Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, May 16, 2018

NPC members meet with Iranaitivu families

Home15May 2018

Members of the Northern Provincial Council including its chief minister, C V Wigneswaran met with families in Iranaitivu on Monday, who have returned to reclaim their homes on the island and provided them with food items. 
On April 23 villagers from Iranaitivu staged a daring attempt to return to their homes, sailing to the island which continues to be occupied by the Sri Lankan military and marching to their homes, refusing to leave until they are guaranteed their land will be returned to them.
Whilst permitting the villagers to stay, the Sri Lankan navy remains on the island, fuelling uncertainty about the residents right to live in their own lands. 
Listening to their ongoing difficulties, Mr Wigneswaran expressed his support for their continued right to live in their homes.




2018-05-16

The idea of independent oversight bodies to remedy the ugly party politicization of State institutions was first mooted by the 17th Amendment to the Constitution. It was a partially successful experiment as politicians refused to let go of power and the President at the time, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga even refused to appoint a nominee of the Constitutional Council as the Chairman of the Elections Commission as she disagreed with the nomination. 

Under the Rajapaksa presidency the 18th Amendment did away even with those marginal successes. But now, we see important gains for the people as the necessary element of impartiality is brought into decision-making that directly affects the rights of citizens. Three years after a new government and a new president assumed office in Sri Lanka, most of the independent commissions are functioning strongly just as they ought to. 

Last week, a global conference on Right to Information concluded with plaudits for the Right to Information Commission of Sri Lanka commending the past one year of impressive achievements. This was despite obstacles including the lack of funds for the Commission and delays posed by government entities not in favour of RTI for obvious reasons.
 
As editorially noted in our sister paper, the Sunday Times last week, the RTI Commission is ‘doing its work splendidly, delivering on the intentions of the law to the ordinary men and women of this country in search of otherwise elusive official information’. An interesting aspect of its functioning is its people-friendly and informal proceedings, despite lawyers appearing before it. That is important as ordinary people should not be frightened to appear before such bodies that are meant to hold the scales in a way that corrects the imbalance between a powerful State and a powerless individual.
 
The Commission’s many rulings, against State institutions including the Office of the President, the Sri Lanka Police, the Army, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission and a host of other government ministries, have been complied with up to now indicating that the Commission has taken pains to be just and fair in its conclusions. 

However, the Government must not act in a way that it gives with one hand and takes back with the other. The fact that the Audit Bill now before Parliament proposes to make some officials immune to RTI requests was not generally known till recently. This is not a positive development. Earlier, the Office of Missing Persons Act also had a similar clause. The Government must rethink these clauses and refrain from bringing in laws that chip away at the RTI concept. 

Meanwhile, the older Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission has been vocally proactive in addressing issues of human rights violations. It has called upon the Government to be mindful of human rights obligations when drafting laws, it has courageously made its position felt in respect of matters as controversial as the death penalty and is now engaging in an inquiry in respect of recent violent incidents against Muslim citizens in the Kandy District. The Bribery and Corruption Commission is spearheading comprehensive law reforms and has conducted successful sting operations against high State officials including the President’s Chief of Staff and a former Head of the State Timber Corporation, rejuvenating a law which had earlier been used only against sprats. The Elections Commission has also performed creditably in recent elections. 

However, while these gains are acknowledged, the National Unity Government must act swiftly and in one collective voice to address ‘bread and butter’ issues and provide relief measures to those struggling for survival. It must communicate better with the electorate. Consistency in policy is also important. Confusion continues to be seen in regard to implementation of the recent tax reforms. This must be avoided. 

Otherwise, the achievements that we see, can all be swept away in a bitter tsunami of anger at the next elections. That would be indeed a pity.     

Gota shifts from defence and urban development to economics

Viyath Maga at the Shangri-La Colombo:

 
article_image
By C. A. Chandraprema-May 14, 2018, 9:25 pm

At five o’clock in the afternoon on Sunday, long lines of vehicles two abreast were seen on both sides of Galle face, to enter the driveway to the Shangri- La hotel. Alighting from a taxi this writer walked to the hotel. That was quicker. Months after opening, the Shangri-La is the most sought-after hotel in Colombo with its restaurants still fully booked days or weeks in advance. Inside the rugby field sized ballroom was probably the largest gathering of professionals ever seen in this country in one place. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa arrived at around 5.20 pm and the proceedings began soon afterwards. The first to speak was Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. He spoke not a word about his previous subjects, national defence and urban development, but solely on economics, spelling out a vision for Sri Lanka for the year 2030 with economic growth being the primary focus.

In the run up to this event, the government and their allies provided it with a great deal of publicity saying this was really the commencement of Gota’s presidential election campaign. They had said the same thing about last year’s Viyath Maga annual general meeting and about the inaugural meeting of the Eliya organization as well. However for those looking for clues relating to intent, this event was replete with what looked like tell tale signs of what was on the cards. The most obvious sign was Gota’s complete shift to economics, and the focus of the entire proceedings being on development and economic affairs alone. Today, it’s the economy that most worries the constituency that was in attendance at that meeting – the business and professional elite. Indeed it’s a major source or worry for the ordinary man on the street as well and in that sense the pitch was timely and relevant.

But to those trying to look for clues, Gota’s concentration on the economy could be seen as a move to prove that he was a one dimensional military man but someone who could shift from fighting a war, to urban development and to economic policy with ease. He said that by 2030, the prognosis was that the Chinese economy was projected to become twice the size of the American economy. India was to come third, Japan fourth and Indonesia will become the fifth. He posed the question whether Sri Lanka was ready for this transformation of the global economy and said that Viyath Maga was engaged in studying how Sri Lanka should be positioned by 2030. Economic growth was posited as the top priority for Sri Lanka. He said that other Asian countries had demonstrated that it is possible to achieve our economic goals and open the country to the world while yet safeguarding our culture and our sovereignty.

He said that structural and policy change would have to be carried out in today’s economy and that if we hesitate in this or delay, we may lose the window of opportunity that is before us. Most of our exports are traditional and low tech and we are lacking in high value added products. As Sri Lanka’s per capita income reaches 4000 USD, the advantage we had in labour intensive industries, no longer exists and we have to make the transition to the use of skilled labour and knowledge based products. At the same time, this is an agricultural country and agriculture cannot be neglected. Therefore agriculture has to be modernized. Scientific and technological research and innovation should be encouraged. The significant fact was that some of the speakers at this event were individuals like Dr. Bandula Wijeratne and Mano Sekaram who had actually achieved in their private lives what was being discussed at this seminar.

The meeting was attended by the cream de la cream of the private sector including the top business magnates and no doubt what they heard from all the speakers, would have been music to their ears. If the private sector was looking for a way out of the morass the country finds itself in today, the Viyath Maga AGM seminar seemed to show the way.

This writer was seated on the last row of the furthest from the entrance and from that distance everything on the stage appeared to be in miniature but when the proceedings were shown on the large screen it could be clearly seen that the usual floral arrangement on the lectern was made up entirely of the ‘Nelum pohottuwa’ the symbol of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna. The symbolism spoke a thousand words. Speaker after speaker addressed the audience on an economic vision for the future. All the correct chords were struck at this event. Mano Sekaram, an IT expert who addressed the audience said that the fact that he was invited to speak indicates an appreciation of diversity and inclusiveness and he thanked the organisers for that.

The panel of speakers included members of all communities and the highlight of the evening was a rehabilitated LTTE cadre turned musician singing two songs in Tamil and Sinhala. If anyone was looking for clues that this was Gota’s pitch for the presidency, the whole event seemed replete with evidence that it may indeed be that.

A team led by Central Environmental Authority (CEA) Director General Hemantha Jayasinghe will make an inspection tour at the Norochcholai Coal Power Plant in the wake of rising complaints over the environmental pollution caused by it. CEA DG Jayasinghe said it was highly questionable how the Wayamba Provincial Environmental Authority had granted permission for certain industries to operate. “We have got a number of complaints over industries operating in Wayamba Province and when studying their environmental reports, it is problematic as to how those were cleared by the Authority. The Norochcholai plant also comes under its purview, but I have decided to intervene, given the recent backlash. We will check as to how far the long and short term recommendations given to minimise pollution had been attended to,” he said.
CEA Environmental Pollution Control Unit Director Dr. Sanjaya Rathnayaka said necessary instructions would be given during the inspection tour and if those were not adhered legal action would be taken against the plant.
NWP Environmental Authority acting Director Saman Lenaduwa confirmed that the Norochcholai plant has been operating without a valid EPL, adding that it would not be renewed till the Supreme Court case is concluded.
A fundamental rights petition filed by Environmental Foundation (Guarantee) Limited is being heard in the Supreme Court. An agreement on measures to address the environmental concerns at Norochcholai Plant was signed recently on the advice of the SC. “A number of long and short term measures are being implemented as per the agreement. There were claims that the plant may also affect Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi. We do not completely brush those claims aside, but we also see a separate agenda behind such claims,” he said. He said NWP Environmental Authority collected samples of what was claimed to be a belt of fly ash in the sea. “The samples were sent to the ITI. The test report is yet come,” he said.
Centre for Human Rights and Research and Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) Executive Director Keerthi Thennakoon, writing to the CEA on Monday requested them to hold a proper investigation into complaints against the coal plant and take prompt action to control environmental damage.
In his letter to the CEA Chairman Chandraratne Pallegama, Thennakoon said the Norochcholai plant had been operating without a valid Environmental Protection Licence (EPL) since May 30 last year. He further charged that all four treatment plants of the coal plant have become non-operational and therefore its wastewater is discharged to the sea without treatment.
The Centre for Human Rights and Research made these allegations following two field visits on May 7 and 14. “As per the environmental law, no industry is allowed to engage in production without a valid EPL. It is shocking how a power plant is allowed to be operated in this manner releasing fly ash and heavy metals to the environment,” Thennakoon said.
He said the North Western Provincial Environmental Authority had constantly ignored the environmental pollution caused by the plant. 

Historic Sri Lanka safety-match industry shouts SOS as shutdown looms in 15 days


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News- 15.May.2018, 11.45AM)
·      ‘Shortage of critical chemicals-SOS!-Rajan, SLSMMA Chairman
·      Says no locally made safety matches coming to market anymore
·      ‘A historic sector for Lankan industries’-Rishad
·      Initiates clearance work
A historic Sri Lankan industry spanning 100 year period and producing an essential item in the day-to-day lives of households, is bracing for the sudden dousing of their fires due to supply side pressure. A high level policy directive is now awaited after the intervention of the Industry Minister.   
“The Sri Lankan safety match industry is an important part of our Small and Medium Industry (SMI) sector" said the Minister of Industry and Commerce Rishad Bathiudeen on 8 May in Colombo. Minister Bathiudeen was addressing the historic safety-match producing industry representatives of Sri Lanka who met him on 8 May at the Ministry, Colombo 3 to inform him of a grave scenario. The industry team was led by Chairman of Sri Lanka Safety Match Makers Association (SLSMMA-and Chairman of Sun Match Co Ltd), Mr B.D.R. Rajan. 
Mr Rajan explained the grave situation their manufacturing is faced with: "Our entire annual production of more than 12 billion safety matches is sold-out in local market with no exports due to their essential nature in day-to-day lives. However the production will stop at the end of this month and no alternatives in the market. The problem is due to delay in receiving vital chemical imports-potassium chloride and red phosphorus- for our safety match production. These two chemicals are essential and being imported to Sri Lanka under a tender system. We are producers and cannot directly import the chemicals since the manufacturers are not allowed to import directly. We as manufacturers cannot afford to import large quantities of these chemicals and store them too. Therefore two bidders/importers in Sri Lanka have been importing them from India and China and delivering to us. In recent times these essential chemicals are not imported and distributed to us on time.  Certain delays in the tender system and the new testing requirement where the chemical samples have to be tested by Industrial Technology Institute of Sri Lanka, instead of the previous, internationally acclaimed SGS (Geneva), has resulted in total stoppage of regular chemical supplies to us. The foreign exporter sending the chemicals to Sri Lankan importer, obtains the SGS certification by themselves and there has been no issues here. However, the sole importers in Sri Lanka have been refraining from importing due to withdrawal of permission, and therefore imports of these essential chemicals have stopped. There is a shortage of these chemicals now and we are unable run the factories, compelled to close down and cannot supply the safety-match requirements of the country anymore. At the centre of the ban is the change of chemical testing from SGS to ITI. The ITI testing is not practical for our manufacturers since it is prohibitively strict unlike SGS. As a result all the 11 Lankan safety-match making companies are at a stage where they cannot run production anymore -and by the end of this month we are compelled to shut down. The closures will result in loss of direct and indirect employment for 8000 persons. The investment by 11 companies in this industry is more than Rs 1100 Million (US $ 7 Million) in assets and machinery infrastructure-this is apart from regular production costs. Safety match is a basic household item and will not be produced locally anymore unless the situation changes.  We call upon the Industry Minister Bathiudeen to intervene and relax the new chemical regulations and red tape so that our production can re-start without delay."
Minister Bathiudeen responded that safety match industry is an important sector in Lanka.  “It is one of the first Small and Medium Industries to commence here” he said. He promptly contacted the relevant Ministries and requested clarifications and having received, instructed his top officials to immediately communicate the required changes –to change regulations – so that imports resume and the production could recommence. A highly placed official from Defence Ministry said: “We understand that there is a slowdown and are working on this. We too visited their factories after Minister Bathiudeen’s intervention. The international certification helped to import smoothly but due to the audit queries raised on imports based on this certification we had to switch to ITI Sri Lanka. We are now awaiting for a directive from HE President’s office on this, expected this week.”
It is not exactly clear when the history of Sri Lankan safety match industry began but there are records showing 'Made in Ceylon' match boxes to have been produced as early as 1900. Later it was recorded: "... in 1936, proposals were made in the State Council to set up a licensing and quota system to protect the safety match industry, which was one of Sri Lanka's earliest private-sector industrial enterprises."
(Photo - Minister of Industry and Commerce Rishad Bathiudeen (right) clarifies the new chemical regulatory situation affecting Sri Lankan safety match industry on 8 May as industry representatives including Chairman of Sri Lanka Safety Match Makers Association (SLSMMA) B.D.R. Rajan (seated fifth from left) and Secretary of SLSMMA, K.A.S. Hyder Ali (seated fourth from left) look on, at the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, Colombo 3.)


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by     (2018-05-15 06:22:31)

Strength of a weak Government


logo Wednesday, 16 May 2018

It is widely believed that this Government is incapable. Even in the areas where it exhibits its capability, the progress is very slow. There is no doubt about it. However in certain areas, even though it displays an incapability, in fact it is not incapability but capability. In this article I would like to discuss the last point.

The public consciousness of this country is formed to suit to an authoritative regime and not to a democratic regime. Parents think that the children should obey them. When the children try to be independent parents influence them. Siddhartha type of rebellion children would definitely be condemned. Therefore children would take longer time to be independent even after they become adults. Children are not encouraged to question teachers in the classroom. Not even at universities unfortunately. In this country teachers teach and in the countries where there are different cultures students learn. That is the difference.

In workplaces decisions are taken by the higher officers. Others are reluctant to take decisions even if they are allowed to do so. This is evident in the Public Sector very often. In all these instances there is a gap between the two parties, parents and children, teachers and pupils and employers and employees. This is evident among priests and disciples and doctors and patients, etc. When a doctor examines a patient in channel practice, the patient has hired the doctor for that period so that the due respect should be given to the patient by the doctor. However both parties forget this basic relationship.

This gap is prevalent among the rulers and those who are ruled as well. During the last regime Mahinda Rajapaksa who won the war was elevated to the kingship by the general public. Thereafter he thought of becoming a king himself. That was the origin of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka. Public at that time gave their blessings for that.

Very often different ideas within a group are not promoted. If someone of the group is having a different idea it is often taken personally by the others. People hardly know how to keep the ideological differences at that level and continue the friendship. However politicians have mastered this art.

These behaviours are backward and detrimental to a democratic culture and those behaviours promote authoritative regimes.

This Government lifted the democratic traditions of this country which were long buried. For instance recently Chief of Staff of the Presidential Secretariat and the Chairman of State Timber Corporation were arrested by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery and Corruption (CIABOC) over an issue of taking a bribe. Daily FT newspaper reported it on Friday 4 May with the comment that the President was aware of the arrests before they were made. CIABOC objected to the comment and said that the President had not been notified beforehand as this would have been in contravention of the commission’s independence. Daily FT regretted and published it on the following day. We can observe the boldness of the CIABOC and acceptance of that boldness by the President. It was not reported that the President has threatened the officers of the CIABOC over this issue. Instead he ordered the suspension of these two officers.

This is democracy in operation. This can be compared with the performance of the previous regime. The former President protected his supporters who have broken the law. He did not hesitate to say that in public. At a function held at the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Sri Lanka he openly said that he must protect his own people who broke the law. Ironically, he has selected CA Sri Lanka which promotes good governance to say this. The underlying thinking of this statement was, in addition to the kingship the people had granted to him and the authoritarianism exercised by him, that the public consciousness of this country places treating the own man ahead of justice and equity.

In Western countries where democracy is established for a long time, justice and equity are at the helm of their value system. That is why they protest vehemently when those values are undermined. Therefore progressive and unbiased democratic traditions introduced by this Government work against the backward and biased public consciousness of the country. That is why they cannot digest it.

People might view the above incidence and similar incidences in a different angle. One angle is that there were thieves in the previous regime, there are thieves in this regime and therefore both regimes are the same. Another view may be that the people who have done malpractices in this regime are caught and those who have done the same in the previous regime are escaped because they have not done anything wrong. However we all should realise that there is a change of the behavioural pattern of the Government which is in favour of the people of this country although that change is not in line with their consciousness.

The situation created regarding the murders committed during the previous regime also clashes with the democratic traditions. People come to know how the defence forces and the intelligence units worked during the previous regime. It is true that the investigations are delayed and the defence forces do not give the adequate support to the courts. It is also true that the accused try to create a public opinion that this is a witch-hunt of the war heroes. Actions of the President proved that he also was of the same view. Those who have this view keep their men over and above the justice and equity. So called war heroes, or for that matter anybody, do not have any authority to kill innocent and they should be punished for that act. At the same time if they have done a service to the country they should be commended with no hesitation what so ever. However, these two should not be mixed up.

This mixing up is in the public consciousness of this country. Buddhism, followed by majority of them, refuse this mixing up through law of karma – ‘karma niyama’. According to the law of karma one must face the consequences of their deeds separately. Public consciousness of this country is not in line with the basic teachings of Buddhism. Instead thinking and the values of the West is in line of the basics of Buddhism.

The public does not have any understanding of the day when these their men turn the guns against them. These men became their men against the Tamils. Those who supposed to have a high literacy rate should know the instances where their men who were safeguarded by them turned the guns against themselves.
The JVP’s empty posturing over Sri Lanka’s executive presidency


By Vijith Samarasinghe -14 May 2018

A Sri Lankan opposition party, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), is currently agitating for the abolition of the country’s executive presidency via a 20th amendment (20A) to the constitution. The campaign is a political fraud.

JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake told the party’s May Day meeting on May 7 that the 20A proposal would be presented to the parliament later this month. (The party did not hold a May 1 meeting in Colombo, following a government ban on May Day celebrations during the Wesak religious festival, in response to a “request” by the Buddhist hierarchy.)

Posturing as a defender of democratic rights, Dissanayake told the meeting the JVP would “create a broad dialogue” and “try to win” support for its amendment. He assured the party’s Sinhala chauvinist base, however, that the JVP would not do “anything detrimental to the country” and promised to discuss its proposals with the “Maha Sanghas [Buddhist prelates] and intellectuals.”

The JVP originally emerged in the mid-1960s as a petty-bourgeois radical group based on an ideological mixture of Stalinism, Maoism, Castroism and Sinhala patriotism, appealing to rural youth. As a logical outcome of these nationalist politics, it has evolved into a thoroughly bourgeois party, deeply integrated into the ruling establishment

Sri Lanka’s executive presidency, set up in the 1978 constitution, established autocratic powers for the United National Party (UNP) government of President J. R. Jayawardene. Its purpose was to implement “free market” reforms—i.e., ruthless attacks on the living conditions and social and democratic rights of the people. Jayawardene used these powers to unleash Colombo’s communal war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), brutally suppressing the Tamil minority and the entire working class.

Every government, without exception, has used the executive presidential powers since then. Each parliamentary opposition, at least since 1994, has promised to remove the measures, only to renege as soon as it came to power.

Maithripala Sirisena became president in 2015 by exploiting mass opposition to his predecessor Mahinda Rajapakse. He consented to a 19th amendment, which pruned a few powers and was approved by parliament in May 2015. His promise to abolish the presidency was abandoned.

The JVP hopes to capitalise on the deep-seated popular hostility to this autocratic system, but has yet to produce a final draft of its amendment. JVP general secretary Tilvin Silva provided an outline in a lengthy interview with the Daily Mirror on May 3.

The president, he said, would be appointed by the parliament and not hold any ministerial position but would “continue to be involved in state affairs” and would remain “the commander in chief of the armed forces.” The prime minister would continue to be head of cabinet.

In other words, the JVP is proposing something like the UK’s Westminster parliamentary system. Similar proposals have previously been peddled by other Sri Lankan political parties to hoodwink the population. This system, however, does not guarantee the democratic rights of citizens in Britain, nor will it in Sri Lanka, where the ruling elite has issued draconian emergency measures whenever it has faced a political crisis.

Addressing a May 7 press conference, JVP propaganda secretary Vijitha Herath falsely claimed that his party had opposed the executive presidential system from the outset. In 1994, the JVP withdrew its presidential candidate, accepting a promise by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga to abolish the executive presidency. She dumped her promise soon after.

Kumaratunga used her presidential powers to seize UNP government ministries in 2003 and later sacked the government on communalist grounds, declaring that it was making concessions to the LTTE. The JVP hailed Kumaratunga’s moves and entered into a coalition with her in 2004. In 2005, it backed Rajapakse’s successful bid for the presidency and then praised him for using the executive powers to conduct the war.

Likewise in 2015, the JVP supported Sirisena’s bogus promises to end dictatorial rule and abolish the executive presidency. JVP leader Dissanayake even joined the “national executive council” to stabilise Sirisena’s rule. The JVP is now accusing Sirisena of going back on his “January 8, 2015 mandate,” and vowing it is ready to “fulfil” this mandate.

The JVP has no concerns for the democratic rights of working people. Recent statements promoting its 20A campaign expose its communalist outlook and the reactionary character of its proposed legislation.

Last week, the Jathika Vidvath Sangha Sabha, a group of extremist right-wing Buddhist monks, declared its opposition to the JVP’s 20A campaign. Shocked by this, and criticism by other Sinhala chauvinists, the JVP is bending over backwards to appease the Buddhist establishment.

JVP propaganda secretary Herath responded by insisting that although the bill aimed to do away with the president’s “dictatorial powers,” there should be no fear. The president, he said, would continue as commander in chief and have all powers under the 13th Amendment, which governs Sri Lanka’s provinces.

“We will not make room for the division of the country,” he declared, or anything that changed the priority of Buddhism. In other words, the JVP will uphold all the anti-democratic and communalist discrimination laws.

The JVP’s 20A campaign is a ploy to divert the growing social opposition of workers, rural poor and youth to the government and the capitalist system. It is yet another attempt to promote the illusion that democratic reforms can be won by exerting pressure on the ruling class and reforming its governmental system. This claim is refuted by the actions of the capitalist ruling elites in every country—from the US to France and India. Driven by the deepening crisis of world capitalism and preparations for new wars, they are adopting ever-more dictatorial forms of rule.

During Sri Lanka’s February local council elections, the JVP adopted an anti-corruption stance. Boosted by the media and various intellectuals, it suggested that all the country’s political and economic ills were a result of corruption by the former Rajapakse regime and the current administration of Sirisena and Prime Minster Ranil Wickremesinghe.

In line with its previous manoeuvres, the JVP’s 20A campaign is another desperate attempt to prop-up capitalist rule in Sri Lanka. In order to defend democratic and social rights, workers and youth must reject this trap and take up the fight for a workers’ and peasants’ government to implement socialist policies as part of the struggle for international socialism.

Low intelligence and communal riots 

A picture of recent violence in Kandy
 2018-05-15
After the March mayhem of ethnic violence, Sri Lankans need to search deeply within what actually went wrong. I came across a publication done by Richard Lynn, a British Professor of Psychology, and Tatu Vanhanen, a Finnish Professor of Political Science, who conducted IQ studies in more than 80 countries. This was carried out from 2002 to 2006.   

The results weren’t surprising as Sri Lanka was at the bottom of the list surrounded by a few other developing countries. Our average IQ was 79. We scored lower than Kenya and India. In that list, the countries which have equal or lower average IQs had the highest rates of civil war or communal violence. The best IQ countries have no ongoing wars, no ethnic hatred and are economically expanding by leaps and bounds. Hong  Kong and Singapore topped the list with an average IQ of 108. 
Is low intelligence the problem here where people do not have control of their emotions? Are Sri Lankans impulsive and behaving in mobs because their brain capacity does not allow them to think and predict far ahead? And what are the causes for low intelligence? Is it brain drain? (I call this drain of genetics). And is this the reason why we cannot develop as a country? Is our social security breached because we live within a low IQ-ed society with pleasure-seeking behaviour? Is our political culture a clear reflection of our IQ status? These are a few questions which will remain unanswered for many decades to come. 
The results weren’t surprising as Sri Lanka was at the bottom of the list surrounded by a few other developing countries. Our average IQ was 79

US$ 200M Garbage Scandal



 MAY 16 2018

The story is told of the Greek Philosopher Diogenes who was found roaming the streets of Athens in broad daylight, carrying a lamp. When the Athenians asked him what he was searching for, he replied, “I’m searching for an honest man.”

Diogenes may have had lived 2,500 years ago, but the moral of his story is applicable even today, especially to Sri Lanka. This is in the context that a US$ 200 million World Bank (WB) funded garbage disposal programme, covering the Greater Northern Colombo area and a Kelani River Flood Protection scheme, having had been scuttled due to allegations of corruption (See also yesterday’s ‘Ceylon Today’).

The tragi-comedy is that it is the Government which sought WB assistance for the garbage disposal project, after last year’s ‘garbage mountain debacle’ at Meethotamulla, North Colombo, which killed at least 30 of the country’s poor.
The cancellation of this project, due to allegations of corruption, by at least some of the bigwigs in Government, is a reflection that projects are an opportunity to line their pockets. The fate of the poor, other than shedding crocodile tears over their plight, means nothing.

Their philosophy in life: ‘Now that we have the papacy, let’s enjoy it,’ or in layman’s parlance, ‘Make hay while the sun shines’ ‘and let the poor of Sri Lanka go by’!

Small wonder that the Government was beaten ‘black and blue’ at February’s Local Government Polls by their alleged bête noire, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa!

And, more of such polls beatings will be the norm and not the exception leading up to the two national polls to be held in another two years’ time, the Presidential and the Parliamentary, where the Government will be cast into the political wilderness unless they mend their ways even at this late stage.

The present Yahapalana Government was elected to power, at the 8 January, 2015 Presidential Election, on the anti-corruption ticket. But hardly two months went by when the new Government was mired in a corruption scandal involving the multibillion rupee Treasury Bonds auction of 27 February, 2015, followed by a similar T Bonds scandal that took place a year and a month later, on 29 March, 2016, revolving round their then Central Bank Governor appointee.

As if that was not enough, a Cabinet Minister of the present Government was also allegedly embroiled in this Treasury Bonds scandal, resulting in him being sacked from his respective portfolios not once. He’s currently serving as an ordinary MP.
But that was not enough of a sacrifice to please the masses as the sound beating that the Government suffered at the 10 February LG Polls showed.

Nonetheless, that doesn’t mean that the Government, like the three proverbial monkeys, ‘who sees no evil, hears no evil and speaks no evil’, ignores this, its latest corruption scandal, the $200 million ‘Meethotamulla’  Garbage Scandal and allow the status quo to remain unchanged.

The $200 million ‘Meethotamulla’ Garbage Scandal is seemingly an ‘open and shut case’ of corruption. First, tenders were called, but subsequently certain highups in Government were allegedly trying to push a Malaysian company, which was not the cheapest, to win the contract. The bidding process had two components, each of $100 million in value, with the corruption tainted first, allegedly involving the Megapolis Ministry, having had to be first completed, before going on to the second, involving the Provincial Councils and LG Ministry.

It’s allegedly at the first leg of this programme, involving the Megapolis Ministry, that it had got mired in corruption and seemingly with no action taken by the authorities to redress this wrong, resulted in the WB pulling out of the project.

It’s up to the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) and the Commission to Investigate Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) to take over this case, thus reestablishing the bona fides of this Government, even at this late stage, in the eyes of the masses, before the two crucial elections of 2020 take place.

Rajapaksa’s successful rallying cry at the February LG Polls was the cost of living and corruption centering round the aforesaid Treasury Bonds scandal. Don’t give him cannon fodder by being blind to this latest scandal.

Fraudster Gammanpila’s robed advisor is a sex starved molester – Pivithuru Hela Urumaya’s another act of purity !

LEN logo
(Lanka-e-News- 15.May.2018, 7.25AM) Sigiriye Damminda Thera  (a member of Dambulla local council ) ,a robed advisor  of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) of Udaya Gamanpila ( the notorious fraudster) was remanded after being arrested on charges of molesting a woman who came to the temple to make religious offerings. 
This sex starved molester a disgrace to the saffron robe who  is a member of Dambulla local council representing Gammanpila’s Pivithuru Hela Urumaya being  a staunch supporter of the corrupt  criminal Rajapakses  , and an advisor to infamous Gammanpila is not a matter for surprise , for birds of the same feather  flock together. 
The victim  of this 34 years old robed shameless monk (one among the latest breed of rascally monks in Sri Lanka who are on a rampage as though to deliberately  disgrace true Buddhism and Lord Buddha) is a 46 years old   mother of three children from Nagalawewa , Sigiriya.  In the complaint lodged with the police , it is stated the disgraceful incident occurred on the 10 th of April when the victim went to the temple to offer  alms. After she related this disgraceful criminal conduct of Gammanpila’s  bosom robed pal cum advisor monk to her elder sister and her husband  , the complaint was made.

Later , the monk was arrested by Dambulla Police , and after being produced on the 9 th before the Dambulla Magistrate Kosala Bandara Ilangasinghe , the latter was remanded until the 16 th .
Sigiriya Police are conducting further investigations. 
In the photograph are country’s  notorious fraudster  Gammanpila and Temple’s infamous  molester Damminda the robed monk ( buddies of the same feather committing crimes together) holding a media briefing together. 
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by     (2018-05-15 02:01:44)

MR, four others ordered to file answers



The Colombo Commercial High Court yesterday ordered five defendants including former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to file their answers regarding a lawsuit.

The case was filed in connection with defaulting Rs.142 million owed to the Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) by utilizing their buses to transport supporters to election rallies of the former President, during the 2015 Presidential election campaign.
The Colombo Commercial High Court granted further time until July 4 to file answers regarding the lawsuit. The Commercial High Court had decided to accept the amended petition filed by the plaintiff party, the SLTB regarding this incident.
At a previous occasion too, the plaintiff SLTB had decided to exclude Minister Susil Premajayantha and Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa from the defendant’s list.
According to the amended plaint, the SLTB named five UPFA 20015-presidential election committee members, including former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), election committee members Gamini Senarath and Amal Senadhilankara as respondents. The SLTB had earlier named seven parties including former SLFP General Secretary Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and UPFA General Secretary Susil Premajayantha as defendants.
The plaintiff said the UPFA had hired buses from the SLTB for the January 8, 2015 Presidential Election rallies but had failed to settle the payments after obtaining the services. Counsel Athula de Silva appeared for the defendants.

Tales of a centenarian ex-tea plucker

 


2018-05-16

A 103-year-old woman by the name of Muththu Theivani, who once worked as a tea plucker in the Spring Valley Estate in Badulla, recalled her days spent among the Tea bushes mixing with other fellow women who were employed in the estate.

Theivani said that she joined this estate at the age of 12 and earned 18 cents per day. She now spends her retirement in a line room (Quarters for estate workers) adjacent to the estate’s tea factory.
“Those days this place looked so beautiful with fertilizer being used regularly and the tea bushes producing crop abundantly. Now the estate looks neglected. During our time we looked after it as our own eyes. Now tears roll down our cheeks when we see the present plight of the tea estate,” she said.
Since of late she has been of service to the estate families by being a person who performs religious rituals and invokes blessings during sicknesses. She performs these services for free, but feels happy and contended with what they gift her with
The Europeans at the outset brought labour from India to work in these tea estates. When Theivani’s parents came to Sri Lanka for this purpose she was only four years old. She joined other workers at a young age. When she reached age 18 she received 49 cents per day, the amount paid to other workers. The workers used to grow Green Gram, Cow Pea and other pulses in their gardens at home. At that time they had enough to eat. Every household had a dairy farm with one or two milking cows. The milk was consumed by the workers and never sold.

She remembered how the owner of the estate arrived on horseback and inspected the line rooms. If these places were found to be unclean or not maintained properly a fine of Rs 100 was imposed. The walls of the line rooms had to be applied with a lime preparation every six months. The drains were cleaned once a week using Jeys Fluid. There were no mosquitoes because the place was kept clean.



No schooling 

There were no schools in the estates at that time. Theivani’s father never believed in educating the children as it was better for them to work in the estate and look after their cattle. The family had a herd comprising 20 heads of cattle, among which were 5 milking cows. She remembered how cheerful they were when they went in groups to pluck tea leaves in the early hours of the morning. The end of each day was exciting for the group because they wound up activities with a bath in the nearby water spring.

Love was not in the air for her at that time. However she was given in marriage at the age of 16 to G. Muththu from Badulla. She had seven children from this marriage; five daughters and two sons.
Her husband was a travelling merchant selling gold jewellery. The estate women were enchanted by these gold ornaments that were on sale. She remembered wearing heavy gold earings weighing about 7 sovereigns each, but now those ears are bare. The earlobes have been stretched due to the weight of the gold ear studs she once wore.


Uses Viber 


Her eldest son had died of a heart ailment at the age of 35. Her husband also died in a similar manner. She has a son who is in India and frequently speaks with her using Viber. Theivani has never been a burden to anyone in the estate or to her family. Now she tends to the needs of her grandchildren until their parents return home from working in the estate. She has her own poultry yard which provides her with seven or eight eggs a day which helps her to keep the home fires burning.

Since of late she has been of service to the estate families by being a person who performs religious rituals and invokes blessings during sicknesses. She performs these services for free, but feels happy and contended with what they gift her with. Though age and frailty have taken over she never forgets to go on her annual pilgrimage to Kataragama. Earlier the estate people used to go on pilgrimage to Kataragama in groups.

They used to collect the food and other requirements needed for the journey. She remembered how they used to travel through forests teemed with elephants. Their good intentions and the faith they have in God helped them to accomplish their mission without being harmed by wild elephants. She said she believed that the elephants are the ghosts of God Ganapathy and when they are on the way to honour God Ganapathy these ghosts would never harm them. She does Kawadi dancing at Kataragama where she gets into a trance. She said that she greatly enjoys it.

She said that she believes that the elephant symbol signifies the Lord Ganapathy and reiterated that it would have been better if the Europeans were still in Sri Lanka managing these tea estates. 

A closer look at the tobacco value chain: Policymaking for the wrong reasons?

Wednesday, 16 May 2018

logoThis article is a follow up to the previous one titled ‘Why agricultural value chains fail – Part (IX): Failure to Diversify’. Both articles are focused on a research that explored the farmer perceptions on the proposed tobacco growing ban in the country and what the challenges and recommendations are for income diversifications.

The research had both qualitative and quantitative components. The previous article was based on qualitative findings. Therefore, this article is based on the household questionnaire administered towards farmers who grow tobacco. Quantitative data collection using farmer household survey questionnaire was focused on Galewela, Polonnaruwa, Mahiyangana, Buttala and Teldeniya areas only.

Findings of the

quantitative survey

As mentioned earlier, the quantitative survey was administered only towards the tobacco farmers who are working with the Ceylon Tobacco Company, PLC (CTC). Compared to farmers who work on other tobacco value chains such as tobacco for chewing purposes (mainly grown in Kalpitiya) and tobacco for beedi and cigar, the number of farmers working with CTC is comparatively large. Therefore, information on beedi and cigar farmers was collected only through qualitative instruments.

The survey collected information from many fronts. However, the objective here is to present a brief snapshot of those findings while trying to search answers for several main research questions. These research questions are: (1) what are the socio-economic characteristics of tobacco growers (including barn owners)?; (2) what are their perceptions on the proposed tobacco ban and their readiness to face it?; (3) what are the possible alternative crops they could grow if they were to stop tobacco?; and (4) what are the essential elements for them to be economically successful in possible alternatives? The research team is more than happy to share the full research report with anyone interested.

Comparison of infrastructure facilities:

Pre and post 

In research it is always important to reflect on the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondent party in hand. This section therefore reflects on those characteristics of the households and respondents. The idea is to compare their pre- and post-socioeconomic situations, looking at how things have changed once farmers growing tobacco for CTC entered the tobacco value chain.

More than 70% of these farmers had an education above grade 10 or between grade 10 and advanced level. Only a handful of farmers (three out of 250) had gone on to achieve an educational degree. Farmer families were not big in size and the average family size was four. A majority of these farmers have been a part of the tobacco value chain for more than 10 years, where they have gained economic benefits and uplifted their family’s living standards.

Most farmers (close to 88%) lived in single storey houses. However, this number was only 35% before they moved in to the tobacco value chain. Interestingly, approximately 49% of people who moved to single storey houses over time were living in unsafe temporary type housing structures such as incomplete brick or mud built houses before that. Therefore, to a great extent, the tobacco value chain has helped them move to permanent type housing over time.

Meanwhile, 26% of the homes were found to have pipe-borne water either from a constructed well or from an open water source while close to 19% of homes had a protected well built within their land extent. Among households that had pipe-borne water, 11% had pipe-borne water inside the house as well. Surprisingly, none of these homes had pipe-borne water before the respective farmers joined the tobacco value chain.

A majority (close to 84%) of the households had toilet facilities on the land where the housing structures were located. Only 49% of the households had water seal type sanitation facilities before joining the tobacco value chain, but this has significantly increased up to approximately 97% after joining the tobacco value chain.

Before joining the tobacco value chain, approximately 78% of the households were using kerosene as their primary source of lighting while the rest were using electricity. Households with electricity have now increased to 98% and only a few houses were found still using kerosene.

Looking at this data, it is clear that along with the engagement in the tobacco value chain, farmers have been able to shift towards better infrastructure. While these improvements in socio-demographic factors are a result of many factors, as farmers expressed during the FGDs, most of these achievements were because of the tobacco value chain.

Cost and revenues 

On average, farmers owned around an acre of land along with their housing unit. They also had on average 2.2 acres of upland area (area of land lying above the level where water flows or where flooding occurs). However, only about 33% of farmers held private ownership of uplands. Approximately 68% of farmers own paddy land as well, and the average size of the paddy land is about 2.4 acres.

The cultivation and leaf curing cost incurred by a Flue Cured Virginia (FCV) farmer who operated a barn was found to be around Rs. 470,000 on average. On the other hand, an Air Cured (AC) farmer would have to bear the cost of Rs. 150,000 as the cost of cultivation. AC farmers in Buttala have their own leaf curing facilities (small shelters built using low cost materials), while FCV farmers in the area have their own barns. FCV farmers in Mahiyangana also have their own barns.

The study found that farmers in Galewela, Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa do not own barns and they worked for a barn owner. On average a farmer would sell 11,200 kilograms of mature leaves to the barn owner at an average price of Rs. 26 per kilo, giving them an average income of around Rs. 288,400 per season. Barn owners who dry tobacco leaves sell an average of 4,250 kilograms to CTC each season. They produce several grades of leaves and there are different prices attached to each grade. However, on average they receive about Rs. 384 per kilogram. Therefore, on average their income is around Rs. 1,762,200 per season.

There are variations of this based on the areas they work. For example, barn owners in Galewela and Anuradhapura who sell dried leaves to CTC earns on average Rs. 4,316,147 and in Buttala this is around Rs. 237,840 (The wide gap is due to the fact that Galewela and Anuradhapura consists of large-scale barn owners compared to small-time barn owners in Buttala). These reflect very high profits once aligned with the cost information discussed above.

Why tobacco?

Almost 25% of farmers have been growing tobacco for more than 20 years while approximately 78% of farmers have been in the tobacco value chain for more than five years. These farmers have been here for quite some time and there must be valid reasons for them to do so. Approximately 90% of farmers said they engage in the tobacco value chain as “tobacco gives them more profits than any other crop”.

CTC, as mentioned several times before, works on an out-grower model. A prominent feature of the out-grower model is the guaranteed price. This was justified in the survey as well where approximately 91% of farmers stated that they work with CTC since this was a model which paid guaranteed prices. Therefore, it was clear that farmers came into the tobacco value chain since it had an out-grower model with a guaranteed price and a buy-back system after providing all the inputs. At the same time, comparatively, tobacco was able to give farmers a higher return on investment. In addition, farmers also mentioned other factors such as the continuous support and facilitation they received from CTC’s “leaf officers”.

There are several issues with respect to tobacco cultivation at the moment. The major issue is the lack of water, which was highlighted by 55% of the farmers. At the same time approximately 30% of the farmers talked of the fact that plants are affected by diseases. Interestingly, only 0.8% said that the soil became less productive after tobacco cultivation. While this can be an argument against the claim that tobacco caused soil degradation, it is only a claim by the farmers and has to be further clarified with proper soil testing.

Life after tobacco

An important question the research team asked tobacco farmers was what they would do if tobacco cultivation was banned in 2020. Around 47% said that they did not have any other option. However around 32% said they would start paddy cultivation, which they have been doing for the “Maha” season. Only 14% of farmers said that they would diversify into other cash crops.

Based on research, it is quite clear that paddy would not give them as much revenue as tobacco does. However, there can be other cash crops, which could deliver similar revenues. Hence the next important question is to identify what farmers have in mind in terms of other cash crops to diversify.

Vegetables and fruits are two main options preferred by these farmers in terms of diversification (approximately 43%) while soya also seems to be an attractive option for some (approximately 15%). Other crops of interest (approximately 24% of respondents) are pepper, sugar cane and cashew. What is important here is the fact that they have several crops in mind. However, what is evident through the focus group discussions was that they are not quite sure how these crops would function in the long run. Therefore, it is important that research is done to see what works better for them.

The farmers engaged in tobacco cultivation are used to a dedicated value chain with an out-grower model. Therefore, during the FGDs it was clear that, if they were to move to another cash crop they would expect certain conditions, for example receiving a guaranteed price. Therefore, this was further explored during the household questionnaire.

It is clear that farmers desire a crop with high returns like tobacco (approximately 80%) and a buyer with an out-grower model (approximately 88%). A crop that is suitable for the soil and climatic conditions is also important (nearly 63%) and water issues needs to be addressed as well (as mentioned by 75% of farmers). Farmers demand awareness on other crops that suits them (nearly 53% farmers mentioned this) and approximately 68% farmers believed they need financial support from the Government if they were to move to another cash crop.

The most popular answer to the question “what should the Government do rather than banning tobacco cultivation?” is that the Government should increase the tax on cigarettes (approximately 74%). Farmers mentioned during FGDs that if the demand for cigarette went down because of reduced consumption, then they were willing to move to other crops – in other words they were willing to respond to market forces.

What they believe was that once they reduce cultivation adhering to the Government vision, the Government would cater to the demand for cigarettes by importation (this is not the market demand and supply, rather this is the Government intervention). Their concern is in fact becoming a reality with the 2018 Budget proposal to issue cigarette importation permits.

Financial packages for them to exit the value chain, financial packages for other indirect employment, involvement of the Agriculture Department in diversifying to cash crops, more research and experiments by the Government are some of the things that farmers saw as essentials from the Government in order for them to exit from the tobacco value chain.

Farmers also (approximately 79%) noted that the reduction of the tobacco cultivation should be gradual. They also expressed the fact that a committed and responsible authority should be in place to create awareness and help and guide them on to other income sources if the tobacco cultivation ban is to be implemented.

Conclusions and

way forward

It is obvious that tobacco farming has benefited farmers in many ways. There are however competing arguments that negative externalities of tobacco farming outweigh these benefits. While studies have taken sides, and defended their arguments as to why tobacco farming is good or bad, it is not possible to find a study that transparently evaluates benefits and costs of tobacco farming. Scarcity of such studies shows the difficulty in doing so.

Many countries have looked at the possibility of diversification for tobacco farmers. While Sri Lanka is interested in a total ban, many things can be learnt from other countries as well. The objective of this research as mentioned earlier is to understand how farmers perceive the proposed tobacco growing ban and what they perceive as options and how they perceive as the way that the government should handle this. Hence this study is based on perceptions on a proposed policy decision.

The decision to ban tobacco growing has been in the discussion for some time. However, it was never taken seriously, at least by the farmers involved. Through this research it is clear that they still work on the same premises. This is clearly evident thorough the discussion this research had with farmers from Kalpitiya who grow tobacco for chewing purposes. Though there is a gazette notification in place prohibiting the sale of smokeless tobacco products, farmers still cultivate tobacco and traders continue to sell them openly. Hence there is a clear communication mismatch. Growing tobacco for cigarettes holds the same characteristics as the ban has not been imposed yet. Farmers still grow tobacco because they are allowed to by law and have not clearly thought about what they would do if the ban comes into effect by 2020.

With CTC, tobacco farmers have a long-term relationship. Therefore, they are comfortable with the working arrangements and they do not necessarily have any complaints against them. Over time this value chain has helped farmers to achieve family wellbeing and move out of poverty. This out-grower model with CTC has helped these farmers gain higher economic benefits. However, little has been communicated to them as well on what would happen to them by 2020. This information has not gone to them through the Government or via CTC adequately. They claim that all what they have heard is through various media reports.

They rely on CTC on this as farmers mentioned that they trust information on a possible cultivation ban only if it comes through CTC, because they have experienced operational difficulties, received insufficient guidance from Government officials and do not have an adequate support system through any relevant Government authorities. Therefore, most farmers interviewed said they wanted CTC to let them know what would happen to them by 2020, since they do not trust the political decisions and what ministers say in the media. This communication gap must be filled for these farmers; otherwise they will not seriously think about a diversification process.

While farmers are aware of the other crops and animal husbandry approaches that they can diversify into, they are sure that they will not get enough income out of them to be at the same level they were with tobacco. This has to be shown to them, therefore comes the importance of research and development. Research has to take in to account the soil and climatic conditions, crop varieties, marketing infrastructures and financial support. There is no point of suggesting them a crop or a livelihood if farmers do not have the skills or investments it needs. Therefore, coaching is important.

Most farmers felt that 2020 is too soon. Maybe they are correct. A larger and favourable value chain is hard to diversify and takes time. Therefore, the Government should take it gradually. They could come up with a plan that removes the least affected farmers first and then gradually introduce alternative income sources to everyone.

The most unclear point is on the leadership in this transitional process. Who should help and guide farmers into alternative income sources is the most important question. At the moment it is clear that there is a tug of war between the Government and CTC and farmers are not clear where to go in search for options and answers. Government might feel that it is CTC’s responsibility to take care of the farmers in their value chain. CTC might be in the view that Government should be leading the transitions since it is the one trying to eliminate farmers from the value chain.

What both parties should understand is that we are talking about livelihoods of more than 300,000 and this should not be taken lightly. It might be the case where a Public-Private Partnership should be in place to handle the transition process.

The SADP ULTRA model introduced by CTC is an ideal solution for farmers to practice and see the viability. However, it is important to identify the responsible authorities and process of taking this forward with a large number of tobacco farmers in the country.

It is not possible to ask farmers simply to cultivate vegetables. First this might disrupt the existing vegetable market with excessive supply and lower prices. Then farmers will be in trouble if they were to ask to cultivate and find the markets by themselves. Fruit and vegetable farmers are already in chaos situations in trying to find markets. Therefore, most tobacco farmers said they need an out-grower model with guaranteed prices if they were to move to other cash crops.

There are many opportunities in the fruit and vegetable export markets, this can be either organic, or can be under Good Agricultural Practices (GAP). However, the question is how these farmers can be integrated in to these value chains and who should take the lead.

How does a better

model look?

Firstly, there should be a responsible authority (a committee, project, programme) that would lead the process of introducing alternative income sources to tobacco farmers. This authority/entity should represent all the stakeholders. For example, it should have Government representation, CTC, representatives from the beedi and cigar industry, representatives from smokeless tobacco industry, potential private sector entities that focus on buying other crops for local and export purposes, representations from farmer groups and associations and research entities (these research entities can be universities and Government research institutes) and financial institutions.

Once this sort of an entity is in place, a clear message has to be communicated to farmers about the seriousness on the ban, whether it would happen or not and which farmers (farmers with smokeless tobacco products and farmers with CTC and beedi and cigar industry) are affected and the timeline. Once this is done farmers will take this seriously and would come up with ideas or desired situations for them more confidently and clearly.

As a company it does not make any sense for CTC to get into a business other than tobacco. Therefore, one should not expect CTC to arrange a system where they would buy what farmers grown in their diversification activities.

However, if the Government is introducing a tobacco ban that would put farmers out of livelihoods, it should be the Government priority to make sure their disposable income is safe. There are many ways that Government can do this.

For example, the agriculture modernisation project can help these framers get in to better value chains in terms of other cash crops. Remember if these farmers were to go back to the conventional value chain where they supply to local economic centres, they will only face useless prices and their supply at the end might flood the local market bringing prices further down. These farmers also can be linked up with Good Agriculture Practices (GAP) program and with the Sri Lanka Fruit and Vegetable Producers, Processors and Exporters Association.

While it does not make sense for CTC to become a fruit and vegetable exporter or a middle man in the export value chain, it could take on the role of a facilitator or coordinator helping farmers to get on to better value chain during the diversification efforts. CTC can go one step further and help by doing research to provide sufficient information for everyone to help these farmers to go through a successful diversification phase.
(The writer is an Agriculture and Environment Economist. He

can be reached at chatura_rodrigo@yahoo.com.)