Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, April 26, 2018

Sampanthan’s dilemma Is Sampanthan playing into the hands of JO


JO aims at Opposition Leader post, the General Secretary posts of United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)
Attempting to get hold of the General Secretary posts of the UPFA and the SLFP using as pawns the 16 SLFP MPs
NCM against Sampanthan put on hold at the instance of the former President
JO argued that they be given the Opposition Leader post claiming that they were the largest group in the Opposition
Local Government election results point to the fact that the UNP’s calculations have gone wrong
2018-04-27
The Joint Opposition, the Mahinda Rajapaksa loyalists in the Parliament, seems to aim currently at three main positions in and outside of the Parliament.
One is the Opposition Leader post, a position that they have been eying from the day this Parliament met for the first time after the last General Elections and the others being the General Secretary posts of two parties led by President Maithripala Sirisena - the United people’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and its main constituent party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

President to be appointed by Parliament under proposed 20th Amendment to Constitution: JVP

Thursday, April 26, 2018
The President would be appointed by Parliament under the proposed 20th Amendment to the Constitution, JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake said.
The JVP Leader speaking on the proposed 20th Amendment to abolish the Executive Presidency, said it would be presented to Parliament as a Private Member’s Bill next month. He was speaking at a press conference along with JVP Secretary Tilvin Silva and MP Vijitha Herath. Dissanayake said as per the draft Bill, the President would continue to be the Head of State and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, but he would no longer be the Head of the Government and the Head of Cabinet of Ministers.
He however stressed that the proposed 20th Amendment would be implemented after the current term of office of President Maithripala Sirisena expires. As per the draft Bill, the Head of Government and the Head of Cabinet of Ministers would be the Prime Minister. The President’s powers are to be distributed among the Cabinet, Prime Minister, Constitutional Council and Independent Commissions.
However, the President would continue to have the powers of appointing Governors of Provinces as same as in the 13th Amendment.
“We need a two thirds majority to pass the 20th Amendment. We will initiate a broad discussion on the draft Bill with all stakeholders, including the President, PM, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his group and also other minor parties representing Parliament. Their proposals would also be accommodated in the final draft. A healthy public dialogue would be initiated among civil organizations and intellectuals,” he added.

President to be appointed by Parliament under proposed 20th Amendment to Constitution: JVP

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JVP leader Anura Kumara

By C. A. Chandraprema- 

The JVP has stated that they will be presenting the motion to abolish the executive presidency as a private member’s Bill next month. Even though they have said that they will agree to electoral reform, too, if that is deemed to be a prerequisite for the abolition of the executive presidency, they have not given any indication that they will be including provisions for electoral reform as well in their draft 20th Amendment. Hence it appears that the 20th Amendment is being drafted solely for the purpose of abolishing the executive presidency while leaving the provisions in the present Constitution in relation to the election of members of parliament through the proportional representation and preference vote based system intact. What this means is that Articles 96, 97, 98, 99 and 99A of the Constitution which deal with the election of members of parliament will remain unchanged. This will be a recipe for disaster and nobody in his right mind will be able to agree to such an amendment.

In the past thirty years in which the proportional representation and preferential vote based system of electing members of Parliament has been in existence, there have been only two instances when the party that won a parliamentary election got a clear majority. That was after the parliamentary elections of 1989 and 2010. At all other parliamentary elections held under the present Constitution, the winning party did not get a clear majority in parliament and a coalition had to be cobbled together after the election. Hence in the past thirty years, the government has really hinged on the executive president. If the JVP brings forward a motion to abolish the executive presidency without any changes to the system of electing members of parliament so as to ensure a stable government, then some people are going to say that the JVP is trying to achieve through a Constitutional amendment what they failed to achieve in the late 1980s through the barrel of a gun. In the late 1980s, the JVP shot dead hundreds of petty government officials and set fire to rural government buildings in an attempt to bring the functioning of the government to a halt.

This time they have managed to achieve a comparable result at the local government level by persuading this clueless government to pass reforms to the local government elections law in August last year. Now, elections have been held under the JVP promoted system and what we have are chronically unstable local government institutions in most parts of the country. The JVP (and other smaller parties working together) managed to get this government to ram through similar reforms to the provincial councils law as well last October and if the PC elections are held according to that system, what we will have will be unstable provincial councils as well. After having seen how the new local government elections system worked, the people and politicians of this country are now openly hostile to any suggestion that the yahapalana electoral system be extended to the parliamentary system as well. In fact if the results of the system advocated by the JVP had been apparent when the PC elections system was changed, no party other than the JVP would have voted for it. After the local government elections fiasco there are already calls from parties across the political spectrum demanding that the next PC elections be held according to the old PR and preference vote based system since that was much better than the system that was hurriedly introduced last year.

Electoral reform was always

a precondition

As there is no longer any appetite for JVP style electoral reforms, they seem to have hit upon the next best option of calling for the abolition of the executive presidency without reforming the parliamentary electoral system whereby they can introduce anarchy to the central government level as well. In the past any suggestion of abolishing the executive presidency has always been coupled to changing the electoral system to a hybrid first-past-the-post/proportional representation system. Even in the yahapalana campaign that brought Maithripala Sirisena into power, electoral reform was coupled inextricably to the abolishing of the executive presidential system. Furthermore, the new electoral system envisaged was not the pure proportional representation system that JVP took the initiative to introduce at the local government and provincial council level, but the hybrid first-past-the-post/proportional representation system that was decided on by the Parliamentary Select Committee under the Chairmanship of Dinesh Gunawardene in 2008. The system that this Parliamentary Select Committee suggested was first passed into law by the Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Act No: 22 of 2012. That system was to function as follows:

The representative of each ward would be elected on the first past the post system in the first round and the remaining 30% of representatives would be elected in the following manner: The total number of votes received by all the winning candidates of each political party in the wards and the votes of the political parties which received less than 5% of the valid votes cast, will be eliminated from the race to arrive at the aggregate number of votes polled by the ‘balance candidates’. This would then be divided by the number of members to be returned on the PR quota in that institution to arrive at the ‘qualifying number’. The aggregate of the votes received by the balance candidates of each recognized political party will then be divided by the qualifying number to determine the number of PR candidates that political party or independent group is entitled to.

The changes that parties like the JVP brought through the back door to this system on 25 August 2017 stood the 2012 system on its head and the result is now universally reviled by virtually all political parties including the ethnic parties. For the JVP to pretend to be oblivious to the mayhem they caused and to nonchalantly put forward a proposal to abolish the executive presidency without at the same time changing the way members of parliament are elected, can only be interpreted as an attempt to do through the legislative process what they failed to do in the late 1980s through the bullet. The question is that in the context where the electoral system that was advocated by the JVP has proved to be such a dismal failure, what is the electoral reform proposal that they can append to their Bill to abolish the executive presidency? The simple answer to that is, that they should append to their private members Bill the system put in place through the Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Act No: 22 of 2012.

The need to prove good faith

When that Act was first passed in 2012, the idea was that the new electoral system would be tried out at the local government level first before being introduced at the provincial council and parliamentary levels. We never got to try out that system because it was changed in August 2017. However, we have seen that the system that replaced it has not worked to the satisfaction of anybody, and on that basis we have no alternative but to fall back on the 2012 system. When the present LG elections system was introduced on 25 August 2017, many people predicted quite early on that it would give rise to chronically unstable local government institutions, because it was so obvious that such could be the only outcome of the system proposed. However, nobody has made such negative predictions about the 2012 system.

We have one final chance to try out the 2012 system by introducing it at the provincial council elections that are coming due and based on the outcome, to introduce it at the parliamentary level as well before the next presidential elections come due in the last quarter of next year. If the JVP is to establish its bona fides with regard to their private members Bill to abolish the executive presidency, they should simultaneously bring forward proposals for electoral reform instead of merely saying that they are ‘willing to consider’ electoral reform. The JVP has together with the yahapalana government participated in flouting both the Constitution and the Standing Orders of Parliament to introduce electoral reforms through Committee stage amendments to Bills introduced in Parliament for completely different purposes. Even this private members Bill to abolish the executive presidency is being looked at with suspicion because there is the distinct possibility that the JVP and their yahapalana buddies may use this Bill too for various political games.

People have this fear that this private member’s Bill in the event that it does get to the Committee stage could be used to bring in more constitutional reforms than just the abolition of the executive Presidency. Even though the Standing Orders of Parliament provide for private member’s Bills, the Constitution does not have any specific provisions enabling Constitutional change to take place through a private member’s Bill and it may be necessary to seek a determination from the Supreme Court in this regard. After the manner in which the JVP worked with the yahapalana government to introduce highly damaging reforms to the LG and PC electoral systems through the backdoor, any legislative initiative by the JVP will be suspect unless they prove their bona fides beyond a reasonable doubt. With regard to the private members Bill to abolish the executive presidential system, the only way the JVP can prove their bona fides is to include in its proposals for electoral reform as well.

Fitch: Sri Lanka political unrest tests reform momentum


 

Recent political developments in Sri Lanka have created some uncertainty over reform momentum and fiscal consolidation, and prolonged upheaval could undermine investor confidence ahead of large external debt maturities in 2019-22, says Fitch Ratings. That said, the unrest has had limited economic impact so far, and Sri Lanka's 'B+' sovereign rating already factors in a degree of political risk.

The ruling coalition suffered heavy losses in local elections in February, pointing to waning support amid signs of friction within the ruling coalition. The Prime Minister survived a vote of no confidence in early April, before parliament was effectively suspended until May 8 upon the resignation of coalition ministers. The coalition leadership is now discussing a cabinet reshuffle.

The government has shown strong commitment to the IMF programme that began in June 2016. The IMF announced on April 20 it had reached staff level agreement on the 4th review of the Extended Fund Facility (EFF), subject to approval of the automatic fuel pricing mechanism. We noted an improving policy framework that supported macroeconomic stability when we affirmed Sri Lanka's rating with a Stable Outlook in February 2018. Structural fiscal reforms, such as a VAT hike, have pushed up the revenue-to-GDP ratio and narrowed the fiscal deficit in recent years. An Inland Revenue Act in 2017 implemented from 1 April 2018 is likely to increase revenue further.

This progress may still continue if recent political problems can be resolved and the government keeps in place an economic team that prioritises reform and stability. Some positive efforts have continued even amid the upheaval. For example, in March 2018 an Active Liability Management Act was passed and the Cabinet approved amendments to the Monetary Law Act (MLA), which facilitate flexible inflation targeting.

The risk of political instability disrupting policy continuity might be mitigated by the election schedule. The presidential election is not due until end-2019, and parliamentary elections will follow. Early elections would require approval from a two-thirds majority of parliament and the President. The current administration is therefore likely to remain in power for at least another 18 months.

However, policy implementation looks likely to become slower and more challenging. Reform distractions and pressure for more populist policies might also rise as Sri Lanka enters an election cycle. Fuel and electricity price reforms to create automatic adjustment mechanisms were an IMF structural benchmark to be completed by end-2016. Approval of the fuel price reform is a requirement of the completion of the IMF's next review, and further delay in implementation could raise risks to the fiscal outlook.

Large upcoming debt maturities and low reserve coverage make Sri Lanka vulnerable to shifts in global investor confidence, which could be affected by an extended period of political unrest or signs of waning commitment to the IMF programme.

Why governance standards are becoming the No. 1 yardstick for equity investors

Friday, 27 April 2018

logoTo begin, after the financial crisis, regulators and funds came up with a new bunch of new governance structures and rules that they wanted their companies to practice and adopt. This new governance regime brought about new challenges for the chairman, the conscience keeper in a business.

The world we operate in is entirely different to the time. Today, the increased focus on compliance and governance now permeate every aspects of the business. As an example, a board is expected to review all executive compensation schemes on a regular basis to ensure that they cannot be viewed as driving inappropriate behaviour. A board is also expected to review every compliance violations of their board members for a start in order to ensure the company maintains consistently high standards of ethics, especially when their members hold office elsewhere.

Corporate culture normally permeates and influences every part of a company. Of particular importance is the role culture plays in corporate strategy and performance. Culture is also increasingly on the agenda of regulators, with some, such as those in the United Kingdom, now holding boards directly responsible for oversight of corporate culture. Other companies are under deferred prosecution agreements or corporate integrity agreements from the US. Therefore, a board needs to play a key guardianship role as well as ensuring employees are fully aware of their obligations.

The reason for this is the concept that good corporate culture, grounded in good core values based on corporate governance helps to sustain business growth and attract and retain ethical employees and customers. At a macro level attracting investment requires protecting investors. Investor protection requires both law and the effective enforcement of law. However, in many developing countries, neither the quality of the law nor its enforcement are adequate.

As to law, few developing countries have, for example, an enforceable concept of the fiduciary duties that controlling shareholders, directors and managers owe to investors – particularly to minority shareholders. To join the global capital market, developing countries will need to attend to these deficiencies. Because private capital is necessary for economic development, but capital does not flow to badly managed markets.

Investors, whether purchasers of equity or lenders, will not invest in a market or a company they view as unstable, corrupt, or utterly lacking basic protections for their investment and contractual rights. Thus, countries seeking to create a capital market – and private enterprises seeking to attract local or global capital – must develop a framework that assures public investors that the assets they provide will be protected. That requires good governance at enterprise level and sound leadership.

Integrating governance

Corporate governance requirements can often be satisfied when it comes to the letter of the law, but respecting the spirit of the law is a challenge for some companies. Much has been said and written about culture change since the financial crisis.

For example in Enron, analysts found a strong correlation between a failure to embrace the spirit of corporate governance and deep-seated organisational culture problems. Furthermore it is now widely accepted that the CEO and top executive behaviour, attitudes and values determine organisational culture – and no matter how many mission or value statements HR plasters on the walls, it is the top management that finally shapes the values in a business. This dimension is probably the biggest chink in an organisation’s corporate governance amour.

Role of HR

Therefore corporate governance in my view is an issue that encompasses an entire organisation, but without a supportive board, is most likely to be side-lined. As a result HR is often the victim of a no-go cycle. Because in many businesses, corporate governance still lacks business perspective, and HR lacks the standing within the organisation to talk governance. So without that stature, HR often has trouble getting a foot in the door to discuss business challenges like corporate governance. Therefore, HR must and needs to play an important role to promote good corporate governance but to do that they should be well trained in the procedures and demonstrate the value of good corporate governance to business sustainability and for attracting and retaining talent.

Today, the current governance debate in many companies is focusing not only on the changes and upgrades that need to be made to the processes, but also on the different players who need to have a role in either driving good governance or monitoring governance within the enterprise. Therefore, within a company, focus is required from all the key functions to promote governance.

However, HR can facilitate good governance within an enterprise by focusing on three main areas; firstly, HR can set and implement a framework for executive pay. Secondly, they can drive performance evaluation beyond the corporation and into the boardroom. Thirdly, they can ensure that there are good systems for succession planning. Lastly, help the enterprise to take a broader view of the relationship between long-term business success and practicing good ethics.

Culture needs to become a standing agenda item for the board to make sure complacency doesn’t become an issue and that a strong culture remains a focus of management and employees. To help oversee that monitoring, a dashboard with cultural indicators from across the company is a useful tool. These tools motivates investors to move into companies that uphold ‘environmental, social and governance’ standards.

(The writer is a HR Thought Leader.)

Yahapalanaya works for MR comeback



Sughandika Fernando exposed the whole justice system
Where the Courts of Law cannot deliver justice, no repairs or reforms were possible
There are thus definite and serious doubts about the role of the Judiciary and its independence
This unprincipled Unity Government cannot provide answers to issues the people need answers

2018-04-27
A fortnight ago a video clip went viral on social media that left the whole of the Judiciary, the prosecuting agencies and the legal profession stark naked.

It was a personal narrative by a young female lawyer, Sughandika Fernando that exposed the whole justice system from top to bottom, with names, dates and places and her own involvement in each of the cases and incidents she mentioned.

She alleged the Courts from Magistrate to Supreme Court, the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, the local Bar Associations, senior lawyers, the Attorney General’s Department, the Police Department including its top officials and the politicians, as wholly corrupt, working together hand-in-glove to undermine Justice and fair play.
Most, unfortunately, the mainstream media does not think Ms Fernando’s personal stories are worth further discourse in terms of justice and in relation to judicial independence.

In any country, where the Courts of Law cannot deliver justice, no repairs or reforms are possible.

This exposure tells us just that.

It is not the Judiciary alone that is tied in this nauseating chaos. Everything from professional ethics, politics to economy is in it.

As a profession, lawyers don’t represent the interests of their clients. Obvious it is with suspects left in remand custody for years, not weeks. 

Apprentices exploited to no end and junior female lawyers sexually abused too. 

Her detailed exposure tells the Police and the legal profession play together for their own interests. 

The Court Mudliyars also interfere in deciding dates and even rulings through various manipulations. Citing a case in which she appeared, she even named the then Deputy Solicitor General as manipulating cases of political interests through interpretations.

On her experience, independence in appearing for clients at times, bring numerous threats to lawyers.

Though most of Ms Fernando’s tales are limited to her experience in Chilaw and the Gampaha District, they cannot be mere provincial distortions or a local sickness that can be cured on an issue basis.

They are tied in numerous ways to Colombo and the apex bodies of the Judiciary.
While media reports said President Sirisena was against the arrest of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the FR petition was re-fixed for hearing twice before allowing him to stay free with an interim stay order on his arrest for almost one year

All issues highlighted put together, Ms Fernendo’s exposure basically says, the judicial system as a whole from investigations through prosecution, is corrupt to the core and is politicised beyond repair.

We, therefore, have to accept, this Judiciary with all its line departments and the private bar, does not necessarily decide independently and is often partisan, due to politics and corruption at all levels. 

There is no other way to explain the status of the Judiciary, given the fate of the three million US dollar Forex case, in which Ravi Karunanayake was indicted with two others and the case dragged on for six years from 2009 till a change of Government.

In 2015 May Karunanayake was cleared on technical grounds allowing the Attorney General to file papers with due amendments that during the past three years have not been attended to.

There is also no other way of explaining how Gotabhaya Rajapaksa can avoid arrest with an FR petition filed with the Supreme Court in May 2017 to date.

While media reports said President Sirisena was against the arrest of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the FR petition was re-fixed for hearing twice before allowing him to stay free with an interim stay order on his arrest for almost one year and still pending. 

There is also no other explanation possible for unbelievably long detentions of Tamil youth without any charges, after many years of investigations by the TID and the CID.

Looking back, three Chief Justices of the Supreme Court, Sarath N. Silva CJ, Shiranee Bandaranayake CJ and Mohan Peiris CJ, are of very questionable track records.

Sarath N. Silva on his own accord accepted his ruling on Helping Hambantota case that was politically very sensitive, went against the people and made a public apology on it.

Shiranee Bandaranayake allowing President Rajapaksa to amend the Constitution to have an unrestricted number of terms under the 18 Amendment without a Referendum smack of political patronage. 

She as CJ was in a conflict of interest with her husband holding a political appointment by President Rajapaksa.

There isn’t much to say about Mohan Pieris as CJ, who was a direct political appointment by President Rajapaksa.

There are thus definite and serious doubts about the role of the Judiciary and its independence.

Even after this Yahapalanaya Government was installed, nothing systemic has changed, with a heavily politicised Constitutional Council (CC) nominating for appointments.

The CC constituted with seven Members of the present Parliament and three members called “civil society” representatives have been held responsible for partiality and bias in nominating Members to “Independent” Commissions, most of which are dysfunctional and ineffective.

The three civil society representatives are not seen playing any role in the CC. 

There is no transparency in CC activities and no minutes of meetings in public domain. Nor do these three civil society representatives say, what they do and where they stood in nominating individuals to very important positions and Commissions.

In fact, the CC can meet without them, with the seven Parliamentary Members completing the quorum necessary. There is no reason, therefore, to expect the CC to function ethically, honestly and impartially.

Add these negatives to all that Ms Fernando said and the cumulative effect cannot leave any space for independence and fair play in our judicial system.

We are thus compelled to accept the co-sponsored UNHRC Resolution adopted at the 2015 September-October Sessions in Geneva was absolutely right. This Judiciary with untrustworthy and undependable investigating and prosecuting agencies in a Sinhala dominated and polarised society cannot be expected to act independently and in fairness to victims of other ethnic and religious denominations.

If as Ms. Fernando kept saying and convincingly too, while investigations, interpretations, productions in Courts, fixing dates, suppressing evidence are all possible for the powerful, the rich and the corrupt, the likes of Jeyakumari Balendrans protesting in Vavuniya, Kilinochchi, Mullaithivu and Trincomalee, demanding answers for their missing family members at the hands of security forces, would hardly have space for justice.

More because this Yahapalana Government as often proved, is awfully biased towards Sinhala Buddhist sentiments and demands.

The Judiciary, after all, is the last resort for any citizen seeking justice.

Anyone who finds him or herself denied equal opportunities, fair play and believes was discriminated and unjustly treated by the State, can only plead for justice in a Court of Law.

Ms Fernando’s long story about the entirety of this Judiciary and the legal profession is the story of the people who loiter every day on corridors of Courts of Law. 
Perhaps some of the Court Reporters have more stories than even Ms Fernando to report on if they wish to be independent Reporters. Most journalists assigned for reporting court cases also have their favourites and interests to serve for. Thus, we are in a very complex and a pathetic situation that goes without questioning and social exposure. Whatever our political preferences are, it is a fact that this whole system is now beyond repair.

This cannot be reformed, unless within a total overhaul of the entire governing system based on an alternative to this insane free market economy that spreads its corrupt tentacles everywhere. 

We need to go beyond preaching about the 2015 January mandate. There was no mandate in 2015 January for any serious reforms that can clean up the Judiciary, the State and the political system for good.

Whatever was told during election campaigning and in the election manifesto was for a mere marketing of the “Common Candidate”.

Politics of it was only about voting out Rajapaksa. What was thereafter doled out as “Reforms”; the 19 Amendment was a bundle contradiction that allows another horribly corrupt group embedded in this extremely corrupt economy to govern for four plus half years without an election. 

This unprincipled and unholy alliance called a ‘Unity Government’ cannot provide answers to any of the issues the people need answers for; democracy, economy, education, health, public transport and clean governance not just for the Colombo Urban Middle Class but for North-East as well.

It is thus hilarious and a sorry plight to see some of the urban pundits drawing up programs for and demanding pledges from this wobbling “alliance” to deliver on the 2015 January mandate.

Not accepting this “cock and bull” marriage in governance is rudderless, inefficient, and corrupt and cannot deliver even the basics the people need, these Colombo pundits have allowed another Rajapaksa comeback.

Changing names and faces, arguing for leadership replacement, demanding a new Constitution from this corrupt and racist Government will not get this society back to decent and quality living.

None of them is possible with this awfully corrupt political party leadership, professionals and the whole State with law enforcement agencies, the Judiciary, all being comfortable partners in a sordid game of racist Southern politics for personal gain.

Non-traditional or not, any President or PM left within this system would only represent the system to enjoy all the corruption and nepotism in it.

This free market economic model that sustains this wholly corrupt system, screwed to FDIs that we are told is the only way out, is a “tested and proven failure” during the past 40 years.

Forty years wealth and income are being stockpiled in Western Province breeding a filthy-rich, politically-powerful urban elite. 

We, therefore, need to focus on an “alternative” holistic national development policy on a new economic model that can be inclusive and with social justice.

Power struggle keeps Sri Lanka rudderless


By Our Political Correspondent-Apr 25, 2018 06:48 AM GMT+0530 | 1 Comment(s)


ECONOMYNEXT - President Maithripala Sirisena's failure to dislodge Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe could have damaged their relationship permanently with devastating consequences for the national unity government.

With most protagonists acknowledging that the failed April 4 no-confidence motion (NCM) was fuelled by Sirisena, a fractured United National Party (UNP) has rallied to support Wickremesinghe despite his lacklustre leadership.

The Economynext political correspondent weighs the prospects for both Sirisena and the man who propelled him to power -- Ranil Wickremesinghe -- as the country heads for the next president election amid uncertainty.

Options for Sirisena: Severely weakened by his failure to topple Wickremesinghe through the NCM on April 4, Sirisena could try to mend fences with a non-confrontationist prime minister or go all out on the offensive.

However, as the NCM further split his faction of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) with 16 MPs saying they will join the Rajapaksa-faction, Sirisena's leadership of the party has been seriously undermined.

One way of rallying all sections of the SLFP would be to declare an all-out offensive against the UNP, block the work of the UNP-led government, refuse to cooperate with the UNP on making cabinet and other key appointments.

Another course open to Sirisena is to shed the SLFP leadership, become politically neutral, recommit to the original 2015 mandate for reforms and cut a deal with the UNP to seek re-election in 2019 as the common candidate.

For Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, the options are limited as he does not have overriding executive powers despite the 19th amendment to the constitution taking away the power of the president to prematurely sack the legislature.

Wickremesinghe could insist on forming a government with only UNP ministers and their closest allies, but constitutionally, such a move will not be possible without the concurrence of the President.

He could also attempt to engineer the defections of at least seven SLFP MP's to ensure that the UNP and its allies on their own will command 113 seats in the 225-member parliament to ensure greater stability.

However, that would place Wickremesinghe on a direct path of confrontation with Sirisena who can make life more difficult for the UNP-led administration by adopting an obstructionist stance.

The likely outcome: Since neither Sirisena nor Wickremesinghe have the constitutional power or the strength in parliament to take any drastic action against each other, both are likely to maintain the status quo.

Sirisena will try to cling to the leadership of the SLFP while the majority of the party deserts him and joins the Joint Opposition openly led by his nemesis Mahinda Rajapaksa. The more time and energy he spends on the futile exercise of taking control of the SLFP, more members will abandon his sinking ship.

Wickremesinghe will resort to his trademark softly-softly approach that will only revive criticism of his leadership which is already increasingly under threat as the country approaches the 2019 presidential polls. Wickremesinghe is safe for the time being because there is no credible candidate to take his place.

The failure of the dual leadership of the president and the prime minister will have far reaching consequences for the administration.

The inability of the police to successfully prosecute many of the high profile individuals accused of huge corruption and even murder during the former regime will undermine public confidence and compound problems for both leaders.

Both Sirisena and Wickremesinghe stand accused of obstructing some high profile investigations due to political expediency while the lack of progress in other cases has also led to polarisation within the criminal justice system.

Police investigators have privately expressed fears that they may be hounded in the event of a sudden change of government while some have been threatened with dire consequences should Rajapaksa return to power.

Given the political stalemate in the country, the administration is likely to drift while the political establishment will remain listless with no clear succession plan either for the UNP or the SLFP ahead of the 2019 elections. (COLOMBO, April 24, 2018)

Ranil Ensures An All-Male, Royal-Heavy ‘Top Order’ In The UNP

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Reaffirming the close-to-absolute power vested in the position of party leader in the United National Party (UNP) Constitution, Ranil Wickremesinghe brushed aside all objections and persuaded the Working Committee to ratify his all-male choices for key party posts. Moreover, except for one appointee, the rest are all past pupils of Wickremesinghe’s alma mater, Royal College, Colombo.

Ranil
The UNP’s Working Committee, which met today effectively ratified the persons that Wickremesinghe had picked for these posts. A total of 57 members had been present at the meeting.
Accordingly, while Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa retained the posts of Leader and Deputy Leader respectively, Ravi Karunanayake was appointed as Assistant Leader, Akila Viraj Kariyawasam as General Secretary and Navin Dissanayake as National Organizer.
Former General Secretary Kabir Hashim was made the Chairman of the party and Harsha de Silva appointed as the Treasurer. In addition, Ruwan Wijewardene was appointed the Deputy General Secretary. De Silva has always been a loyal supporter of his leader while Wijewardena is Wickremesinghe’s cousin. Of all these individuals only Kariyawasam is not an old boy of Royal College.
According to party sources, the consultative committee appointed to discuss and recommend reforms for the restructuring of the party has effectively been sidelined in the process.
Ranjan Ramanayake and Joseph Michael Perera had raised objections to the appointment of Karunanayake as Assistant Leader, the latter deciding to resign from the Working Committee in protest.
Ramanayake had suggested that Karunanayake’s appointment be put on hold until such time he is cleared of having had a part in the Central Bank bond scam.
Sajith Premadasa and Navin Dissanayake had opined that it would have been better if these office-bearers were elected. However it had been pointed out that a third of the members present would have to call for such as election as per the Party Constitution.

When Kariyawasam’s name was announced and the members asked if there were objections, ‘there was visible displeasure,’ sources told Colombo Telegraph.

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Buttala trio arrested with gajamuthu

The gajamuthu that the Dambulla Police seized.
The gajamuthu that the Dambulla Police seized.
Three businessmen in Buttala, including two brothers-in-law and their uncle, who had arrived in Dambulla to sell two gajamuthu for Rs. 7 million, were arrested on suspicion by the Dambulla Police on April 23 afternoon.
They are suspected to have obtained the gajamuthu by killing a tusker in the Yala sanctuary.
Police said the Dambulla Police special operations unit officers, acting on a tip-off, persuaded the three suspects to have a rendezvous in Dambulla by discussing the deal over the phone, posing as prospective buyers.
After getting a policemen posing as a businessmen to discuss matters relating to the deal and examining the items, police waiting in hiding arrested them. On interrogation, the two brothers-in-law had said that their uncle owned the stones. Police said investigations are continuing to find the tusks of the slain tusker. The suspects were due to be produced before the Dambulla Magistrate.
Further investigations are continuing, directed by Dambulla Crimes OIC Gayan Samarakoon.

Shashi given diplomatic passport on Wimal’s insistence

Death in Weerawansa’s mansion :Youth had illicit relationship with Sashi and died due to excessive intake of Viagra !

April 24, 2018
Despite knowing that former Minister Wimal Weerawansa’s wife had forwarded false information when she applied for a diplomatic passport, she was provided with such a passport on the request of former Minister Wimal Weerawansa said former Commissioner of Immigration and Emigration Chulananda Perera, when the case against Shashi Weerawansa was heard yesterday (23rd).
Shashi Weerawansa was arrested in February 2015 on charges of illegally obtaining diplomatic and general passports.. She had allegedly submitted birth certificates with forged names and dates of birth to obtain the passports. She is currently out on bail.
Mr Chulananda accepted that he had not informed the police though there was a procedure to inform the CID when someone forwards false information.
Further hearing was put off until 8th June.


Thu, Apr 26, 2018, 09:27 pm SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.


Lankapage LogoApr 26, Colombo: The Criminal Investigations Department of Sri Lanka Police on Thursday arrested a retired Lieutenant of the Sri Lanka Navy, who had served as the Operations Manager of the Avant Garde Floating Armory.

The CID this morning arrested Milleniye Samudra Nilupul De Costa, a resident of Wanawasala Kelaniya, in connection with the investigations being carried out by the CID on the vessel MV Avant Garde, which was taken into custody by the Navy in 2015.

The 43 year old suspect is to be produced before the Galle Magistrates Court today.


The MV Avant Garde ship belonging to the private maritime security firm Avant Garde was seized when it docked at the Galle Harbor for carrying a stock of unauthorized firearms.

Indictments on Sarath Kumara Gunaratne, five others

Thursday, April 26, 2018
The Colombo High Court yesterday served indictments on former Deputy Minister Sarath Kumara Gunaratne and five others.
This is for allegedly misappropriating Rs.11.2 million public funds allocated for the Negombo Lagoon Development Project and utilising it for former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidential election campaign.
When the case came up before High Court Judge R. Gurusinghe, the six accused were ordered to be released on a cash bail of Rs.25,000 with two sureties of Rs.500,000 each.
The High Court further ordered to continue the travel ban imposed against the accused during the magisterial inquiry.
The officers attached to Colombo High Court’s police post were directed to obtain their fingerprints to ascertain their previous convictions.
 The Attorney General had filed indictments against six accused including former Fisheries Deputy Minister Sarath Kumara Gunaratne, his son-in-law Upul Chaminda Kumarasinghe, Ceylon Fisheries Harbour Corporation’s (CFHC) former Chairman Upali Liyanage, its former General Manager Piyal Abeysekara, Chandana Pelpita and Lakmina Munidasa.
They were charged under Public Property Act for the alleged misappropriation of Rs.11.2 million belonging to the CFHC during the 2015 Presidential Election. The Attorney General alleged that the accused had committed six offences under Public Property Act, between November 20, 2014 and January 7, 2015.
The Special Presidential Investigation Commission had recommended that the Attorney General’s advice be sought to institute legal action against the persons responsible for this alleged financial fraud.
Senior State Counsel Sudarshana de Silva appeared for the Attorney General.
President’s Counsel Nalin Ladduwahetty with Saliya Peiris PC, Senior Counsel Lal Kularatne, Upul Kumarapperuma, counsel Sampath Mendis, Thilina Kollure and Gayathri Wijesuriya appeared for the accused.

Barbara Opall-Rome: defense specialist or war industry stooge?

“Strictly Security” host Barbara Opall-Rome has described Israel’s weapons as “lemonade.” (Via Twitter)

David Cronin-26 April 2018
Spending three decades as a stenographer for the weapons industry would give anyone a warped sense of morality. So when Barbara Opall-Rome – the doyen of Israel’s “defense correspondents” – refers to “journalistic integrity,” she may understand that term differently than most people.
Opall-Rome recently tweeted that she had stayed “at a gorgeous property owned by the emir of Qatar” while on vacation. Because the details she gave were sparse, I contacted her to enquire if the Qatari authorities had provided her with free accommodation.
In response, Opall-Rome assured me that she and her husband “paid top dollar” to holiday at a Seychelles resort and were unaware that it was Qatari-owned until after their arrival.
“Sorry to confuse you with the facts,” she added. “And I trust if you have any journalistic integrity, you will rephrase your questions so they more closely resemble actual questions rather than accusations.”

Even on vacation, can’t escape regional intrigue. We’re staying at a gorgeous property owned by the Emir of Qatar, with view of a pleasure-craft carrier serving family/guests of Sheikh Khalifa of UAE.
I have zero intention of rephrasing the questions put to Opall-Rome. It is not unreasonable to ask public figures for clarification about something they have written or posted on the Internet.
In this particular case, it was legitimate to enquire if Opall-Rome had accepted any gifts from Qatar, given how its government has been wooing Israel’s supporters lately.
Opall-Rome’s apparent advocacy of journalistic integrity sits awkwardly with how she has built up a career promoting an industry based on death and destruction.
As recognition of her long service to the arms industry, Opall-Rome now hosts her own show on the Tel Aviv-based television channel i24News.
She uses “Strictly Security” – the show’s name – to celebrate Israel as a “land of milk and cyber startups.”

A recent broadcast marking the anniversary of the state’s establishment applauded how Israel had become a leading player in the global arms trade.
“In 70 years of independence, this small immigrants’ country is in a constant state of war,” Opall-Rome said. “But Israelis – as they often do – take these lemons and make lemonade.”

Amoral

Only someone amoral could resort to such a euphemism. Opall-Rome was likening the weapons with which Israel inflicts terror on Palestinians to fizzy drinks.
“Strictly Security” portrays the occupation of the West Bank as sophisticated. Earlier this year, it reported on how Israel had installed “smart checkpoints” in Hebron.
The advanced surveillance technology in these checkpoints “minimizes the physical contact between Israeli soldiers and the residents,” Opall-Rome gushed. A clip showing one of those Palestinian residents saying the word “apartheid” did not alter how the entire feature was an effort to sanitize Israel’s brutality.
For the past 30 years, Opall-Rome has been a reporter with DefenseNews. That magazine is – if its marketing brochures are accurate – read by a global elite that oversees military expenditure worth more than $1.75 trillion per annum.
Opall-Rome, who previously worked from Washington, has headed the magazine’s Israel office since 1999.
Some of her “reporting” has been thinly-veiled lobbying for the arms industry. In a 2017 article about how the boss of Israel Aerospace Industries had been denied a visa to the US, she noted how contesting the refusal had cost the publicly-owned weapons maker at least $100,000 in attorney fees.
The $100,000 sum was “Israeli taxpayer money that could have gone into research and development,” she lamented.
Although Opall-Rome responded promptly to my email about her vacation, a follow-up query on why she shills for weapons makers went unanswered. In that query, I asked if she had ever exposed the harm caused by the arms industry.

Tough questions?

The closest Opall-Rome gets to posing tough questions is to ask why Israel relied on F-16s rather than the “precious” new F-35s in its arsenal while bombing Syria a few months ago.
The legal and ethical questions about attacking another nation were ducked in her “analysis.” Echoing state propaganda, Opall-Rome has depicted Israel’s previous actions in Syria – such as the 2007 assault on a nuclear facility – as benevolent.
Similarly, she has taken at face value Israel’s assertions that Iran is the “aggressor.” And she has describedpeople in Gaza who try and enter present-day Israel as “infiltrators.” That racist slur omits how Palestinian refugees have a UN-recognized right of return to historic Palestine, as well as the right to resist occupation and apartheid.
During its annual conference last weekend, the National Union of Journalists for Britain and Ireland discussedhow Israel and its supporters are seeking to influence press coverage with their propaganda activities. The union made a commitment to support journalists who disobey instructions from editors or management that they cover Israel’s most blatant propaganda exercise this year: starting the Giro d’Italia bike race in Jerusalem.
The union’s discussion was sorely-needed. Too many reporters – from Britain, Ireland, the US and beyond – have treated Israel’s talking points as if they are solid facts.
By doing so, they have ignored the plight of Palestinian media workers who risk – and sometimes lose – their lives while chronicling Israel’s crimes.
Opall-Rome is the kind of reporter who should be disowned by her profession. Her stories recycle – without any hint of skepticism – lies pumped out by the Israeli authorities and the pro-Israel lobby.
She is a “journalist” with a complete lack of integrity.