President requesting to deport LeN editor is a joke without investigating LeN arson and disappearance of Ekneliyagoda; Shiral is a jailbird who attacked democracy with stones and missiles!

- National movement of web journalists to British HC

(Lanka e News -12.June.2018, 11.30PM) Without conducting any investigation into the arson that was committed on the Lanka e New portal , or into the abduction and disappearance of its cartoonist cum political columnist Prageeth Ekneliyagoda , the president making a request to Britain to arrest or deport the Lanke e News editor is the biggest joke of the century specially because he is the same president Gamarala  who came to power by making  loud and proud promises solemnly and unrelentingly that he would end the media suppression and oppression which raged under the last regime, the National movement of web journalists have stated in their letter addressed to the British High Commissioner

Shiral Lakthileke who along with the president made the request to the British High Commissioner to arrest or deport the Lanka e News editor was a criminal  who was arrested and remanded earlier on based on the following charges:

Criminal intimidation , criminal trespass, and unlawful assembly over the stoning and attacking of a  main Democratic Institution – the UNP headquarters , the National movement of web journalists had highlighted  to  the British High Commissioner.

The National movement of web journalists had urged the international community therefore to investigate the murder of about 250 journalists during the last two decades without allowing president Sirisena  to indulge in empty rhetoric  and brags.

The text of the letter of National movement of web journalists to the British High Commissioner is hereunder

His Excellency of the ambassador

British High Commissioner Mr.James Dauris

389 Bauddhaloka Mawatha,

Colombo, Sri Lanka

Dissuades those who threaten freedom of expression and emboldens those who stand to defend it

Sundaytimes dated 10 May 2018  reported, British High Commissioner Mr.James Dauris summoned to President Maithripala Sirisena’s Paget Road residence.and requested Britain to arrest or deport editor of LankaeNews.

Further sundaytimes reported, Mr. Shiral Laktilleka too presence for the session. It is worth to note Shiral Lakthilaka  is a  person who was remanded on charges of unlawful assembly, trespassing, and criminal intimidation thus cast stone to the UNP headquarters, the biggest democratic center in the country.

During dark regime of Rajapaksha’s, although Lankaenews office burnt down, Prageeth Eknaligoda whom cartoonist and political analyst reported missing, To date No conclusive investigation been taken.

Facts being so,It is very ironical Sri Lankan President requests Britain to arrest or deport editor of LankaeNews, More ever Sirisena whom promised to end an era of draconian restrictions on the country's media.

We are nothing  but well witnesses  for murdering of 250 plus journalist during last two decades. It is a tragedy that staying our nation and international community  as a mute spectator cover their eyes, tied hand back.

The National movement of web journalist, calls up the international community, Not only requests President Sirisena to stop the charade also demand conclusive investigations into attacks against the media. All inclusive nothing but safe guard our press freedom.

National movement of web journalist

---------------------------
by     (2018-06-12 19:03:32)

Sri Lankan activists protest against Pakistani activist's disappearance

Wed, Jun 13, 2018, 12:13 am SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.

June 12, Colombo: Sri Lankan activists have staged a protest against the disappearance of Pakistani peace activist Raza Mehmood Khan, convener-Pakistan of Aaghaz-e-Dosti, who went missing in December last year.

Sri Lankan activists Sandya Eknaligoda, Sitthi Jameena, Vathana Sunthararaj and Mayuri Inoka and several others expressed solidarity with families of the disappeared in Pakistan in their demand for justice and accountability for the disappeared from the government of Pakistan, the Daily Times reported.

The protest was held Tuesday outside the Pakistan High Commission in Colombo. A petition was also handed over to the Secretary of the High Commission.

Referring to Raza's disappearance, a joint-statement by the Sri Lankan activists said: "Raza is a prominent advocate for reconciliation between India and Pakistan at Aaghaz-e-Dosti, and was abducted after attending an open discussion on extremism in Lahore. His friends and family have been campaigning desperately for his release since, launching the online."

"Enforced disappearances are often used by repressive States as a systematic weapon of "counter-terror" to target dissenting thinkers such as progressive activists, educators, journalists and political opponents; and in the context of Pakistan, ethnic and religious minorities such as Pashtuns, Balochis, Kashmiris, Sindhis and Shias as well," the statement added.

Raza Mahmood Khan has been missing since December 2, 2017. He was "picked up" from him rented home in Lahore by unidentified suspects. Raza was last seen at a public discussion organized at Lowkey-Lokai in the aftermath of the Faizabad protest by religious hardliners.


The Lahore High Court had disposed of Raza's case after having confirmed that alternative investigation agencies such as Commission of Enforced Disappearances were conducting investigation to recover Raza Khan. It has now been six months since Raza disappeared.

Is The Colombo Lotus Tower A Trojan Horse From China?

By Patrick Mendis –JUNE 13, 2018

Prof. Patrick Mendis

China will soon inaugurate the 350-metre-high Lotus Tower in Sri Lanka, the tallest and most sophisticated telecommunication-skyscraper in South Asia. The tower, emanating from the Lotus Sutra in Buddhism, is a narrative for Beijing to formulate a sustainable and peaceful “soft power” strategy that would appeal globally. Because religion has a mutually beneficial “causal impact” on the lives of people and state, especially in civilizational polities like China and Sri Lanka.

For China, will the emerging culture of religiosity be then more successful in governance and diplomacy? 

Supporting his “New Era,” the perennial President Xi Jinping has embraced religious faith as part of his “China Dream” and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The nominally atheist Communist Party of China (CPC) has now recognized that religion in Chinese history had served as a powerful tool in domestic governance and international diplomacy. For President Xi’s “rejuvenation” of Chinese nation and national culture after the Century of Humiliation, the New York Times documents that this mix of faith and politics constitutes a “reimagining of the political-religious state that once ruled China.” 

The Freedom of Religious Pursuits

When the president’s father Xi Zhongxun was the head of the CPC’s religious work in 1980, the famous Document 19 warned the party members from banning religious pursuits because it would isolate the Chinese people. Ever since, China has been restoring the places of religious worship—temples, mosques, and churches—once destroyed by Chairman Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution. 

After years of material development through the liberalized trade policies and the opening-up policies of Deng Xiaoping, President Xi said, “if the people have faith, the nation has hope, and the country has strength” to realize a “virtuous and harmonious society” at home and to create a global “community of shared destiny.”

Some Chinese strategists are convinced that the ancient Chinese philosophy rooted in the belief of tianxia (“all under Heaven” as brothers and sisters) had been long-lasting in the Zhou Dynasty (1046-256 BC). Therefore, it could still be instrumental in governance and diplomacy, where China is the “new” Middle Kingdom with a Mandate of Heaven bestowed upon the emperor, the Son of Heaven. 

Referring to the Chinese rejuvenation by highlighting their teachings on obedience and order, President Xi often quotes Confucius, Mencius, and other ancient sages and promotes “the idea that the party is the custodian of a 5,000-year-old civilization.” For others, China envisions a more harmonious world with Beijing’s definition of a “community of common destiny” through Confucianism.

The Hole in the China Model

In all this, China has been trying to project its “soft power” through the promotion of Confucius Institutes as a cultural “export.” Beijing has, for example, set up over 500 institutes in more than 140 countries while almost half-million students from over 200 countries are studying in Chinese universities. Although the study of Chinese culture and language has become more popular for financial reasons, the China model is weak. It lacks a universally accepted value system compared to the ideology of freedom and democracy in the West that is widely shared by the world—and even the Chinese people, particularly the 60-million strong Chinese diaspora. 

The pervasive efforts to popularize the China model has recently been criticized in the United States. Senator Marco Rubio, chairman of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, accusesBeijing for “exporting authoritarianism with Chinese characteristics.” The Canadian Security Intelligence Service expressed concerns that “some politicians” are under the influence of China, especially concerning the Canadian policies toward Beijing. The Chinese-Canadians also feel the fear of China’s rising power as they exercise their “Canadian values” of freedom, democracy, and human rights.

In a multi-country report of the US National Endowment for Democracy, the authors contrasted the soft power of China’s charm offensive of “information warfare” with that of “sharp power,” which “pierces, penetrates, or perforates the political and information environments in the targeted countries.” Speaking before the US Senate Intelligence Committee alongside with the chiefs of other American intelligence agencies, FBI Director Christopher Wray said that “the whole of Chinese society is a threat to the US” and China undermines America’s “military, economic, cultural, and informational power across the globe.” Other democratic countries like Australia and New Zealand have also documented the infiltration of China’s authoritarian influence on their political, economic, and educational systems. 

The negative global public opinion has increased as Confucianism and authoritarian governance have reinforced each other beyond the Chinese borders. Beijing needs an alternative soft power of attraction for China’s history and culture. Buddhism would most likely serve as a “soul power” of China as Beijing has tried to expand it through China’s BRI and its new globalized Buddhist network. This is because that Buddhism has had a historical appeal as a spiritual “import” to China and then successfully “export” to East Asia and the world.  

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Economic disparity and nationalism – Part 4

Civic patriots, nationalists and racialists

 Tuesday, 12 June 2018


Civic patriots comprise not solely of individuals of white Anglo-Saxon background. According to them, citizenship is the primary determinant of group identity and not race, ethnicity or religion. Their allegiance appears to be for secular state, state institutions and civic values. So, non-Europeans and non-Christians may immigrate to Australia, but they need to assimilate into “Australian” culture. All of them are rabidly anti-Islam. They slanderously campaign against Islam and demand a ban on Muslim immigration. They believe those adhering to and observe Islam cannot assimilate into Australian society as they are “a supremacist, totalitarian and imperialist ideology, oppressive of non-Muslims, which aims at world domination, comparable to pre-modern Christianity”1.

They are extremely vocal on Islamist terrorism, female genital mutilation, child brides and alleged higher crime rates among Muslims as a group. They sympathise with Jewish people as they are seen being targeted by Islamist terrorists. According to them, in the Islamic dominated Middle East, Israel is the only country, where freedom for Western civilisation exists. If Israel falls to Islam, then the whole of Europe will also fall into Islamic hands. They also contend that with the colluding left, Muslims are acting as a fifth column to Islamise Australia. This does not make any sense when in the same tone they utter that Islam is oppressive towards women, LGBTIQ people and non-Muslims.

Nationalists like Civic Patriots are also actively anti-Islam. They also oppose other minority groups, but not so explicitly. However, they appear to believe that the Jews are responsible for Muslim immigration and are a major threat to Western civilisation. Though Muslims are their immediate target, Jews will become their future target. Unlike civic patriots, nationalists believe race and ethnicity are the prime determinant of identity, not citizenship.2

Racialists consider race as the primary determinant of identity, not nationality, culture or religion. They consist of diverse groups of which some are anti-Islam and some are not. There are neo-Nazis and similar streams, who are white supremacist, anti-Semitic, anti-homosexual and anti-non-white immigration. Racialists are generally hostile to all non-Europeans, but their main enemy is Jews. They rely on a misconception based on a pseudo-science of races that erroneously claim races can be ranked in a hierarchical manner according to an alleged physical, moral and intellectual fitness.

For example, the Australia First Party, which identifies as an Aryan party, is described as neo-Nazi, white nationalistic, anti-multicultural, socially conservative and protectionist in economic outlook. One of its leaders was convicted for shooting on the ANC representative’s house in 1984.  They were associated with Cronulla riots against immigrants in 2005. In 2016, they supported the candidacy of a former Ku Klux Clan member in the US.3 Thankfully, the Australia First has had negligible electoral support so far.4

Reclaim Australia has held public protests in major cities against the building of mosques and several anti-Muslim events. Their protests in Melbourne have become violent. As they spread hate against community groups, some left groups and progressives have opposed such protests. Some of them peacefully protest to stop fascists and protect the democratic rights of immigrant communities, while some others tend to resort to violence, when the racialists turn violent.

In 1997 Pauline Hanson formed a nationalist, right wing populist party called One Nation, which was renamed Pauline Hanson’s One Nation in 2015. Pauline Hanson has been written into One Nation constitution as president for life5. With three Senators and four Members of Legislative Assembly, it was the strongest right wing nationalist group in Australia and held the balance of power in the Parliament. However, the situation is becoming more fluid with some members leaving Pauline Hanson and a new conservative crossbench Senate bloc from four different right wing nationalist parties in the formation.6Yet, since the last election all these members have voted with the current government to cut welfare benefits of the needy and were set to support proposed corporate tax cuts.

The victory of Donald Trump in the US emboldened the far-right groups to unite and hold public rallies and marches. In Australia a neo-Nazi and fascist hard-core racialist group called Antipodean7 Resistance incited hatred and violence against the Jewry and the LGBTI community. So far, three nationalist group leaders have been fined for inciting violence against Muslims in Bendigo. Since then, many nationalists appear to have gone quiet, perhaps for regrouping to reappear in 2018.


Inequality in Asia

As everywhere else, inequality has widened in Asia between the rich and the poor. The majority is trapped in poverty. Despite reports of declining poverty levels and improving health and education, this does not appear to hold ground at the grassroots level. Issues such as pollution, diseases and climate change continue to worsen. Inequality within countries and between them has widened. For example, the Gini Coefficient has increased during the last thirty years. Regimes have drastically cut down investment on universal education and healthcare. With increasing privatisation of and the reduction of investment in these segments, the quality of both education and healthcare has come down.

The situation is no different in Sri Lanka. Currently, some appear to be looking for a Führer to preserve Sinhala identity, culture, values and traditions. Many front organisations have been set up not only in Sri Lanka, but among the non-resident Sinhala communities in order to create a mono-cultural nationalist tsunami. They have most of the characteristics that define patriot and racialist political tendencies. They are of many varieties: anti-Tamil, anti-Islam, anti-Indian, anti-Western and pro-Sinhala Buddhist. Yet, other than the predominant national, cultural and religious bias, there is no alternative policy platform on the rising social and income inequity or an action plan for the future. Nothing new except just more of the same with a craving for preserving the executive presidency and bringing back totalitarian family rule, perhaps with ferocious vengeance!

As has happened around the world, demagogues are looking for a set of docile yes individuals, who will then follow orders without any questions asked, like the henchmen of Hitler and Mussolini did, to set this totalitarian trap up. Already such henchmen appear to have occupied many ranks of the state apparatus, who have in the past had enjoyed all the privileges, perks and benefits both legal and illegal of such a regime. These rentiers are eagerly waiting to serve a Führer and bask in the fascist aura with its attendant perks and violence.


Conclusion

Pre-World War II history of the far right had been closely intertwined with that of the ruling elite. Unlike the left, the far right has enjoyed the tacit, and at times active, support of certain sections of the political class, the military, the police and the wealthy. This has allowed the far-right to maintain a veneer of respectability. Despite their anti-democratic and illegal activities like employing secret armies, planning to overthrow governments, people have elected regimes brutally repressing their opponents.

The far right’s pledge of a return to a golden past, one which is racially and ethnically pure is buttressed with patriarchal, racist and homophobic values. In too many instances such pledges have produced electoral success. This has happened in Europe, Australia and the US, where far-right conservative groups raise the issue of immigration giving it a high pitch among the populace.

Attempts to portray the far right and the left as intolerant mirror images of each other is not only incorrect, but also falsifies facts and protects certain covert interests. The far-right usually belongs to the upper echelons of society. Despite the hidden link being not so clearly visible, the far right is closely entwined with the ruling elite both at political and bureaucratic level. The security forces in most countries have attacked the left with derision and anger more than they have the far right.

Unfortunately, some in the left based on nationalistic totalitarian ideology have also contributed to such attacks. Sri Lanka is an example for such a case. They do not question the policies such as privatisation of state assets and dismantling of the welfare state straining societies in many countries. They start blaming ethnic groups for this situation. This unfortunately may lead some left voters to mistakenly identify some right-wing parties as serving workers’ interests. They would see this shift to the right as a combination of ethnic nationalism with the global war on terror.

Across the globe, far right nationalist and populist groups have arisen for a myriad of reasons, it is usually a toxic combination of local issues, global economic practices and movement of people escaping wars, pogroms and famine. Some in France, Italy, Austria and Hungary for example, have gained support by establishing an ambivalent relationship with fascist and Nazi past of their countries; some in the Netherlands, Denmark, Poland, Sweden, and Switzerland for example, by focusing primarily on a perceived threat from Islam to national culture; some in Hungary, Greece, Italy, and the UK for example, by focusing on a perceived threat to their national identities from ethnic minorities and others in Poland, Romania and Bulgaria for example, endorsing a fundamentalist Christian reactionary agenda.

Despite the professed commitment of the ruling class to democracy, they are in fact quite amenable to the idea of dictatorship when their economic interests are threatened. The far right can trace its heritage, both politically but in many cases also genetically to the colonial and pre-colonial interests of the nineteenth century, who regarded democracy as an intolerable intrusion on their divine right to dominate society. If such groups are able to realise their totalitarian aspirations, bloodshed against non-white, non-Christian immigrant communities will become unavoidable.

In order to stop totalitarian groups and demagogues, our commitment to fighting economic disparity and income inequality becomes essential. Unless acute economic disparities and income inequalities are alleviated fascist trends could take hold in many parts of the world in the not so distant future. It therefore becomes our duty and responsibility to staunchly oppose and to actively contest their pernicious rise – we can do no less.
(This is the final part of this series of articles.)

Footnotes

1 Nathan J. 31 January 2018, The Rise of Australia’s Activist Far Right: How Far Will It Go? Available at: http://www.abc.net.au/religion/articles/2018/01/31/4796789.htm

2 Ibid

3 Wikipedia 23 May 2018, Australia First Party: Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australia_First_Party

4 Moore A 1995, The Right Road: A History of Right-wing Politics in Australia, Oxford University Press.

5 The Guardian, 13 May 2018. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/may/13/pauline-hanson-written-into-one-nation-constitution-as-effective-president-for-life

6 Gribbin Caitlyn 6 June 2018, ABC News, Available at: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-06-06/conservatives-forming-powerful-new-senate-bloc/9837998

7 Incomparable; or diametrically opposed; or situated at opposite sides of the Earth; or of, or pertaining to Australia or New Zealand.

Related articles:
Economic disparity and nationalism – Part 1
Economic disparity and nationalism – Part 2
Economic disparity and nationalism – Part 3

SRI LANKAN IDEOLOGICAL BATTLES – SUNIL BASTIAN

Image: President J.R. Jayawaradene : the 1977 general election signified a turning point in the history of state formation in post-colonial Sri Lanka

11/06/2018

(11 June 2018) July 1977 and May 2009 signify critical events in the post-colonial history of Sri Lanka. The election of July 1977 brought the centre-right United National Party into power, which inaugurated a new period of capitalist development. It emphasised the private sector, markets and openness to global capitalism. Regimes elected subsequently have continued with these policies. There are differences in how these policies have been implemented by different regimes depending on their political composition and internal ideological battles. But there has been no going back to a situation where pre-1977 ideas became hegemonic in economic policy. Therefore, if we look at the post-colonial economic history of Sri Lanka, post-1977 stands out as a new period.

SRI LANKAN IDEOLOGICAL BATTLES – SUNIL BASTIAN.docx by Thavam Ratna on Scribd

Existence or extinction Choice can’t be clearer The voter at cross roads; It is a choice between existence and extinction now

 

Ranil’s ambition now seems almost dead

The current administration does not have anything to brag about

Findings were extremely injurious to the Yahapalanaya concept

It is a choice between existence and extinction

“Ignore the noise and follow your 
own choice.”~Anonymous

2018-06-13

When one looks back on the pros and cons of the decision taken by the people in the 2015 Presidential Election and the mandate it carried, after two-and-half-years in power, the current administration does not have anything to brag about except one outstanding accomplishment of theirs.

With all the alleged corruption and ineffective management of the country’s ailing economy, the very introduction of transparency aspect of governance where the government party’s own members were taken to task when found in want of proper and accountable conduct.

Dismissal of Ravi Karunanayake from the Ministry of Finance in the wake of the conclusion of the Presidential Commission on the so-called ‘Bond-Scam’ issue is one conspicuous example of such transparency and accountability in governance.

However, the optics of such a finding and what followed the findings were extremely injurious to the “Yahapalanaya” concept the Government boasted about.
In politics, it’s all optics, especially in the short run.

The failure on the part of the Prime Minister to realise this fundamental aspect of politics is astonishing given the length of years he has been playing this game of politics.

That is why most Governments, especially the Rajapaksa regime, during their tenure, swept such numerous cases, found to be manifestly authentic, under the proverbial carpet.

The following ready-reckoner would indicate in a nutshell the various atrocities brought upon the nation by the Rajapaksa clan:

Ready-reckoner of corruption, murders and intimidation by Rajapaksa and Company

•  November 9 and 10, 2012 Prison attack - 27 killed
• On 13 January 2013Impeachment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake
• On 8 February 2010 by Military Police arrested General Sarath Fonseka
• Disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda since 24 January 2010
• August 1, 2013 three persons were killed including two students in Rathupaswela Katunayake
• Unanswered heinous crimes against journalists and media institutions
• May 2008: Keith Noyahr, Associate Editor and defence columnist of The Nation newspaper was abducted and beaten up.
• January 6, 2009: The Sirasa Depanama Studio Complex was bombed by a gang of assailants.
• January 8, 2009: Not even 48 hours after the attack on the Depanama Complex, Senior Journalist Lasantha Wickrematunga was assassinated in Attidiya.
• January 23, 2009: Chief Editor of the Rivira newspaper Upali Tennakoon was assaulted by a group that arrived on two motorcycles.
• March 25, 2009: The office of the Udayan newspaper in Jaffna was attacked with a hand grenade.
• June 1, 2009: Journalist Poddala Jayantha was abducted in Ambuldeniya, Nugegoda.
• March 22, 2010: Attack launched on the head office of the Sirasa Media Network, leaving several of its employees injured.
• July 30, 2010: Attack lanced on the Voice of Asia Media group which ran Siyatha TV and radio stations.
• April 13, 2013: Head office of the Udayan newspaper attacked once again, making it the 33rd such attack on its office and journalists.

While no exceptional defence should or would be made for the so-called ‘Bond-Scam’ issue, a significant black mark against the current administration remains the ‘Bond-Scam’.

Furthermore, even before any judicial findings were concluded, the Minister who was allegedly responsible for the scam was removed by the Prime Minister and those who were alleged to have committed this horrendous white-collar crime were behind bars.

None of that sort happened during the regime of the ‘Rajapaksa and Company’.

During that time all the alleged perpetrators were free to roam the street corners crowded by political and financial thuggery and allowed to indulge in their favourite pastime of newly defined governance.

Galloping down the road to glory and self-enlargement with their masters, the leeches of the past regime played their own despicable game of power-politics to a sinister end.

In their game, the people were pawns and other insignificant pieces of trash. The deal makers and commission agents were the only VVIPs who could meet the Ministers and the King at their own behest.

Sajith is nursing his own ambition to be the leader of the UNP, yet a pathetic show of vacillation is no trait of sound leadership

While the voting public, who faithfully voted these caricatures of political trash into office successively in 2005 and 2009, unrelentingly supported the ‘Rajapaksa and Company’ to an intolerable limit, the then Opposition led by the current Prime Minister was in their own messy circumstance.

Ranil’s leadership was challenged by a motivated group of second-tier leaders of the United National Party (UNP), led by Karu Jayasuriya and Sajith Premadasa.

As per reports obtained by the writer, while Karu Jayasuriya was willing to go and did go all the way, Sajith decided to go so far and no further.

This is an unbecoming conduct on the part of Sajith Premadasa.

Sajith is nursing his own ambition to be the leader of the UNP, yet a pathetic show of vacillation is no trait of sound leadership. On the other hand, Navin Dissanayake, albeit the fact that he left the UNP and joined the Rajapaksa regime during the time of the war, (Navin’s father, Gamini Dissanayake, was brutally bombed down by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam) after joining the UNP, is enjoying the support of a clear majority of UNP Parliamentarians.

When Parliamentarians ponder about their future leaders, there are three characteristics which stand out as crucial in determining that quality.

1. The leader should be a winner

2. He must possess decision-making capabilities, not vacillating

3. Inspire others. In all three categories, Navin Dissanayake is ahead of Sajith and the UNP Parliamentarians seem to have realised that.

Well, that is all events yet to come. There may well be, as the saying goes, many a slip between the cup and the lip. In whichever case, either Sajith or Navin is infinitely better than any member of the Rajapaksa clan.

For that matter, there is no second-tier leadership in either the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) or Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP).

The UNP can boast about a wealth of talent and experience in its second-tier: Sajith, Navin, Ruwan Wijewardene or Mangala Samaraweera could be miles ahead of any leader the SLFP or SLPP can field.

The UNP can boast about a wealth of talent and experience in its second-tier: Sajith, Navin, Ruwan Wijewardene or Mangala Samaraweera could be miles ahead of any leader the SLFP or SLPP can field

Looking back on the list of atrocities committed by the Rajapaksa clan- as illustrated in the above list- any one single member of the Rajapaksa family or its associates has disqualified himself or herself.

That is clear as crystal, one would say. That is the realistic picture that the current political landscape displays. Enveloped in a culture of corruption that has been taken hostage by politicians of all parties, enmeshed in dire straits of economic hardships and having come to terms with a degenerate lifestyle of being subservient to money and power, our people, in 2020, will again face a choice between realistic, decent and honest politics and perverted and debased practice of governance of the likes of the Rajapaksa-rule.

In whatever circumstances, Ranil Wickremesinghe, the incumbent Prime Minister and leader of the UNP cannot be just discounted as a non-entity.

His strengths purely lies in his experience as the leader of his party. However, the present coalition setup has managed to ruin Ranil’s image as a ‘good’ manager of the country’s economy. On top of that, the infamous ‘Bond-Scam’ and his close affinity towards Ravi Karunanayake also has helped in this downward path of Ranil Wickremesinghe.

But he does not seem to have given up on his ambition to be Sri Lanka’s next President. What seemed a few years ago a distant reality, Ranil’s ambition, as evidenced in the recently held Local Government elections, now seems 

almost dead. In the clear context of a suitable candidate from the UNP to contest the next Presidential Election, Ranil, in fact, is behind Sajith Premadasa and Navin Dissanayake. The UNP, although it had a great history of bouncing back from near extinction, is now facing another frontier. In the international arena, populist politics is gaining grounds. Sri Lanka simply cannot escape from that political geography. In spite of history, the United National Party is now grappling with the geography of political thinking. A leader who can give the right expression to that prevailing current of politics would certainly have a better chance than any man or woman who is sinking in traditional politics.

‘Sira-Gota Combine’ To Move Bribery Commission Against 16 Ranil-Loyalists And Their Families In Insidious Political Move To Subvert Wickremesinghe’s Presidential Bid

SJUNE 11, 2018

ixteen close associates of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe as well as their families are to be targeted in a special program with the intention of crippling the UNP leader politically ahead of a possible run for the Presidency in 2020, Colombo Telegraph reliably learns. The move is part of an overall political strategy that would have Maithripala Sirisena winning a second term supported by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for whom the Prime Minister’s post has been earmarked.

The plan is to move the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery and Corruption (Bribery Commission) to investigate Wickremesinghe’s aides, nine of whom are his closest loyalists. The Commission is empowered to investigate and even call for and examine bank details of persons about whom allegations are made. The expectation is that those named will be castigated in the public domain whether or not they are guilty of any wrongdoing.

Sirisena

The first of these exercises target Minister of Public Enterprise and Kandy City Development Lakshman Kiriella through his daughter Chami Kiriella. Chami is a graduate from the London School of Economics and is likely to contest the next Parliamentary Election from the Kandy District with a good chance of securing victory. The allegation against her began a year ago when it was reported that she had earned a whopping Rs 300 million in commissions.

Sirisena, whose political fortunes have taken a serious dip over the past three years has all but declared intention to go for a second term despite fervent pledges not to. Wickremesinghe is tipped to be the UNP candidate for the first time in almost twenty years, that party opting to back Sarath Fonseka in 2010 and Sirisena in 2015. However, given that Wickremesinghe and the UNP, like Sirisena and his party, the SLFP, are in decline while the probable candidate of the Joint Opposition, former president Mahinda Rajapaksa’s brother Gotabaya is possible candidacy is gathering momentum. While a Gotabaya candidacy will face a stiff challenge from Wickremesinghe, a situation where Sirisena runs for President with Gotabaya as his virtual running mate would fare better, according to the architects of this ‘master plan’. Hence these moves to vilify and weaken Wickremesinghe by moving the Bribery Commission against his loyalists and their immediate family members. While such investigations typically drag for years they easily feed vilification mills, a reality that the ‘Sirisena-Gota Combine’ is counting on, according to sources close to the President.

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Gotabhaya very ‘unpopular’, outgoing US Amb tells MR

Inquires about recent visit to Beijing... 

By Shamindra Ferdinando-June 13, 2018, 12:05 pm

Outgoing US Ambassador Atul Keshap has told former President Mahinda Rajapaksa that his brother, Gotabhaya was very unpopular.

Indian American Keshap has based his assessment on information received by him, a spokesperson for the former President’s Office told The Island yesterday.Career diplomat Keshap succeeded Michele J. Sison in March 2015. He took over the mission in late August 2015.

Keshap paid a courtesy call on former President Rajapaksa at the latter’s Wijerama Mawatha residence on Sunday evening.

Keshap has also inquired about Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s recent visit to China ahead of Viyathmaga 2018 annual convention on May 13 at the Shangri-la, Colombo.

The spokesperson said that Keshap had also referred to the then Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, Indian American Nisha Biswal meeting with the then Defence Secretary Rajapaksa in early Feb. 2014. Keshap alleged that Rajapaksa hadn’t treated Biswal courteously.

Ambassador Keshap spearheaded high profile US project to adopt Geneva Resolution backed by Colombo to pave the way for foreigners including Commonwealth judges on a judicial mechanism to address accountability issues.

Following the meeting with Biswal before she left for Jaffna, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa told The Island that the official hadn’t been properly briefed by the US Embassy in Colombo.

Fielding a query by The Island, the spokesperson for the ex-President categorically denied that the outgoing US Ambassador had warned the former President Rajapaksa against fielding Gotabhaya Rajapaksa as Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (Joint Opposition) presidential candidate. He said the question of Gotabhaya’s candidature had not figured in talks.

Chairman of SLPP and former External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris on Monday told The Island that former President Rajapaksa would announce their presidential candidate at the most opportune moment.

Meanwhile, UPFA MP Udaya Gammanpila told the media on Monday (June 11) that Gotabhaya Rajapaksa could renounce his US citizenship anytime.

Addressing the media at his Pita Kotte office, Gammanpila explained the simple procedure in giving up the US nationality as and when one wanted to do so.

US embassy on Keshap’s meeting with MR

A spokesperson for the US embassy said: The Ambassador meets routinely with political leaders, civil society and community leaders. The official said so when The Island sought clarification as regards Tamil media claims that outgoing US Ambassador Atul Keshap had warned former President Rajapaksa against fielding Gotabhaya Rajapaksa as presidential candidate. The Island asked the embassy whether this particular issue was taken up with the former President?

UNP’s social market makeover?

 Tuesday, 12 June 2018

A reply to Dr. Harsha De Silva

Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s vision for a new economic model for Sri Lanka which was presented at the Viyathmaga Convention 2018 has sparked a discussion among all people in the society. Such civil discourse is important to create an informed citizenry.

State Minister of National Policies and Economic Affairs Dr. Harsha de Silva recently explained his views on the subject. As an educated economist, his explanation is an ideal opportunity for us to differentiate the economic policies of the two political camps in Sri Lanka. As citizens of a representative democracy played by political parties, it is critical that we have a good understanding about their economic policies.


Engine of growth

“Since ’77 we (UNP) call the private sector as the engine of growth in the country,” said Dr de Silva. Although this post-1977 economy is generally called the “Open Economy” the more suitable term is liberalism or neo-liberalist economy.

Neo-liberalism is the economic model which prescribes complete autonomy of the economy to the private sector with no or very limited government intervention. Privatisation, austerity (continuously reducing government spending on education, health and welfare), taxation, deregulation (removing rules and regulations), increasing competition, foreign direct investment and free trade are all definitive characteristics of a neo-liberal economy. Since it is entirely dependent upon “supply-and-demand” it’s also called a “market-based” economy.

As you know this has been the clear economic model of the UNP since 1977. According to them neo-liberalism is the only way to develop the country. Some (not all) western countries especially the USA used this economic model.



Losing faith

But even those countries have now come to realisation that neo-liberalism does not lead to the “development” we seek. Instead it has created an unimaginable gap between the rich and the poor leading to massive social injustice and irreversible environmental destruction. After the global economic crisis which started in 2008, most countries are becoming “less” liberal in their economic policy.

Britain voting to exit from the European Union’s open economy and the rise of the “America-first” economic model with President Donald Trump and his radical foreign policy in international trade are two explosive examples of this global shift.

Therefore, the neo-liberalists were compelled to somewhat change their theory. Their fall-back is “Social Market (-based) Economy,” which according to Dr. de Silva is the new economic model of the UNP leading up to 2025. In this model the government comes back to intervene in the private sector led economy to assure social justice to all citizens. This is essentially an acceptance of the failure of the neo-liberalist economy.


Evolution of the socialist economy

The SLFP together with its old socialist and new nationalist parties (except JVP) can be best described as “the camp opposed to the UNP’s economic policy”. That point right there is the only point at which these two camps and their people differ.

Having started with the old socialist (and nationalist) economic model, SLFP’s economic experiment comes to a defeat in 1977. Some of the large-scale state enterprises were privatised while the rest were bankrupted. Their economic policy only regains power with the start of Rajapaksa Government in 2005.

But there was a difference. Their economic model looked very different from the pre-1977 era. They seemed to support the private sector growth while intervening in the economy at the same time. Government taking back Sri Lankan airlines, controlling the rupee against the dollar are but a few examples. In other words, they have evolved into a “Socialist Liberal” economic model which is also called a “Mixed Economy”.


Centre-point

If you draw a line placing the neo-liberalism at the right end and the socialist economy at the left end, you find mixed economy at the centre-point. All this time the UNP was at the right end of this line. But this new “Social Market” economy which Dr. de Silva is talking about is closer to former government’s mixed economy.

But I think it’s still right-leaning from the centre because he says they “will bring social justice by improving the efficiencies of the private sector”; carefully chosen words. If that is true, then I’m pleasantly surprised by this radical change in the UNP’s economic policy!

The “Socialist Market” economy which Gotabaya Rajapaksa is proposing is I think left-leaning from the centre. Because he says in his speech, “While growing the economy through socialist market-based model, the sovereignty and the culture of the country must be preserved.” He needs to further elaborate on his vision and engage in public discourse.

This is why the UNP’s 2025 economic model and Viyathmaga 2030 economic model look similar on the first glance. Both sides are near the centre but leaning to either side. That subtle but hugely important difference must be understood by the citizens (although I used a linear example for ease of explanation, the more appropriate analysis should be made using the below matrix).

What is equally important to policy is the ability to implement them. Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s speech should not be taken in isolation but compared with the rest of the speakers at the Viyathmaga convention. For example, my speech about social innovation and building a futuristic social enterprise sector should be discussed in this context as a practical way for his model. The need for a wide platform to discuss and debate these ideas and more has never felt more important than now.


False interpretations

It was unfortunate that Dr. de Silva limits his explanation to a petty political agenda towards the end. He conflates local context with China and its communist party. His cheap attempt to create a false fear among the private sector leaders here, undermines his professionalism. I’m sure he knows about the massive reforms taking place in the Chinese state-enterprise sector. And he should know that even their own golden standard, the Government of Singapore owns more or less some of the biggest enterprises in their country and abroad.

Many European governments and the richest Middle Eastern governments own some of their largest enterprises. They earn large profits by managing those state-enterprises competitively and efficiently. That profit is reinvested in the welfare of the citizens of their nations through education, health, energy, transport and even to support the private sector.

And those countries also actively promote the growth of their private sector which supports the development of their nation. Their economic policy interventions keep the welfare of their people and the integrity of their country at heart. Which is why even during the worst times of the recent recession, the UK kept on investing in their Social Enterprise sector. In fact, they all follow “Socialist Market-based” economy. They just use different strategies. It’s just that they don’t admit it due to their antipathy to the word “socialist”.


Truth and falsity

As you can see, Gotahaya Rajapaksa’s economic vision is more progressive than even that of the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government. It opens up completely new possibilities for innovating and future-proofing our economy and to discuss concepts like Social Enterprise, Universal Basic Income, and Impact Investing.

If we are to fear about anything, then it should be about what President Maithripala Sirisena spoke recently. He said, if it wasn’t for him and his SLFP Members of Parliament, there would be no Bank of Ceylon, People’s Bank or National Savings Bank by now. Was he trying to tell us how he prevented the UNP’s neo-liberal tactics of privatisation of State banks?

Is this “Social Market” makeover of the UNP genuinely truthful? Or is it just another deceitfully-elegant term like “Good Governance” taught to them perhaps by their foreign masters? But if it is the truth, then they must prove it with practical action. But whether they have enough time for that is another question.

(The writer is a Social Entrepreneur and Ambassador for Democracy Earth.)