about it but after I went home, and in the following days when I checked the archives of the Island and came across his encounters with the inimitable Nalin de Silva, I was fascinated. I could not decide on which side to take, or whether I was meant to take sides. Had I consulted Fonseka, I am sure he would have given the same answer. Like Nalin, he had been an eloquent speaker and moreover a member of the Sinhala Debating Society at his school (Nalin had been the Captain at Royal College). Despite this, they resorted to manifestly different styles and manifestly different tricks. I remember in particular an exchange towards the end of Doramadalawa where the professor, who never loses his cool, replied to his opponent with this aside: 
When I checked the archives of the Island and came across his encounters with the inimitable Nalin de Silva, I was fascinated. I couldn’t decide which side to take, or whether I was meant to take sides
Naturally enough, this enraged the opponent: He went on and on as the credits rolled. I couldn’t resist smiling. So I smiled. Not with all those intellectual salvos, not with all his credentials (and I have found much in those credentials to side with, to agree with) could he withstand that fatal, awe-inducing final remark. That was Carlo Fonseka, cool, witty and resolute. 

Over the months and years there have been so many other things about the man that I come across and have agreed and disagreed with, spanning the scientific, the cultural, the political, and the personal. His prose, at once self-explanatory and gradual, never seems to creep away and leave you in the dark. Perhaps it’s a legacy of his work as a medicine man, but when he writes, he writes so much at length that it seems he’s trying to get his point across as comprehensively as he can. It’s almost as though he’s afraid of leaving something behind, as though the careful reader (as opposed to the common reader) will chide him in his mind should he commit that unforgivable error. And heaven forbid any essay of his which does not include his thoughts on the link between evolutionary science and cultural, social, and political processes! Just take a gander at his pieces on Malini Fonseka, Rukmani Devi, Victor Ratnayake, and the late Amaradeva and Lester James Peries. He’s always bringing up biology, and while critics have taken him to task (some have even penned irate replies to what he has written) over this, I believe he is spot on. 

Two years ago, he published a compendium of his writings, fittingly titling it Essays of a Lifetime. I have not read it. I could not. By the time I got around to buying it, it had been sold out. But I have read reviews of the collection by, among others, Laksiri Fernando (“I was delighted to know Prof. Carlo Fonseka’s popular writings are now published in one volume”), Kumar David (“Carlo is an N. M. man; I am a Samasamajist”), and Shyamon Jayasinghe, whose article I have alluded to at the beginning of this tribute. Shyamon takes to task the contention that erudite as he was, a Fonseka would never have been born after the advent of Free Education and Sinhala Only, and though I only partly agree with this thesis (which has been demolished by many leading intellectuals and critics, top among them Regi Siriwardena, over the decades), I nevertheless am in accord with his stance that there is much in our education system which leaves no room for free thinkers, let alone rationalists and scientists and radicals. Where I also agree with it is the fact that since he took the Rationalist Movement to what it became in the seventies and eighties, people are as gullible as ever. Is this an indictment on the professor’s own work, which has been criticized by the likes of Nalin de Silva as being blatantly Judeo-Christian as the Christianity and theism it seeks to encounter and flay? I am not in a position to say. 
Over the months and years there have been so many other things about the man that I come across and have agreed and disagreed with, spanning the scientific, the cultural, the political, and the personal
Ever since that day in 2013, I must have met him about five times, including once in 2016 and again in 2018, the latter about three weeks ago at the Memorial Service for Lester James Peries (where he delivered the eulogy). He has mellowed gracefully. His wit, his way of talking slowly, to the point, and never off the cuff, is still there. They say Lester reminded one of a Bourbon Prince: short, unassuming, and never beset by the arrogance which visits lesser personalities. Well, if that were the case, you can say the same thing of the good professor: short, full of humility, and never even once arrogant. “I keep my pride locked up. It escapes only through my work,” Lester told me. Again, you can make the same case for Fonseka - his word is his work, and his work is his pride. But that was a different time. A time so different that we can’t escape into it. The past, as someone once wisely said, is another world altogether. One would have to be extremely fortunate to have born to it. Lester was. Carlo was. Many others were. We were not.  

Palestinians react with shock at PA repression of protest in solidarity with Gaza


Demonstrators had denounced 'shameful' PA sanctions in Gaza; activists vow that protests will continue after Eid al-Fitr
Palestinians take part in a protest demanding to lift the sanctions on Gaza Strip in the occupied West Bank city of Ramallah on 13 June (Reuters)


Thursday 14 June 2018
Palestinians reacted with anger and condemnation on Thursday to Palestinian Authority (PA) national security forces violently repressing a protest the night before in the West Bank city of Ramallah, during which demonstrators had demanded to lift punitive PA measures on the Gaza Strip.
PA security forces used sound grenades and tear gas and shot bullets into the air to disperse protesters, also confiscating cameras and smartphones, damaging several while ordering journalists not to interview demonstrators.
The forces also arrested 46 protesters, according to the human rights centre Addameer, none of whom had been released at the time of publication.
Around 10 protesters were hospitalised, only to have their IDs confiscated by the police.
On Tuesday, just a day before the planned demonstration, the PA had banned all forms of protests until the end of Eid al-Fitr, the Muslim holiday at the end of the month of Ramadan, on Friday.
Protesters accused the PA of threatening and attempting to intimidate activists participating in the 'Campaign to Lift PA Sanctions on Gaza'.
The PA has not officially commented on Wednesday's events.
Meanwhile, the PA had also called for a counter-protest in the northern West Bank city of Nablus to "pledge allegiance to President Abbas", and to "push back infiltrators and the US paid outside actors."
Read more ►
Rula Abu Dahu, the spokeswoman of the Campaign to Lift PA Sanctions on Gaza, told Middle East Eye that the PA was collectively punishing Gazans.
"Of course, the Israeli occupation, which controls land, sea and air, is responsible for the situation in Gaza. But we will not accept PA's sanctions on top of the Israeli siege."
Abu Dahu said that Wednesday's demonstration was the first major Palestinian protest against the Palestinian Authority's actions in Gaza.
"Palestinians protest against the Israeli occupation. But people are killed in Gaza by Israeli snipers, and you have the PA imposed sanctions on our brothers and sisters in Gaza. It is unacceptable and shameful," Abu Dahu added.

'Dayton's forces'

Palestinians on social media called the security forces who crushed Wednesday's protests "Dayton's forces", and accused them of being an arm of both the Israeli military occupation and an extension of PA President Mahmoud Abbas’ efforts to crush political dissent in the West Bank.
The term was an allusion to Keith Dayton, the former US security coordinator for Israel and the PA. Dayton retired in 2010 from his mission after spending five years rebuilding the National Security Forces, which in essence serves as the Palestinian Authority's army.
Under Dayton command, 3,100 of the more than 40,000 members of the PA security forces were trained in military camps in Jordan. MEE has not found solid evidence that the officers operating in Ramallah on Wednesday night were in fact trained by Dayton.
One social media user called the PA a "bunch of corrupt fascists protected by security forces with the gang mentality of Blackwater. These people are completely detached from the reality of the rest of the Palestinian people."

السلطة زمرة من الفاشيين الفاسدين تحميهم قوات أمن بعقيدة عصابات البلاك ووتر .. الزمرة تلك في وادي .. والشعب الفلسطيني في وادي آخر.

The Gaza Strip, which is currently governed by the Hamas movement, has been under an Israeli-Egyptian siege since 2007, after political tension between Fatah and Hamas developed into military clashes which led Hamas to expel Fatah figures from the enclave.
Palestinians in Gaza, where some 80 percent of the population is dependent on foreign aid to survive, have felt the consequences of this internal Palestinian political conflict.
This week's protests come more than a month after the Palestinian Authority cut in half the salaries of its estimated 50,000 employees in the Gaza Strip without warning.
Last summer, the PA stopped paying for Gaza’s electricity, leaving the enclave’s residents with only two hours of electricity a day - compared to a paltry eight hours previously.
Abu Dahu said that the PA has always tried to depict the sanctions on Gaza as punitive measures against Hamas.
"I refuse to engage with this argument of a Fatah and Hamas conflict, because if look closely, you will see that the PA cuts salaries of employees that belong to Fatah in Gaza, not Hamas." Abu Dahu said. "Those who they are actually punishing are normal people."

أبناء حركة فتح اللي شاركوا قي القمع بالأمس، دخلوا على المظاهرة بقبعات بيضاء عليها الكوفية وشعار العاصفة، هاتفين:

"أبو عمار وقالها ... فتح وإحنا رجالها"

الفيديو لمشهد قمع واعتقال أحد المشاركين في التظاهرة قبل تسليمه للأجهزة الأمنية.

Translation: The members of the Fatah movement who participated in the repression yesterday entered the protest with white caps on which there were a kuffiyeh and the slogan of the Storm (Fatah special forces):"Abu Ammar (former PA President Yasser Arafat) said it... we are Fatah's men". The video shows them repressing and arresting of one of the demonstration participants before turning him over to security forces. #Liftthesanctions
Palestinian factions including the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and Hamas, as well as Palestinian journalist and lawyer syndicates, have issued statements condemning the violence used against protesters.
Jama Jumaa, a Palestinian activist who participated in the protest, told MEE that demonstrators were demanding what the Palestinian National Council, which last held a session in April, had already agreed upon.
"The national council headed by Abbas agreed to lift the PA sanctions on people in Gaza, which is what the protesters demand," he said.
"But this shows you that the Palestinian Liberation Organisation's national council is just a facade for the PA, which has the final say on the sanctions."
Jumaa added that the protests would continue after the Eid al-Fitr holiday.
"The PA's forces acted in a brutal, thuggish and dictatorial way last night. Everyone is shocked. The way the security forces behaved goes against the history of the Palestinian struggle," Jumaa said.
He added that Palestinian activists were studying a campaign to ask people to stop dealing with PA forces - include police, intelligence, presidential guards, and the national forces.
He said that the campaign would specifically ask European countries to stop funding these forces.
"The US and Europe are the main funders of these forces, but 30 percent of their budget comes from taxes paid by Palestinians in the West Bank."
The Campaign to Lift PA Sanctions on Gaza also condemned the PA's use of force and the continued implementation of sanctions.
“These sanctions are daggers placed in the heart of our cause and our unity. This is a dagger which accentuates division and political and social rifts. Such acts on behalf of the PA towards Gaza are further widening the internal political split between the two ruling parties of the West Bank and Gaza,” it said in a statement.
The protests come at a difficult time for 83-year-old Abbas, who was recently hospitalised for a week with a lung infection.
Polls show the majority of Palestinians want him to resign.
He is also facing potential isolation after cutting off all contact with US President Donald Trump's administration because of its pro-Israel bias which has seen it recognise Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, and seek to push a so-called “deal of the century” peace settlement on the PA leadership through pressure exerted via Saudi Arabia.