Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, May 19, 2018

Sexpat Journalists Are Ruining Asia Coverage


(Spencer Platt/Getty Images/Foreign Policy illustration) 
No automatic alt text available.
BY 
| 
Today, I’m known as a strong advocate in my social circles, promoting women’s and minorities’ voices in media. But when I first moved to China seven years ago, as a 23-year-old Canadian reporter of Chinese ancestry, it was a different story. To some men in my professional network, I was a target, not a peer.

But the path from silent target to advocate has been a rocky one, a road signposted by incidents of harassment and aggression.

Once, a fellow journalist exited our shared taxi outside my apartment. I thought we were sharing a cab to our respective homes, but he had other expectations, and suddenly his tongue was in my face. On another evening, another journalist grabbed my wrist and dragged me out of a nightclub without a word. I was clearly too drunk to consent; it was a caveman approach to get me into bed while I was intoxicated. And on yet another occasion, in a Beijing restaurant, a Western public relations executive reached under my dress and grabbed my crotch.

The incidents aren’t limited by proximity. I have received multiple unsolicited “dick pics” from foreign correspondents — generally on the highly monitored messaging service WeChat

. Somewhere deep in the Chinese surveillance apparatus there is a startling collection of images of journalists’ genitalia.

The #MeToo campaign has reminded us of how common these stories are — but the behavior of foreign men working abroad has, in my experience, been far worse than anything I ever experienced at home. Fortunately for me, I’ve experienced this only as part of the wider journalist community, not in my own workplaces – but others haven’t been so lucky. The phenomenon is not a problem unique to the press, but it’s one that’s especially problematic for journalists.

A somber meeting this Tuesday of the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of China, which represents the interests of foreign journalists in a difficult local environment, provided another painful example of this. As the New York Times reported, former club president Jonathan Kaiman, who had resigned in January after being accused of sexual misconduct by Laura Tucker, a former friend of his, was now accused of sexually assaulting a female journalist, Felicia Sonmez. After the second accusation, the Los Angeles Times quickly suspended him from his role as Beijing bureau chief and has begun an investigation. But as the Hong Kong Free Press noted, the original accusation had prompted many male correspondents to launch misogynistic attacks on Tucker in online conversations.

Such actions, and entitlement, reflect a sense of privilege and a penchant for sexual aggression that threatens to distort the stories told about Asia, and that too often leaves the telling in the hands of the same men preying on their colleagues. I have seen correspondents I know to be serial offenders in private take the lead role in reporting on the sufferings of Asian women, or boast of their bravery in covering human rights. In too many stories, Asian men are treated as the sole meaningful actors, while Asian women are reduced to sex objects or victims. And this bad behavior — and the bad coverage that follows — is a pattern that repeats across Asia, from Tokyo to Phnom Penh.

To be sure, some of the most vocal male advocates for women I’ve known have been people reacting against this dynamic among their peers. But a few good men aside, the entitlement and actions of many of the men I have encountered in media-related industries from Hong Kong and Beijing was unlike anything I encountered at home in Vancouver, Canada, or as a student in New York. The corrosive culture of expatriates spans multiple countries, and bad sexual behavior — dubbed “sexpat behavior” in the expat world — is hardly confined to tourists. Often the worst damage is done by men ensconced in positions of influence in journalism, diplomacy, and international business.

At the core of the problem is a lack of accountability. Behavior that could (or should) get you fired in New York often goes unremarked on in Beijing or Kuala Lumpur, where remote foreign offices have little contact with the home base and, in some cases, no mechanisms for employees to report abuse. Even when cases are reported, correspondents are sometimes simply quietly transferred to another part of Asia.

“I think a lot of expat men — especially in China and Southeast Asia — have a pretty messed up view of women,” a male photographer based in southern China saysHe requested anonymity because he wasn’t authorized to speak with press. “I think some of them get away with being one way at home, but when they find themselves in these places where sex is so easily available — especially if you’re a white dude and some local women see status in that — some men abuse it.”

The problems are worsened by the unequal power dynamics in the offices of multinational media that employ “local staff” to provide translation, conduct research, and navigate complex bureaucracies, but pay them a fraction of what their foreign colleagues earn. In China, these “news assistants” are mostly young women. This pattern is mirrored in other countries, where the pool of those with the English-language skills needed for the job often skew female.  “Many people, especially those with real regional and local knowledge, are not hired on proper terms and have little or no recourse to the law or to union support, or even just commonsense support and mentoring,” says Didi Kirsten Tatlow, a Hong Kong-born journalist. Far-off company headquarters may not know they even exist.

“They have no job security — if there is any conflict, they can be fired the next day,” says Yajun Zhang, a former news assistant. As a result, sexual harassment and gender- or race-based discrimination can occur with impunity. Even if they raise concerns, investigation can often prove extremely difficult over distance and cultural barriers. A process like talking about a superior’s misdeeds that is difficult even in your own country can become an impossible one abroad.

In the past, Asia correspondents would regularly send news assistants on personal errands for which their own language skills were inadequate. That habit has largely faded under pressure for a younger and more diverse generation of reporters. And yet, vulnerable staff continue to take a lead role on reporting, often becoming more exposed to personal risk than the foreign correspondents — while remaining second-class employees in the eyes of the head office.

But the problems of sexual harassment and sexism are hardly limited to local hires.

One foreign correspondent who covered Asia for a top American news outlet for over 15 years tells me she faced blatant sexism from her colleagues throughout her career. At times, she says, male colleagues took credit for her work; one manager told her she couldn’t get a promotion because she has children.

“Without the environment of a fairer legal system, often local bureaus do whatever they want and get away with it, because of clauses that say, ‘local hire,’ or ‘local law applies,’ or ambiguous clauses in the contracts that make any complaint difficult,” she says. Even though these measures are often intended to apply to local hires, they make matters difficult for other staff as well. “When I tried complaining to higher management, they wouldn’t reply, and human resources was also slow to respond.”

Most disturbingly, a source tried to rape the correspondent while she was on assignment in China. She never told her bosses for fear that disclosure would hurt her career.

Journalists parachuting in from the home office for one-off trips have also developed a reputation for treating local residents they rely on for their stories badly — especially women. In Malaysia, one experienced journalist recounts how a senior correspondent for a prestigious American newspaper arrived in Kuala Lumpur for a reporting trip last year and asked for her help. She agreed to provide contacts and he suggested meeting for dinner, which she assumed was a gesture of thanks.

“The conversation was casual at first, but over time he started asking me about my dating life and after that my sex life. I brushed him off by making jokes and tried to change the subject several times to the reporting project he was working on. I went to the washroom, and the moment I walked out, he came towards me, grabbed me, and tried to kiss me. I dodged by moving my head aside and repeated twice, ‘No, this isn’t happening.’ It was a shock, and I could feel he wasn’t wearing any underwear when he grabbed me. I couldn’t wrap my head around what happened, and at the same time I didn’t want to burn bridges with him, because he’s a journalist with one of the most respected publications in the world,” she says, requesting anonymity to avoid professional repercussions.

Matt Schiavenza, a journalist who has covered Asia for the past 10 years and lived in China’s Yunnan province, blamed a combination of factors, including access to cheap alcohol, a sense of being far away from prying eyes, and relative legal impunity overseas for sexual harassers.

“In terms of Western journalists, I think some people have this swinging dick mentality where they’re ‘foreign correspondents’ in a James Bond sense, and fucking a lot of women is part of the cachet,” Schiavenza says.

All of this also drives women out of the industry. Besides objectification, harassment, and assault, female professionals also have to put up with problems such as unequal pay. In January, BBC China editor Carrie Gracie resigned from her post after she discovered that two male international editors at the BBC earned “at least 50% more” than their female counterparts.

As social media has increasingly provided an outlet for journalists to speak about such problems, the issues are becoming apparent to casual news consumers, too. Rui Zhong, a D.C.-based researcher on U.S.-China relations at the Wilson Center, says she noticed with dismay that male journalists were arguing on social media about their own definition of consent in light of #MeToo stories coming out from Asia.

“It wasn’t surprising, because there’s been a lot of backlash to women that came forth with those stories, but it’s especially troubling when journalists have these views, because their reports are one resource that shapes the perspective of policymakers in Washington,” she says. “So, when we’re looking at coverage of gender issues in China, I think it’s reasonable to ask how reporters and analysts view consent themselves. Because that determines what kinds of stories get printed and how victims are portrayed,” she adds.

Working overseas comes with challenges, including potentially greater safety risks, and fellow journalists should make sure that they’re supporting each other instead of being part of the problem. Foreign correspondents in each country tend to see each other as colleagues even when working for competing organizations. This tight-knit quality means people can band together in the face of threats such as police interference, but it can also make it difficult for victims to speak out about harassment or assault.

Western-based organizations should look to integrate staff far closer into their global human resources networks instead of treating them as essentially disposable local hires. This would pay off not just in terms of protecting and diversifying the workforce, but also in deepening the commitment and trust of workers who often feel vulnerable and poorly treated. Even if financial practicalities make having HR staff in every country impossible, head offices need to be available and communicative even with — in fact, especially with — low-ranking staff abroad, or they risk giving predators the space to thrive.

Cash, jewellery, designer bags seized from Malaysian ex-PM Najib


Cartons of designer bags made by Hermes being taken away from the home of former Malaysian PM Najib Razak. Photo Straits Times

 
Dozens of designer handbags stuffed with cash and jewellery were seized during Malaysian police raids on luxury properties linked to former prime minister Najib Razak on Friday, as a corruption probe gathered pace.

Officers removed Hermes, Birkin and Louis Vuitton bags as part of a trove whose value they said they could not yet estimate because of its sheer volume.

In the Taman Duta home of Najib, the police said they seized 52 luxury handbags. The handbags included 16 from Chanel, 10 from Gucci, eight from Versace and five from Oscar de la Renta, the Straits Times reported.

The operation also yielded a haul of ten luxury watches including several Rolexes, a Hublot and a Patek Philippe, as well as RM537,000 (S$181,000) and 2.87 million Sri Lankan rupees (S$24,400) in cash.
Amar Singh, head of Malaysia’s Commercial Crime Investigation Unit speaks with the press
According to Straits Times, the haul was in addition to the 284 boxes containing luxury handbags and 72 bags filled with jewellery, cash of various denominations, watches and other valuables that were seized late on Thursday night after the police raided three apartments owned by Datuk Seri Najib’s family in Pavilion Residences, a posh condominium development in Kuala Lumpur’s shopping district.

At one of these apartments, the police took what was likely to be their biggest haul, loading five police trucks with hundreds of orange boxes containing Hermes Birkin bags. A Birkin costs anywhere between US$12,000 (S$16,105) and US$300,000.

The discovery adds significantly to the peril faced by Najib, who just last week had seemed to be cruising toward an election victory before a stunning upset.

The raids made good on a pledge by the new government headed by 92-year-old Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad to investigate Najib.

Officers had previously declined to comment on the searches.


Najib Razak and his wife, who has unquenchable taste for designer bags, jewellery
But Amar Singh, head of the Malaysian police commercial crime investigation unit, on Friday confirmed the raids were linked to investigations into accusations that Najib, his family, and cronies looted billions from a state investment fund he founded.

“I can’t give an estimated value of the items,” Amar told reporters at the upscale Kuala Lumpur condo complex where the raids were carried out.

“We have sealed the bags but we know they contain money and we know they contain jewellery.”
He said 72 of the bags were filled with large amounts of “various currencies, including Malaysian ringgit, US dollars, watches and jewellery”.

“The amount of jewellery is rather big,” he said.

Footage captured by local media showed cardboard boxes and suitcases, sealed in plastic wrapping, being loaded into a black police truck. It took five trucks to remove all of the seized items, reports said.

Just last week, 64-year-old Najib was widely expected to lead his powerful Barisan Nasional (National Front) political machine to victory, extending a more than six-decade reign that had made it one of the world’s longest-serving governments.

But his coalition — accused of ballot-box stuffing and gerrymandering — was unexpectedly trounced by a diverse alliance that rallied public support against Najib’s suspected corruption and increasingly repressive tactics.

The handbag discovery will add to public scorn for Najib’s wife Rosmah Mansor, who has long been reviled by Malaysians for her perceived haughty demeanour and reported vast collection of designer bags, clothing and jewellery collected on jet-set overseas shopping trips.

Her reputation contributed to voter perceptions of rot in a ruling establishment that had lost touch with economically struggling and middle-class Malaysians.

Mahathir had already barred Najib from leaving the country in the wake of last week’s election over allegations that he oversaw the looting of billions of dollars from sovereign wealth fund 1MDB in a breathtaking and complex campaign of fraud and money-laundering stretching around the world.

The police actions have fuelled speculation in Malaysia that Najib would soon be taken into custody, but so far there has been no indication that his arrest was imminent.

Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim, the former opposition leader who was jailed under Najib but freed on Wednesday, indicated this week that they expected charges to be filed against Najib soon.
Junta targets Pheu Thai Party over criticisms on delayed polls


THAILAND’S junta government pursued legal action against opposition members for allegedly flouting a ban on political activity, among other charges, after they criticised it for reneging on promises to restore democracy and protect basic rights, police said on Friday.

The military, which has ruled since a 2014 coup it said was needed to restore order after months of protests, promised a return to democratic rule within two years, but has repeatedly delayed general elections, most recently set for February 2019.
Police said the junta, formally known as the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), filed the charges late on Thursday after a news conference by the Puea Thai Party, founded by ousted former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.


“Yesterday the NCPO came to file charges against the Puea Thai Party,” Maitri Chimcherd, commander of the Crime Suppression Division, told Reuters.

“We just finished interrogating this morning at 5 am Police must first gather evidence and see if there is sufficient evidence to prosecute.”

Earlier, Puea Thai Party issued a five-page statement accusing the junta of failing to achieve key promises, including reconciliation, dealing with corruption, protecting rights and democracy and improving the economy, according to The Nation.

“They declared that they would reform the political structure but ended up with a Constitution and organic laws that pull democracy far backward and destroy the political party system,” the statement said.

“They declared they would reform the economic and social structure but ended up making people poorer. They have not had tangible success with a single reform agenda, despite having invested much of the budget.”

2018-05-16T230435Z_2099192411_RC120E5F47A0_RTRMADP_3_THAILAND-POLITICS
(File) Cardboards cut-out of Thailand’s Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha are pictured at Government House in Bangkok, Thailand, January 9, 2018. Source: Reuters

The party also lambasted Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha for “failing to show leadership and delaying the election several times and aiming to stay in power for the long-term despite earlier promises”.

“The past four years under the NCPO will take the country into a dark and dangerous future,” it said.

“It is the duty of all Thai people to return to a constitutional monarchy and not allow the absolute regime to destroy democracy any further.”

The party was charged with violating a ban on political activity, sedition and breaking Thailand’s computer crimes act by publicizing the event online, said Burin Thongpraphai, chief of the junta’s legal team.

Since the coup, the junta has banned gatherings of more than five people on grounds of maintaining national security.

The charges were unfair, said Chaturon Chaisang, a senior member of the Puea Thai Party.

“The charges are not proportionate to what happened,” he told Reuters.
“They want to bully the Puea Thai Party.”

Thailand is divided broadly between those backing Thaksin and his sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, whose government was removed in the coup, and the elite in the capital, Bangkok.

The delays in holding elections, which some analysts have said could be pushed back yet again, have spurred protests in Bangkok in recent weeks seeking a quick return to democracy.

As the coup’s fourth anniversary approaches on May 22, the junta faces a crisis of public perceptions, say international and domestic polls that show corruption as rife as ever.

'Maduro would beat Jesus': Venezuelans lament rigged system as election looms

Many fear dirty tricks will keep the unpopular president in power, but the opposition is urging people not to boycott Sunday’s vote
Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro is seeking another’s term, despite leading the country into an economic crisis. Photograph: Ariana Cubillos/AP

John Otis in Caracas @JohnOtis-Sat 19 May 2018

After denouncing Venezuela’s food shortages and hyperinflation in a speech ahead of Sunday’s presidential election, the opposition candidate, Henrí Falcón, sat in his campaign bus, sucking a throat lozenge – and chewing over his predicament.

Falcón ought to be the favorite. He’s up against Nicolás Maduro, the deeply unpopular and increasingly authoritarian president who is seeking another six-year term despite leading this oil-rich nation into its worst economic crisis in decades.

Yet Falcón is the underdog.

He’s resigned to the usual dirty tricks from the ruling Socialist Party, including the use of state food hand-outs to lure hungry people into voting for Maduro.

But what most infuriates him is friendly fire: Venezuela’s largest opposition parties are denouncing Falcón as a stooge for participating in an election they say will be a sham – and which they have vowed to boycott.

“This makes it a lot more complicated,” Falcón admits. “But we are going to take risks and follow the democratic path. Now is not the time for politicians to go into hiding.”

Falcón has been buoyed by polls that show him either ahead or within striking distance of Maduro. He also points to research showing that even on an unfair electoral playing field, it’s almost always better to participate than to stand down.

A 2009 study by the Brookings Institution of more than 100 electoral boycotts – from Afghanistan to Iraq to Peru – found that their goal of rendering elections illegitimate in the eyes of the world was rarely achieved. Instead, they left the boycotting parties in an even weaker state.

Javier Corrales, a Venezuela expert at Amherst College, says that Sunday’s election presents an extremely rare opportunity for voters to remove an autocrat through peaceful means. Surrendering to Maduro, he says, “is the biggest mistake I’ve seen the opposition make in a decade.”

Henrí Falcón, the Venezuelan opposition presidential candidate, at a rally. Photograph: Federico Parra/AFP/Getty Images

The leaders of the largest of the 20-some parties that make up the opposition coalition claim that electoral conditions are so grossly weighted in Maduro’s favor that voting on Sunday would be pointless.

Most electoral officials are Maduro loyalists who, in past elections, have turned a blind eye to vote tampering and the last-minute relocation of polling places in opposition strongholds.

The government controls most TV and radio stations which transmit a constant stream of of pro-Maduro propaganda. It is also fomenting the notion that the ballot is not secret and that people who vote for the opposition will lose government jobs, public housing, and vital food handouts.

Sleeping rough on the streets of Windsor

7 Mar 2018

Back in January, Simon Dudley, leader of Windsor and Maidenhead Council, found himself at the centre of a row after calling on the local police to clear Windsor of homeless people before the royal wedding in May. His comments brought into sharp focus the divide between rich and poor, as homeless figures across the country are on the rise. We spent last week with rough sleepers on the icy streets of Windsor, where even some who do have a place to call home still find themselves out in the cold, struggling with addiction and mental health issues. A warning: this piece by filmmaker Nick Blakemore starts with strong language from a passer-by directed at a homeless person.

Friday, May 18, 2018

Tamils hold prayers in Batticaloa to remember Mullivaikkal massacre

Home18May 2018

Temple prayers were organised in Batticaloa today to remember the massacre of tens of thousands of Tamils by Sri Lankan state forces in 2009. 
Families in Koralaipedu, Batticaloa held a special poosai at Kinnaiyadi Vaavikkarai whilst in Kiraan, the Tamil National Alliance organised at the local Sri Vishnu temple, where TNA MPs and party members participated.

Kinnaiyadi Vaavikkarai, Batticaloa 

Kiraan, Batticaloa 
 

Sri Lanka: Release lists of the forcibly disappeared


18 May 2018, 00:01 UTC
On the ninth anniversary of the end of the war, Amnesty International calls on the government of Sri Lanka to provide information to the families of the disappeared, with detailed lists and information of persons who surrendered to the armed forces in the final phase of the war. The President of Sri Lanka, Maithripala Sirisena, acknowledging the grievances presented by family members in June 2017, promised that he would instruct the National Security Council to release these lists.
According to surviving family members, more than 100 cadres of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a former armed opposition group, who surrendered to the Sri Lankan army near the Vadduvaikkal Bridge in Mullaitivu at the end of the war in May 2009, have subsequently disappeared. Reportedly, one group of surrenders was led by Father Francis Joseph, a Catholic Priest who was disappeared thereafter. According to family members who witnessed the surrenders, they were transported from the site by the army in a convoy of buses: their fate and whereabouts since then remain unknown. Amnesty International reported on this alleged case of mass enforced disappearance in an April 2017 report: “Only Justice Can Heal Our Wounds: Listening to the Demands of Families of the Disappeared in Sri Lanka”
The mass disappearance of those who surrendered at the end of the war is a clear indication of the institutionalization of the practice of enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka. The State’s concealment of the fate, whereabouts and information of the disappeared person triggers criminal responsibility.
Amnesty International
As far back as August 2013, 13 of those families filed habeas corpus applications in the courts of Sri Lanka, seeking information about their whereabouts. They claim to have last seen their family members in the custody of the 58th Division of the Sri Lankan Army. In February 2016, the General Officer Commanding of the Division, Major General Kavinda Chanakya Gunawardena was ordered to submit the list to the Mullaitivu Magistrate court before 19 April 2016. Subsequent to failing to produce this list on two occasions, the Magistrate in late September 2016 ordered the Criminal Investigation Department to investigate. This was after ruling that the documents eventually filed by the army were not a complete record of all those who had been detained by army, but instead reflected only those people who had completed “rehabilitation.”
The President who is also the Chairperson of the National Security Council promised that he would instruct the Council to release lists of persons who surrendered to the Armed forces in the final phase of the war. He is also the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. However, 11 months later these lists have not been released.
The alleged case of mass disappearance has been recorded in a number of reports both domestic and international, including in the government-appointed Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission of Inquiry report as “Representations to the Commission regarding alleged disappearance after surrender/arrest,” as well as the Report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Investigation on Sri Lanka as “Enforced disappearances at the end of the armed conflict.”
Sri Lanka has one of the world’s highest number of disappearances, with a backlog of between 60,000 and 100,000 alleged disappearances since the late 1980s. Given the lack of accountability for these cases, Amnesty International has noted that there is no shortage of examples of thwarted justice in Sri Lanka
Amnesty International
The mass disappearance of those who surrendered at the end of the war is a clear indication of the institutionalization of the practice of enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka. The State’s concealment of the fate, whereabouts and information of the disappeared person triggers criminal responsibility.
Sri Lanka has one of the world’s highest number of disappearances, with a backlog of between 60,000 and 100,000 alleged disappearances since the late 1980s. Given the lack of accountability for these cases, Amnesty International has noted that there is no shortage of examples of thwarted justice in Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka has made welcome progress on the issue of disappearances with the criminalization of enforced disappearances in March 2018, thereby giving partial effect to the International Convention for the Protection of all Persons from Enforced Disappearance and operationalizing the Office of Missing Persons.
However, the government of Sri Lanka must support the spirit of these measures by proactively supporting truth-seeking efforts by the families of the disappeared to get answers, almost a decade after the end of the armed conflict. Likewise, Sri Lanka should promptly recognize the competence of the Committee on Enforced Disappearances to receive and consider communications from or on behalf of victims or their relatives.

Sri Lanka, Nine Years After the War


A woman holds up an image of her family member who disappeared during the civil war with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) at a silent protest to commemorate thethe International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances in Colombo, Sri Lank
A woman holds up an image of her family member who disappeared during the civil war with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) at a silent protest to commemorate thethe International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances in Colombo, Sri Lanka , August 30, 2016. 
 
© 2016 Reuters

Tejshree Thapa-May 18, 2018 

Senior South Asia Researcher
The images are vivid. Soldiers standing over the body of the brutal leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) separatist insurgency, who was for so long considered invincible.
Mahinda Rajapaksa, who was president at that time, kissing the ground in gratitude for the end of a 27-year-long war that resulted in hundreds of thousands killed, injured, or displaced.  
On May 19, 2009, there was general elation in Sri Lanka that the fighting was over.
The government’s victory, however, had come at the cost of serious violations of the laws of war by both sides. During the conflict the LTTE committed sectarian massacres, political assassinations and suicide bombings, widely deployed child soldiers, and executed detainees.
The Sri Lankan military committed countless arbitrary detentions, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances. Abuses in the last stages of the fighting were shockingly egregious. The army indiscriminately shelled civilians used as human shields by the LTTE.  Trophy videos emerged of summary executions of prisoners, and of soldiers jeering over the bodies of women combatants whom they had stripped, possibly raped, and murdered.
Nine years after the war’s end, the search for justice—and answers – remains elusive. Most of the LTTE leadership was wiped out during the final weeks of the conflict, and there are few who can be held accountable for their atrocities today. The LTTE fighters who surrendered at war’s end have been permitted to return home, but over a hundred are still missing.
Some families of the forcibly disappeared have been holding outdoor vigils continuously for over a year seeking answers, despite declarations from the president and prime minister that all the missing are dead.
In 2015 the government responded to intense pressure from victim communities and local activists by pledging to set up transitional justice mechanisms.
While progress has been slow, the Office of Missing Persons has finally begun hearings. The goal now should be to ensure answers, accountability, and reparations. For families of the disappeared, it has been too many long years of waiting.

North-East universities mark Tamil Genocide Day

Home18May 2018

Students and staff at the University of Jaffna and Eastern University held remembrance events today marking the 9th anniversary of the massacre of tens of thousands of Tamils by Sri Lankan armed forces at the end of the conflict in 2009.
Eastern University 


University of Jaffna 

Mullivaikal Commemoration: “Let Us Move Forward Together To Reach Our Political Objectives” – Wigneswaran

logoLet us not continue to be pawns in the hands of scheming individuals or institutions. Let us agitate in a systematic, organized way for Justice for our affected people. Let us move forward together to reach our political objectives. I make this request of you on this emotive day. 
C.V. Wigneswaran
Let us identify ourselves as a determinable group of people, the Tamil People, who were subjected to genocide in this 21st century where human civilization has reached great heights.
Mullivaikal Commemorative Programme 18.05.2009 – 18.05.2018 – Remembering the dead during the conclusion of the war at Mullivaikal, Meeting at 11am at Mullivaikal on 18.05.2018
My beloved people!
This is the fourth Mullivaikal Commemoration organized by us. 
Even though we have not been able to seek justice for our affected people who are steadfastly continuing to agitate in street corners for justice for their basic human rights and security and when a process of intensive Buddhist infiltration takes place in the North and East amidst the large contingents of occupied Military who have usurped our lands and resources, we are gathered here today with heavy hearts to remember the genocide that took place nine years ago at Mullivaikal. 
The human civilization has developed to great heights in this 21st century. It was the civilizational excellence of the world community that set up in the year 2006 a separate United Nations Human Rights’ Council directed to deter genocide aimed against the human race, ethnic cleansing and human rights’ violations.
Within three years of the Council being set up our people were subjected to genocide. Conducting a war without witnesses thousands of innocent people were brutally killed. No journalists nor human rights’ activists were allowed into this area. Having conducted successfully the genocide against the Tamil community by their war without witnesses, the government of that time was able to utter deliberate falsehoods in the world arena to misguide sovereign states. Such distorted deliberate utterances such as “zero casualties” by the government of that time restrained the International Community from preventing the genocide and allied crimes committed here. But no country could continue to shield themselves with lies and falsehoods and expect to travel far.
Today the International Community is wiser in that sufficient evidence has been posted to them buttressing the fact that what took place on 18th May 2009 was indeed genocide.
Though belated we are positive that the clear conscience of the world community would open up to the reality of the situation and opt to find justice for the genocide practiced here. Our people patiently await such enlightened activities on the part of the International Community. We are sad despite the passing of nine years such a transformation has not come over the International Community yet.
Many point to Ruwanda and Bosnia and discourage our people saying that justice will take decades thereby trying to convince us to consent to half baked solutions. 
But we must remember that genocide took place in Bosnia and Ruwanda at an earlier era unlike the Mullivaikal debacle. When the International Community had learnt lessons from previous genocides and allied offences they resolved that plausible preventive methods be planned to deter genocide and allied crimes in any community.

Read More