Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, May 22, 2018

Ra Ra Ra Bombiye: Cultural adaptation and indigenous resistance

The cultural adaptation and indigenous resistance in Sri Lankan society (like in any other healthy society) are most represented undoubtedly in Sunil Sarath Perera’s lyrics for the new ‘bombiye’ song.

by Laksiri Fernando-
( May 23, 2018, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) During the Sinhala-Tamil New Year celebrations in Adelaide (Australia) this year, there was a dance performance based on Sunil Edirisinghe’s Ra Ra Ra Bombiye. Similar performances have been held elsewhere this year and before where Sri Lankans live, and some are in the YouTube.
This reminded me of what I knew about a song as a child in early 1950s, probably popular since early 20th century. It had a strong regular rhythm like the present.
Ta Ra Ra Ra Bombiye
Urugasmanhandiye
Suddho Enawa Jalliye
Dora Wahapanko Nangiye  
When I listened to Edirisinghe’s song, the tune was vaguely similar, but not the same. The lyrics were much different, written by renowned lyricist, Sunil Sarath Perera. However, there was a similarity between what he was saying in the present song, and what I have heard when I was a child. In both, there was cultural adaptation and indigenous resistance.
Origins of ‘Ta Ra Bombiye’
The first line and sounds (tune) that I knew of in ‘Ta Ra Ra Ra Bombiye’ were not of Sri Lankan origin. However, Perera has adapted the first line creatively perhaps to mean ‘drinking toddy’! I first came to know of their overseas origins some years back when I was reading through George Orwell’s ‘Homage to Catalonia.’ The republican soldiers were singing the song beginning with ‘Ta ra ra boom-de-ay’ perhaps to ease their tiredness and war fatigue during the Spanish civil war against fascism in late 1930s.
But the real origins were much earlier, as I know now through Wikipedia. Although the authorship popularly goes to Henry Sayers, sung initially by Mamie Gilroy in Boston in 1891, Sayers had admitted later that he adapted it from the black singer Mama Lou. What had become most popular was the version sung by Lottie Collins in music halls in London in 1892. It is very much similar to the tune I knew.
Lottie Collins, London, 1892
Then how did it come to Sri Lanka? Is there a connection between ‘ta ra bombiye’ and Uragasmanhandiya?
Sri Lankan Adaptation
  1. L. Brohier in his ‘Seeing Ceylon’ gives an important clue to the Sri Lankan adaptation. He refers to Uragasmanhandiya in the Galle district, off Kosgoda. He says,
“For a decade and two years from· 1900 this open, rolling country, four miles from Kosgoda railway station, was the venue of the annual camp of instruction of the Ceylon Volunteers. It was then known as Uragasmanhandya-a name which inspired the first line of a marching-song, Ta-ra, ra-ra Bumbiah…. Uragasmanhandiya!”
Now in terms of my little song of early 1950s, what appears is that while adapting this British (military) volunteers’ marching or recreation song, the Sinhala folk or baila singers expressed fears about these soldiers or white men, roamed around villages in the coastal belt, and warned young women to be careful.
What it literally said was: ‘Hurry, hurry, close the door sister, white men are coming from Uragasmanhandiya.’
Afrikaner Connection?  
Brohier says, the Ceylon volunteers were there at Uragaha only for annual camps. But after the Boer war in South Africa (1899-1902), over 5,000 Afrikaner prisoners were brought to Ceylon and many were stationed in Uragasmanhandiya, apart from Diyatalawa, Ragama, Hambantota and Mount Lavinia. Some of them were on parole, therefore they roamed around the villages with some money in hand.
Therefore, it is also possible that the song that I knew during my childhood was referring to these ‘Suddhas’ (white men) of Afrikaner origin. While local men freely moved and mixed with them, the women were carefully protected from these ‘whites.’ I have heard some stories about them from my aunts as some of these Afrikaners were in Mount Lavinia, though well before my time, not far from where we were living in Moratuwa. The Mount Lavinia camp was basically a hospital/recuperation centre and nurses and attendants were going from Moratuwa to treat them.
I also remember some other songs, cannot be of Sri Lankan origin and so far I have no clue to trace their real origins, other than suspecting them as Afrikaner mixed with English. Two of them goes like ‘Jin gan goli goli wachcha, jin gan go…’ and ‘Cerus ponder, cerus ponder, cerus ponder get set set….’ I may be completely mistaken. What I most remember are the tunes and hope somebody else might be able to throw some light.
Adaptation and Resistance    
The cultural adaptation and indigenous resistance in Sri Lankan society (like in any other healthy society) are most represented undoubtedly in Sunil Sarath Perera’s lyrics for the new ‘bombiye’ song. In the first verse, it goes like the following.
Ra ra ra bombiye
Muwa weyan nangiye (beware my sister)
Ra ra ra bombiye
Muwa weyan malliye (beware my brother)
Japan mandolin nadakara (playing Japanese mandolin)    
Awurudu ai handiye (new year is around the corner)  
In essence, the whole song asks the youngsters (young sisters and brothers) to beware or be weary of culturally vulgarized new year celebrations coming in different forms and shapes. The essence of the song is in the fourth verse. It goes like: ‘from time to time comes, different songs and dance’ (kalen kaleta kiyawai neka neka baila). Then says, ‘act with wisdom, to protect the country and language’ (desa basa rakumata nuwanin wadakerapalla).’
To me, it does not appear that Sarath Perera or Sunil Edirisinghe is completely against cultural change or adaptation through ‘other’ influences. What they say is for the youngsters to be mindful or act with wisdom to protect the country, culture, traditions and language. This ‘protection’ or development is an evolving process. Nothing should be done blindly.
New Dimensions
There are undoubtedly new dimensions of cultural adaptation and retention. Most challenging perhaps are the circumstances that faced by those who migrate to other countries for work or for good.
There are two weekend teledramas, ‘Nathaliya’ and ‘Vesuvius Kandu Pamula’ (Beneath the Mountain Vesuvius) now televised on ITN and Rupavahini respectively. Nathaliya is a teenage girl born to a Sri Lankan (Tamil) father and a Norwegian mother, in fact performed by such a young person. The other teledrama, ‘Vesuvius,’ though less poignant, depicts the challenges of adaptation by rather some migrants in Italy.
Setting aside the artistic value, perhaps not that great, what is amazing is the participation of Norwegian and Italian actors in these teledramas. The dialogues in Sinhala, Norwegian and English are another novel aspect of ‘Nathalia.’ This kind of ‘inter-mixing’ is something actually going on in many countries where Sri Lankans are now living. Therefore, both dramas might shed some light on the new dimensions of cultural adaptation and retention, although the main themes are different to each other in the two productions.
Cultural Intermixing
Although during the last nineteen years of TV history, nearly a thousand of teledramas in Sinhala and Tamil have been produced, except perhaps Sandya Hewamanna (Stitching Identities in a Free Trade Zone: Gender and Politics in Sri Lanka), no one has seriously used teledrama as material for social analysis to my knowledge. There are only a few teledrama reviews available and an admirable one is by Roel Raymond (‘Seven Iconic Teledramas’).
The power of teledrama in raising awareness on the ‘unity of humanity’ while ‘recognizing cultural diversity’ cannot be disputed. This is quite useful in ethnic or national reconciliation as well. Entertainment mixed with knowledge or awareness might be the best. In this context, what comes closer to what I have been talking about as ‘cultural adaptation and indigenous resistance/retention’ is Vihanga Thathsiru’s children’s teledrama, ‘Bonchi Gedara Indrajala’ (Magic in the Bean House) televised on ITN in 2016. To me, this is another or a new version of old ‘Ta ra ra boom de ay.’
In 71 creative episodes, the story reveals several dimensions of cultural intermixing through human contact of different ethnicities (English and Sinhala in this case), amazing name and word similarities, what the author calls ‘dreaming in dreaming’ (hinayak matha hinayak), Sinhala folklore, and pure ‘tongue in cheek’ dialogues. The English fairy tale, ‘Jack and the Beanstalk’ has been an inspiration. The whole drama unfolding throughout the series is both creative and artistic with superb humorous acting by a group children; Pradeep Dharmadasa performing as the iconic teacher, who creates the stories for his students.
The impetus for his imagination is the two students in his class, one white (Jackie) and one brown (Andre), with probably two different ancestral origins, one local and the other foreign. A grandmother Lily lands with her grandson Jack in Kiridiwala, Devundara, in ancient times after shipwreck. They mix with the local community harmoniously and grandmother Lily becomes known as ‘Gam Meda Lily.’ The first to meet them was Andara whose name now goes as Andre even among Sinhalese.
How did they first communicate? The author says: ‘if your eyes are honest and open, they (Jack and Andara) realized that they can understand the language they speak’ (as deka awanka nam, kathakarana bashawa therum gatha haki bawa dedenama therum gaththa). Perhaps this is true of first communications of all languages. Otherwise, there are no god given intermediaries between languages. Through this story, the authors and actors demonstrate how societies adapt and resist cultural influences from outside.
The teledrama ‘Bonchi Gedera Indrajala’ is an imaginary story. However, what I have outlined before in respect of ‘Ta ra ra bombiye’ during my childhood or now sung by Sunil Edirisinghe is not imaginary, but real and historical. All tell a story of how societies adapt and resist cultural influences from outside.

WORLD: Right to Justice – A speech by the Chairperson of AHRC delivered on 17 May 2018 at the Gwangju Human Rights Forum

AHRC LogoMay 20, 2018

Systemic Ways to Ensure Human Rights Are Protected
A. Human Rights and the Violation of those Rights
Let’s start at the very beginning, a very good place to start. When you read, you begin with A, B, C. When you sing, you begin with Do, Re, Mi. When you discuss human rights, you start with those rights; and when you talk about the violations of those rights, you cite some examples of those violations.

Palestinian leaders refer Israel to ICC for war crimes


Palestinian representative says 'further delaying justice for Palestinian victims is tantamount to denial of justice'

Palestinian leaders say there is ample evidence of Israeli war crimes against their people (AFP)

 


Tuesday 22 May 2018

Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki asked prosecutors at the International Criminal Court on Tuesday to launch a full investigation into accusations of Israeli human rights abuses on Palestinian territory, saying the evidence was "insurmountable".
Maliki submitted a "referral" giving the prosecutor at the Hague-based court the legal basis to move beyond a preliminary inquiry started in January 2015.
He said the request would give prosecutors the authority to investigate alleged crimes starting in 2014 and beyond, including last week's deaths during protests in Gaza.
We believe there is ample and insurmountable evidence 
- Riyad al-Maliki, Palestinian foreign minister
"We believe there is ample and insurmountable evidence to that effect and we believe that proceeding with an investigation is the right and needed course of action," he said.
The International Criminal Court has the authority to hear cases of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity committed on the territory of the 123 countries that have signed up to it. Israel has not joined the court, but because the Palestinians have, Israelis could be targeted for crimes committed on Palestinian lands.
The decision by the Palestinians to join the court was opposed by major powers, who feared it could damage chances for peace talks.
"Through judicial referral we want. ..the office of the prosecutor to open without delay an investigation into all crimes," Maliki said after meeting with chief ICC prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda.
"Further delaying justice for Palestinian victims is also tantamount to denial of justice."
Israel criticises move
Israel rejected Tuesday's move as "legally invalid", saying the court lacks jurisdiction because the Palestinian Authority is not a state and Israel abides by international law.
"The Palestinians continue to exploit the court for political purposes, rather than work towards resuming the peace process with Israel," the foreign ministry said in a statement.
"It is absurd that the Palestinian actions vis-a-vis the court come at a time when the Palestinians continue to incite to acts of terrorism," it said.
The court's prosecutors launched an initial investigation into allegations against Israel when the Palestinians first joined the court in 2015. Tuesday's referral allows that investigation to proceed to the next stage of a full investigation, without waiting for a judge to give approval.
Harvard legal expert Alex Whiting, a former ICC prosecutor, said on Twitter that the referral "has a real effect … it is much harder for the office of the prosecutor to stay in the preliminary investigation phase for years".
The ICC, which opened in July 2002, is a court of last resort, only stepping in when a state is unwilling or unable to investigate crimes on its territory. 

Don’t Blame Hamas for the Gaza Bloodshed

Israel has a right to defend its borders, but shooting unarmed protesters who haven’t breached its frontier is disproportionate and illegal.

The body of Jamal Affana, 15, is brought through a Rafa alleyway in the Gaza Strip on May 13 after he succumbed to a gunshot wound. Affana was killed by an Israeli sniper while participating in demonstrations. (SPENCER PLATT/GETTY IMAGES)

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BY 
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Since demonstrations began on March 30, Israeli soldiers have shot and killed more than 100 Palestinian protesters inside the Gaza Strip, near the border fence separating Gaza from Israeli territory. Israel’s government is responding to international criticism of the killings in Gaza with a line of argument it has used since the 2007 takeover of Gaza by Hamas. We regret the harm to Palestinians in Gaza, Israel is saying, but it’s unavoidable, because Hamas controls everything in Gaza, and we can’t act against Hamas without also harming protesters.

That’s the response Israel used until 2010 to defend punitive restrictions on the transport of goods, included some foods, into Gaza. That’s the response Israel uses to explain why it still b
locks travel and prevents most of Gaza’s outgoing goods from leaving for external markets, two of the many restrictions that have driven unemployment in Gaza to 49 percent. And that’s the response that Israel has given, with official U.S. backing, to rebuff condemnation of its killing of more than 100 Palestinians and the maiming and wounding of thousands more, in seven weeks of demonstrations inside Gaza, near the Israeli border.

On Friday, the United Nations Human Rights Council voted 29-2 to create an independent investigation into the shooting, a resolution that Israel rejected as reflecting what it calls an anti-Israel bias of the council.

The Israeli government has already laid out its defense in a domestic court challenge brought by Israeli human rights groups. The government argued in a court briefing that “this is not a popular or spontaneous protest. These violent disturbances were organized, coordinated and directed by Hamas, a terrorist organization engaged in armed conflict with Israel.” A spokesman for the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump, Raj Shah, was quick to echo that argument last week: “The responsibility for these tragic deaths rests squarely with Hamas,” he said.

Certainly Hamas has supported the protests in Gaza, where its control is palpable. Criticism of Hamas rule can be punishable by arrest and torture, as Human Rights Watch has documented. Hamas reviews the sermons at Gaza’s mosques, and those sermons now tell worshipers to join the demonstrations at the Gaza border. On ordinary days, Hamas police officers prevent demonstrators from coming within 1,000 feet of the border fence inside Gaza, the distance that Israel has declared to be a “no go zone.” Since March 30, Hamas has allowed protesters through and hired buses to transport people to the demonstrations.

Some demonstrators said that Hamas representatives entered tents near the border and encouraged women to join the protests closer to the border fence. Hamas leader Mahmoud al-Zahar boasted in a television interview that the demonstrations had been bolstered by Hamas weaponry.

And yet the protests have grassroots origins and grassroots participation. They began with activist posts on Facebook calling for people to demonstrate on the 70th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe) — the flight and expulsion of more than 700,000 Palestinians that accompanied Israel’s creation in 1948. The committee that is publicly responsible for organizing the demonstrations includes nongovernmental groups and representatives of the major political factions in Gaza, and protest activities have included family picnics and folk dancing.

Witnesses told Human Rights Watch investigators that most protesters were not searched, although there was at least one eyewitness report of Hamas security officials preventing a demonstrator from carrying a Kalashnikov rifle, apparently out of concern over escalation. Protesters reported seeing a small number of armed men at the demonstrations, and a larger number of people hurling rocks, including with slingshots; throwing firebombs; and launching kites with incendiary materials.

Yet under the international standards for policing demonstrations, even the use of rocks or firebombs does not justify lethal force, absent an imminent threat to life. It doesn’t matter whom the protesters support or who, if anyone, encouraged them to demonstrate. Lethal force can only be used when strictly necessary to protect against an imminent threat to life.

The Israeli government acknowledges the international law enforcement standard but says its forces will fire live rounds even before a threat to life becomes imminent, because it believes that Hamas will exploit the presence of thousands of demonstrators to breach the border fences. That essentially empties the word “imminent” of any meaning. It ignores the nonlethal means, such as tear gas, skunk water, and rubber-coated steel pellets, that Israel can and should exhaust to protect its border. Even if those methods were to fail (and they haven’t been exhausted), Israel would be justified in using lethal force only if a border breach presents an imminent threat to life. Israeli troops and snipers currently fire from well-fortified positions inside Israel, behind two fences, and, in key locations, behind ditches dug to prevent border crossings. They receive footage from drones hovering over Gaza and have backup from additional personnel and equipment located farther inside Israel. Since the protests began, Israel has reported only a single injury among its troops.

Human Rights Watch interviewed demonstrators who said they came to protest the U.S. Embassy move to Jerusalem peacefully and were shot by snipers far from the fences, which remain intact. Many demonstrators are young people who say they are protesting years of punitive travel restrictions that have devastated the economy and blocked access to schools, family visits, and medical care. Unemployment in Gaza is 65 percent among young people and about 80 percent among young women. The protests are not just at the Israeli border: Palestinian social media is buzzing this week over a video of a young man setting himself on fire in Gaza to protest the economic situation.

Israeli and American officials claim that Israel has no choice but to respond to the threat it sees from Hamas by lashing out at residents of Gaza, causing suffering, and even injuries and death. That has been the failed Israeli course of action, backed by the United States, since Hamas forcibly took control of Gaza in 2007 after winning a plurality of votes from Palestinians in East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank in 2006 and briefly sharing power with its rival, Fatah. Israel, which controls most of Gaza’s crossings, territorial waters, and airspace, and the border strip inside Gaza, sealed the crossings, allowing passage for people only under “exceptional humanitarian circumstances,” blocking outgoing goods, and limiting incoming supplies. With a few exceptions, Egypt has also closed its border with Gaza.

Until 2010, Israel counted the number of calories that Gaza residents would be allowed to consume, sorted by age and gender, and then used mathematical formulas to restrict the amount of food entering Gaza to no more than what Israeli officials deemed necessary. The Israeli government defended the restrictions as “economic warfare” aimed at weakening Hamas by restricting supplies to residents of Gaza and halting production and trade.

It had the opposite effect. Faced with these shortages, the Hamas regime in Gaza consolidated power, handing out food and cash to the poor, hiring the unemployed as public servants, and opening a lucrative trading system via tunnels underneath the border with Egypt.

By treating all Gaza residents, the majority of whom are children, as Hamas, Israel helped Hamas grow in strength. Hamas raised funds from taxes on tunnel goods, made people dependent on its largesse, and took over commercial trade, while ordinary people in Gaza were subjected to punitive and unlawful restrictions on their freedom of movement.

The Israeli government is making a similar mistake now by treating all the protesters as agents of Hamas and then using lethal force against them, in the absence of an imminent threat to life. Hamas control over Gaza may pose a security threat to Israel, but it cannot justify unlawful acts by Israel against Gaza’s civilian residents.

Aziz Awisat 
 Addameer

Tamara Nassar-21 May 2018
Israel bears full responsibility for the death of Palestinian prisoner Aziz Awisat, Palestinian human rights and prisoner advocacy groups say.
Awisat, 53, was severely beaten by Israeli officers after allegedly pouring hot water on a guard in Beersheba prison on 2 May.
After his health deteriorated, Awisat was taken to a prison clinic in Ramle on 7 May where he had a stroke two days later. He passed away in a hospital near Tel Aviv on Sunday.
Khalid Mahajneh, a lawyer with the Palestinian Prisoners Club, said that the prisoner had acute organ failure and was connected to an artificial respirator upon his transfer to the Tel Aviv hospital.

Medical neglect the norm

Awisat, from Jabal al-Mukabir in occupied East Jerusalem, was arrested by Israel in 2014 and sentenced to 30 years in prison.
Israeli occupation forces accused Awisat of attempting an attack on a settlement built on land expropriated from Jabal al-Mukabir.
Issa Qaraqe, head of the Palestinian Authority’s prisoners affairs committee, said Awisat was “beaten to death.” Qaraqe called on the United Nations to investigate the “real reasons” behind Awisat’s death and to hold perpetrators accountable.
Palestinian prisoner rights group Addameer, which says four Palestinians have died in Israeli detention so far this year, echoed Qaraqe’s call for an international investigation and urged the World Health Organization to visit prison clinics “in order to document the inadequate level of healthcare.”
Medical neglect of Palestinians jailed by Israel “is the norm, rather than the exception,” according to Addameer.
Israa Jaabis, 32, who was recently awarded Woman of Palestine 2017 by the Palestinian Authority women’s affairs ministry, is but one example.
Jaabis, also from occupied East Jerusalem, was severely injured after a cooking gas canister caused a fire in her car in October 2015. Israel accused her of attempting an attack and sentenced her to 11 years in prison.
Sixty percent of Jaabis’ body is covered in burns and she has lost eight fingers, but Israel refuses to provide her with adequate medical treatment. She needs multiple surgeries, has intense pain in her hands and feet and cannot care for herself, she stated earlier this year.
Jaabis appealed her sentence citing her “inability to perform essential functions behind bars and the lack of adequate medical treatment provided to her,” according to the campaign group SamidounIsrael’s high court rejected her appeal.

Tamimi child arrested again

Also on Sunday, Israeli undercover agents disguised as Palestinian civilians arrested teenager Muhammad Fadel Tamimi in the occupied West Bank village of Nabi Saleh for allegedly throwing stones.

: video of @IL_police brutality towards protesters expressing solidarity w/ Friday. @MossawaCenter chief Jafar Farah was arrested in this protest & his leg was reportedly broken in the police station after the protest - via @AdalahEnglish pic.twitter.com/eYhfs1LSAn
: 15-year-old Mohammed Tamimi, 's cousin, was arrested again yesterday & released today. @IDFSpokesperson claims he was throwing stones. Family says police abducted him near his house. Here's a video his cousin @JannaJihad1 did after he disappeared pic.twitter.com/jgB7R7TL5R
Muhammad was forced into a civilian car with Palestinian licence plates and taken to a West Bank detention center.
Muhammad was released hours later after he was determined to be in poor health.
The 15-year-old is recovering from devastating head injuries after being shot with a rubber-coated metal bullet fired at close range in December.
One-third of Muhammad’s skull was removed as a result of his injury.

Muhammad Fadel Tamimi photographed in the village of Nabi Saleh on 5 January. 
 Oren ZivActiveStills

Muhammad was arrested by Israeli forces in February while awaiting major reconstructive surgery and forced to falsely confess, without a lawyer or a parent present, that his skull injuries were incurred after he fell off his bike.
His 17-year-old cousin, Ahed Tamimi, was sentenced to eight months in Israeli prison for slapping and shoving two heavily armed Israeli soldiers shortly after Muhammad was shot.

At least nine dead after police fire on protesters at Indian copper smelter



Sudarshan Varadhan-MAY 22, 2018

NEW DELHI (Reuters) - At least nine people were killed in India’s Tamil Nadu state on Tuesday when police fired at violent protesters calling for the closure of a copper smelter run by Vedanta Resources, authorities said. (VED.L)

The state’s chief minister, Edappadi K. Palaniswami, said police had been forced to act after the protests turned violent, and that nine people had been killed. The state’s governor put the death toll at 11.
The head of the national opposition Congress party, Rahul Gandhi, condemned the use of lethal force, calling it “a brutal example of state-sponsored terrorism”.

Residents of the port city of Thootukudi, located at the tip of the Indian subcontinent, and environmentalists have been demonstrating for more than three months against the copper plant, one of India’s biggest, alleging that it is a major source of pollution and a risk to fisheries.
On Tuesday, a crowd waving black flags stormed the district government headquarters and an apartment block for Vedanta employees, a company official said, declining to be named for fear of being targeted.

Protesters set vehicles on fire and threw stones at police, Palaniswami said in a statement.
He said police had been forced to act “since protesters disregarded a curfew, acted against the advice of police”, and indulged in violence.

“MURDERED FOR PROTESTING”

Gandhi tweeted: “The gunning down by the police of nine people in ... Tamil Nadu, is a brutal example of state-sponsored terrorism. These citizens were murdered for protesting against injustice. My thoughts & prayers are with the families of these martyrs and the injured.”

Local television showed police trying to disperse the crowd with tear gas and a policeman firing shots from the top of a van. Smoke rose from several parts of the city.


Women shout slogans during a protest against the government and police forces after at least nine people were killed when police fired at protesters calling for the closure of a Vedanta Resources-controlled copper smelter in Thootukudi, in southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, in Chennai, India, May 22, 2018. REUTERS/P.Ravikumar

State Minister D. Jayakumar said in a televised address that it had been “unavoidable” for police to fire on protesters.

The plant, which can produce 400,000 tonnes of copper a year, has been shut for more than 50 days and will remain closed until at least June 6 because the local pollution regulator has said it is not complying with environmental rules.

Environmental activists and some local politicians want the government to shut the plant permanently.

“The inaction of the government has led to the people’s protests, and police resorting to firing to control it. Action should be taken to shut down the plant immediately to address this issue,” M.K. Stalin, leader of the main opposition group in Tamil Nadu, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, said in a Facebook post.


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