Welikada shooting incident unfolding in court

  

2018-04-11

Prison Department’s Rehabilitation Commissioner and Magazine Prison’s former Superintendent Emil Ranjan Lamahewage and Police Narcotics Bureau (PNB) Inspector Moses Rangajeewa Newamal are extolled as ‘heroes’ by some groups in our society for their alleged involvement into the killing of 27 inmates in Welikada Prison on November 09 and 10, 2012. Certain groups justify the shooting, giving a reason that those who were killed were dangerous criminals and drug dealers.

“Those who were killed were not innocent people. They deserved death because they were a menace to the society,” they say. But, no one has a right to snatch another life. The 27 prisoners including those who were selected and shot at would not have died in vain, but they did. The furious manner in which the armed forces quelled the riot apparently indicated ferocity in the disposition of certain groups in our society towards prisoners.

Prisoners picked out and gunned down

IP Rangajeewa and former Prison Superintendent Emil Ranjan were arrested on March 28 and remanded till April 10. When the case was taken yesterday, they were further remanded till April 25. The CID investigations reports indicated that IP Rangajeewa and two others had entered Welikada Prison on the night of the incident, dressed in civil clothes, selected a group of prisoners and took them to another location. 

According to the CID investigations, eight of the detainees taken had been shot dead, which is a crime according to Articles 102, 111, 113, 189, 198, 296 and 355 of Paragraph 32 of the Penal Code. 
The eight prisoners who were gunned down were identified as Malindra Nilendra Palpola alias Malan, Nirmala Atapattu, Mohamed Wijaya Rohana alias Gundu Mama, Chinthamani Mohottige Thushara Chandana alias Kalu Thushara, Ponna Kapila alias Asarappulige Jothipala, Harsha Sri Manakeerthi Perera alias Manju Sri, Maali Susantha alias Raigamage Susantha Perera and Devamlamullage Malith Sameera Perera alias Konda Amila. 

Out of the 27 prisoners nine died during the shooting carried out by the STF when they allegedly tried to escape from a three-wheeler (GH3423). Two more prisoners died in the shooting when they attempted to escape near a Prison Superitednet’s residence. The other 8 inmates died during the shootout between armed forces and the inmates, who were bearing weapons. 

The CID investigations revealed, based on the evidence of witnesses, that a group of prisoners had been picked out and later shot on November 10th morning. This was after the Army had entered Welikada Prison later that night, brought the situation under control and left the scene. 

Sudesh Nandimal Silva, who was in remand when the riot took place, speaking to the Daily Mirror said that he had also seen an officer in yellow t-shirt, whom he later got to know as IP Rangajeewa, having in his possession a pistol and a list and calling out certain prisoners by their names. Nandimal has testified before the CID. 

Covering up the crime

Under the instructions of the then Prisons Commissioner General, the official photographer of Prisons Niraj Dushyantha Gunawardane had taken photographs of the dead prisoners and also captured the situation at the prison on November 10th morning. In those photographs, weapons were not seen near the bodies of prisoners Malan, Kapila and Manju Sri. However, a rifle was seen beside the bodies of the above mentioned prisoners in photographs which were taken later, the CID informed the court. 

All the weapons seized from the prisoners by the Army were handed over by Sergeant Tennakoon to Jailer Nanayakkara on November 10th morning as it was noted down in the journal. CID officers had found four T56 rifles next to the bodies of the prisoners. They were among the firearms which were earlier handed over to Jailer Nanayakkara. The CID concluded that the four rifles had been brought back and placed next to the bodies of prisoners with the intention of framing an incident or covering up a crime. 

All these findings by the CID were reported by the Daily Mirror in earlier articles using statements made by eyewitnesses, including prisoners and a jailer.
 
The firearms and other productions of the case have been sent to the Government Analyst’s Department for further study and a further report on the CID findings have been sent to the Attorney General’s Department, seeking advice. 

Disputes with prisoners

It was also found that most of the inmates who had been picked out and shot were those who had filed Fundamental Rights cases and petitions before the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) against prison, narcotics and defence officials. 

“Emil threatened my son to withdraw complaint against him at Human Rights Commission”
- Merlin

During an interview with the Daily Mirror, Jayasinghe Arachchige Merlin, the mother of Devalamullage Malith Sameera Perera aka ‘Konda Amila’, who died during the shooting, recalled the history associating her son and Former Prison Superintendent Emil Ranjan at Magazine Prison. 

Malith was a convict of a drug related crime. He had been transferred to Welikada Prison several days prior to the shooting incident. 

The bodies of brutally shot prisoners were laid in order when Merlin visited the hospital to identify the remain of her son. The face of Malith was almost unrecognizable due to wounds. For a moment she sat breathless and was hardly able to believe her eyes. Then she recovered her senses and voice. She started crying for her son. 

“My son earlier had had a verbal argument with Emil. Following the argument, Emil had summoned my son to his office and threatened to shoot him. Following this threat, I filed a complaint at the Human Rights Commission against him (Ranjan) over the death threat. Emil, who was infuriated, had punished and penalised my son over a confrontation that had taken place within the prison. My son had been threatened by Emil and told to withdraw the complaint against him at Human Rights Commission. But, he did not want the complaint to be withdrawn. This is merely a personal revenge,” remarked Merlin. 

“Wijaya’s mother testified in a murder case against Rangajeewa”
-Wijaya’s father

Wijaya Rohana aka Gundu Mama was just over 40 years old when he was killed whilst being in Weilkada Prison. In 1997 he was a Department of Information accredited photojournalist at the Janahanda Organization. Samsan Alwis, Wijaya’s father, spoke to the Daily Mirror, displaying his son’s last remaining memento, Wijaya’s media identity card. 

Alwis unfolded a devastating story about how his won was deliberately taken into custody. According to him, Wijaya was arrested over false charges in an attempt to influence Wijaya’s mother M. Siriyawathi, who had witnessed a crime allegedly committed by IP Rangajeewa. 

“We live on Magazine Road, Welikada. If my memory serves me right, it was before 2014, when my wife M. Sriyawathi had witnessed IP Rangajeewa beating and killing a user of drugs named Channa near our house. My wife was the only eyewitness to the incident and this put our family in hot water. My son had also published some photos of Rangajeewa in the newspaper and he was angry as a result. So, he had two reasons to take revenge on my son. They deliberately filed a charge against my son that had a connection with heroin. That is what they usually do if they want someone arrested,” he said. 

Siriyawathi, being informed of the riot through news broadcasts, had called the Prison at midnight on November 9. She had managed to speak to her son who told his mother that he was safe by that time. But, he was later dragged out of the cell and shot at. 

IP Rangajeewa had visited Wijaya’s house during the memorial service a week after Wijaya’s death. Alwis claimed that Rangajeewa, accompanied by four others – probably policemen – were under the influence of alcohol at the time of the visit. Alwis said that his wife had been threatened. Alwis further said that alcohol must have given Rangajeewa a clumsy frame of mind because he had recounted Wijaya’s death, in Welikada. 

“Your son was a cheap and worthless chap. So, I dispatched him to the hell where he deserved,” Rangajeewa had told Siriyawathi and Alwis on that day. 

Meanwhile, the case relating to the alleged murder of Channa, where Siriyawathi was an eyewitness, is still proceeding in High Court. 

However, the story did not end there. Siriyawathi was suffering from cancer. A depressed Siriyawathi took no notice of her disease until it grew throughout her body. In 2014, Siriyawathi, who had experienced severe body pains, was rushed to the hospital, accompanied by her daughter-in-law Samanthi. But, they could not reach the hospital. 

While they were heading to the hospital, they bumped into IP Duminda Balasoriya of Walana Anti-Corruption Unit on the Magazine Road. He stopped them and and began questioning them. 
“I am the mother of Wijaya Rohana, who was killed in cold blood, by Rangajeewa. Leave us alone at least now,” an irritated Siriyawathi, who was annoyed by the IP’s behaviour, had told him, according to Alwis. 

IP Balasoriya had then dialed Rangajeewa’s number. Alwis said that although Samanthi could not hear what Rangajeewa had told during the telephone conversation, she had heard Balasoriya replying “What to do? I have to agree with you to do it although it is a sin”. Those words had brought the phone conversation to an end. Siriyawathi, along with Samanthi, was brought to the police station.
 
“The police allegedly put 550 mg of heroin for each individual as the charge against us. We were remanded on that day itself. We asked IP Balasoriya why he had no mercy for us and whether he had parents. He said his parents had died when he was a child,” Samanthi recalled. 

Alwis made every attempt to request bail for his wife. However, in early January, 2016, she was rushed to the hospital. After a one and a half month battle with cancer Siriyawathi passed away in February.

Alwis sought legal action against the injustice from The Human Rights Commission in Sri Lanka. Proceedings of the case HRC/2926/14 which lasted for two years, ended with no further action being taken. When inquired into by the HRCSL, it said their recommendations had already been sent to the relevant authorities and now it is not their job to follow the recommendations given. 

“The Human Rights Commission attempts to cover up cases where the police and law agencies authorities are found to be the guilty party,” alleged Alwis. 

“Complaint at HRCSL against Rangajeewa had to be withdrawn due to threats”
- Nirmala Atapattu’s father

Nirmala Atapattu was another prisoner who was selected and gunned down. Nirmala’s devastated father, Siripala Atapattu, wrote a letter to the Prime Minister last year narrating the ordeal his son had to experience. Earlier, Nirmala’s family had also lodged a complaint with the Piliyandala Police Station and The Human Rights Commission, Sri Lanka against IP Rangajeewa. However, Nirmala had been repeatedly threatened by Rangajeewa, forcing him to withdraw the complaint at HRCSL. As a result of the demand, Nirmala’s father had decided to withdraw the complaint considering the safety of his son’s life. 

Nirmala, a father of one, was a barber and a driver by profession. On June 24, 2009, Nirmala had finished his work early and returned home as he had developed an illness. Several policemen led by IP Rangajeewa and attired in civvies had entered Nirmala’s house in Madapatha around 11 pm on June 25, 2009. He was asleep at that time. When inquired into, the policemen had said that they had come to arrest him for the use and sale of narcotics. Nirmala firmly had denied these allegations. Siripala said that his son had been brutally assaulted inside his house. 

“Claiming that they had received a tip-off stating that my son was involved in drug business, they raided our house. But, they did not find any illegal stuff. They even threw chili powder in my son’s face. They beat my son so badly that he vomited. Then, he was stripped. Following this ordeal which lasted for two hours, they took my son to the police station,” Siripala said. 

The rest of Nirmala’s story is much like what happened to Wijaya Rohana. Nirmala had phoned his wife and his father around 11 pm on November 9 to inform that he was safe. But, he was also in the list. 

“We made every possible attempt to save him when he was in remand. When the real culprits of the drug menace are roaming free, my innocent son had to die because of wrong information, the police had received. No matter how much we are compensated with, we lost our beloved son, our daughter-in-law lost her husband and the little kid lost his father,” Siripala narrated. 

“They want me arrested to finish me off inside prison”
- IP Rangajeewa

IP Rangajeewa filed a Fundamental Rights Petition in Supreme Court on March 20 this year, seeking an Interim Order directing the respondents including DIG Ravi Seneviratne of CID, IGP Pujith Jayasundara and the Attorney General not to arrest him until the final determination of the FR application is made. The court was also requested by IP Rangajeewa to declare that there was an imminent infringement of the fundamental rights of him guaranteed under Article 12 (1), 13 (1) and 13 (2) of the Constitution by the aforesaid respondents. In his petition, he has responded to the allegations levelled against him for his involvement in the shooting of inmates. 

“The search was jointly conducted by STF and Intelligence and Protection Unit of the Prison Headquarters for drugs and other illegal stuff on November 9, 2012. When they tried to search the Chapel Section in the prison, the prisoners have openly resisted, attacking the STF officers with stones. Within a few hours, this resistance had developed into a full scale prison riot. Later, the Army had to be called to rest control of the situation within the prison which was created by rioting prisoners. By the following morning, the Army had managed to quell the riot and bring the prison under control. This riot had resulted in the death of 27 prisoners. 

“The drug traffickers and their agents were making another attempt to get rid of me by getting me falsely implicated in the case of Welikada Prison Riot that had taken place on November 9, 2012. They alleged that I was involved in the killing of some of the prisoners in Welikada Prison on that day and wanted to get me arrested and remanded so that they would have an easy opportunity to finish me off within the prison. 

“When I visited the CID in November 2017, the officers attached to the Special Unit 1 of the CID informed me that several prisoners and a retired chief jailer who was on duty at Welikada Prison on the day of that incident had given statement in 2017 alleging that I was one of the persons who entered Welikada Prison in civilian dress in the early hours of the day, in question, and was instrument in identifying and picking up 8 prisoners who were later found to have been shot dead.  “I categorically denied the allegation made against me, stating that I had no involvement whatsoever in the events that took place within Welikada Prison in November 9 and 10, 2012. 

“Despite there being a serious threat to my life and my health likely to be jeopardized if I am arrested and remanded, proceedings are being instituted against me in the Magistrate’s Court, Colombo. Since this is being done on the basis of this new politically motivated investigation conducted at the insistence of NGO activists pursuing political agendas and having links with drug dealers, I made representations to the Attorney General’s Department through my Attorney-at-Law “It is respectfully stated that any institution of proceedings against the petitioner on the basis of this politically motivated investigation, on complaints made with the blessing of large scale drug traffickers, would inevitably result in seriously affecting the credibility of the petitioner as a witness in over 50 narcotic cases pending in the High Courts, culminating in the discharge of all those drug traffickers.
“I respectfully state that the said respondents have acted maliciously, capriciously, arbitrarily, unfairly unreasonably and unjustly, motivated by political and / or other extraneous considerations when they field the further report produced and marked P13 in the Magistrate’s Court of Colombo and moved for impounding my Passport.” 

Those who died might have been on the wrong side of the track, when the prison riots occurred. But, they too had a right to life. Punishment for those who are responsible has been slow in coming. The family members, whose loved ones died while serving their terms in prison, are waiting till the alleged mastermind of the shooting is brought to book.

Gold worth over Rs. 170 million nabbed at Talaimannar coast

 Thursday, April 12, 2018

The Sri Lankan Navy apprehended three Sri Lankans who possessed gold worth over Rs. 170 million at the Talaimannar coast  this morning.

 

The Navy nabbed the 242 gold biscuits weighing 100 grams each, while the suspects attempted to smuggle them to India by a boat.

 

The three suspects and the gold will be handed over to the Talaimannar Customs Office. 

Some good news in a long while..! Postal department launches internet marketing service !

(Lanka-e-News - 12.April.2018, 8.00PM)   With a view to creating an international market for the products of local small and medium scale entrepreneurs beyond the normal Postal department services  ,and to distribute those products through those services  , a new internet service has been  launched. The website is http:bepost.lk 

Minister of posts, postal services and Muslim religious affairs , M.H.A. Haleem said ,this program was launched with the objective of  creating opportunities  to improve  the economic status of micro, small scale  and medium scale  entrepreneurs  through  marketing  their products locally and internationally. The minister made this revelation when addressing a media briefing at the Postal headquarters on the 10 th.

A local and international market shall be found for the small and medium scale entrepreneurs in  keeping with the  government’s  sustainable   development program , and by this method when products are being distributed ,   the Postal department can earn a large revenue , the minister pinpointed.

Already over 200 micro, small and medium scale entrepreneurs have been registered for marketing their products via the bepost.lk website .

The Post Master general D.L.P.R. Abayaratne speaking on the occasion said , already details of over 1000 products of theirs have been posted via the website , and when distributing these goods and products , the postal department is only levying a small postal charge, and is making a meager profit of 2 %.

The marketing of goods through the http:bepost.lk is done by the Postal department , and the producers are made payment within a period of about 15 days while the buyers can pay via credit cards or debit cards .

The National Enterprise development Authority inspects the goods and determines the  quality   before issuing a certificate of standard. Accordingly , the Authority can certify the quality of the goods exported , Director of National enterprise development authority Lakshman Wijewardena explained at the press briefing.

---------------------------
by     (2018-04-12 16:01:33)

Facebook responds to open letter from Sri Lankan civil society

Featured image courtesy Creed Politico

GROUNDVIEWS- 04/12/2018

A day after our open letter to Mark Zuckerberg, Facebook representatives from Delhi, India, on his behalf, responded. The email is reproduced below in full. It is worth noting at the outset that this is the first official response from Facebook we have received after many years of engaging with the company around the issues flagged in our open letter.

We are very pleased that Facebook recognises that there “is no place… for hate speech, incitement to violence, and other content that violates… Community Standards.” The company also notes that it is increasing the number of Sinhala-speaking content reviewers and will engage with civil society in addition to government, going forward. Though long overdue, these are all welcome developments and commitments.

However, we are disappointed that much of the response only states what was already known or in the public domain and is without any concrete action or measure tailored to country, language and issue specific challenges and context we outlined in some detail. Our open letter, endorsed by a dozen other civil society organisations, captured the gross negligence of Facebook when dealing with gender-based violence, including content normalising rape and condoning sexual violence against girls and women. We asked for a clear indication around the precise number of content reviewers, their location and their gender makeup. We also asked for clear guidance around the timely, effective resolution of user generated reports, particularly during heightened violence.

Facebook however does not clarify or commit.

We recognise that Facebook is “investing in artificial intelligence tools” to help with the identification of “certain types of content faster and more accurately”. This echoes what has been promised around the context in Myanmar. We remain deeply sceptical. Our experience suggests that reporting posts where text inciting harm or violence is superimposed on a non-offensive image – and is not in the body of the post itself – is usually met with the response from Facebook that the content does not violate Community Standards. While not discounting the value of investing in AI and machine learning over the long term, what the company needs to do right now is to place a greater emphasis on human content reviewers conversant in Sinhala and Tamil.

Facebook continues to brush aside its culpability in allowing for the spread of and engagement with content that incited hate and violence in March alone, with a particularly horrific and widely-reported example noted in our open letter. We are thus asked to trust a company which does not or cannot publicly acknowledge how or where it went wrong to invest in solutions around non-recurrence. We trust Facebook itself will recognise this as a weak proposition.

In sharing notes with colleagues in Myanmar, we were interested to learn that Facebook had promised them what is also deeply relevant to and resonant in Sri Lanka. Recording our surprise that Facebook didn’t in their official response offer us in Sri Lanka these same options, we strongly recommend the company looks holistically at solutions around the challenge of dealing with content inciting hate across countries, instead of ad hoc, episodic or entirely siloed, country-specific solutions.

In particular, we would like to see Facebook in Sri Lanka, like it has promised to do in Myanmar,

1. Proactively remove hate speech and repeat offenders
2. Improve its review mechanisms and responsiveness
3. Improve the reporting mechanisms built into Facebook apps like Facebook Messenger to make it easier and simpler to report violent or hateful content
4. Work with government and civil society to improve the awareness of Community Guidelines by Sri Lankan users of Facebook services
5. Establish a trusted reporting network that expedites the flagging of content vetted through experienced individuals and institutions.

Understandably, to those at Facebook, we may seem demanding, impatient and even impolite, playing down what the company and its representatives may feel are overtures, concessions and commitments aimed to assuage our concerns and address our challenges.

Our response to this is a simple one. As noted in our open letter, we have flagged these concerns to Facebook for years, to no avail. We do not trust in vague promises anymore. We cannot believe in and are not distracted by cookie-cutter public relations or press releases. We require clarity, focus, public data around stated intent and any related technical or human resource investments, clear reporting guidelines also in local languages, precise response times and independently verifiable key performance indicators around measures taken to address the challenges flagged.
Anything less is just damage control or public relations.

Risking disappointment, we continue to hope for a more honest interaction with Facebook that recognises and indeed, seeks to positively strengthen the vital role it plays in shaping our public discourse, democratic fabric and electoral processes.

---

Response from Facebook

11 April 2018
Dear Mr. Hattotuwa,
Thank you for your letter. Mark is currently travelling in Washington, but received your questions and concerns and asked that I respond as quickly as possible.

As Facebook’s Director of Public Policy covering Sri Lanka, I share your desire to improve enforcement of our Community Standards, especially for content in Sinhala. There is no place on Facebook for hate speech, incitement to violence, and other content that violates our Community Standards.

As you know from our conversations in March, we are committed to taking concrete steps to address misuse of our platform in Sri Lanka. We are increasing the number of Sinhala-speaking content reviewers on our Community Operations team to provide around-the-clock coverage, and will continue to engage with a diverse group of stakeholders, including the Sri Lankan government and civil society organizations like yours, to curb hate speech and deepen our understanding of local context.

We are also committed to using our product and technology to address these challenges. At the end of March, we displayed messages at the top of News Feed to every person on Facebook in Sri Lanka reminding them about our Community Standards and explaining how to report violating content. We are also investing in artificial intelligence tools to help us identify certain types of content faster and more accurately.

More broadly, we take our responsibility to protect the integrity of our platform, the privacy of people’s data, and the right of everyone on Facebook to express themselves freely and safely very seriously. As part of these efforts, we have recently announced a number of new transparency initiatives, including notifications to everyone who may have had their data shared with Cambridge Analytica. We also continue to provide regular updates to our community on changes to our products, including a recent News Feed FYI post detailing our decision to end the Explore Feed test in Sri Lanka and other countries.

We look forward to continuing to collaborate with you as we work to address the important issues you outline in your letter.
Kind regards,

Shivnath Thukral
Public Policy Director
India & South Asia

Getting closer to the masses

 Wednesday, 11 April 2018

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe after defeating the No-Confidence Motion against him by the Joint Opposition first paid homage to the Triple Gem at Gangaramaya Temple and later addressed the media. He said that the foremost thing now for the Government was to get closer to the people.

In the past two-and-a-half years there were initiatives like giving free laptop computers and tabs and creating more infrastructure support for IT with WIFI connectivity, which has not gone well for Government given the resounding response of the masses during the recent council elections. So how can the Government get closer to the people?

Getting closer to the masses.docx by Thavam on Scribd

Has the ban on polythene been effective?

2018-04-13

The use of polythene, which had become a threat and a nuisance to the country, is considerably less now. This is the result of a ban imposed on the production, sale and consumption of selected polythene items like grocery bags, shopping bags, lunch sheets and regiform lunch boxes from September 1, 2017. This ban came into effect from January 1, 2018. Although, at the beginning, the general public and polythene manufacturers found it difficult to adapt themselves to the conditions imposed by the Central Environment Authority(CEA), they gradually cooperated with the ban.   

The ban was initially not fully implemented due to the agitation from the community, largely polythene manufactures. They claimed that they could not fall in line with new guidelines when using polythene in the country. It’s also fitting to note that the CEA has used all its tricks to promulgate the ban on polythene. It seems that all the hard work of the CEA and the Government, has produced results. There is a substantial decline in the consumption of polythene by the society.   

Director of Waste Management at Central Environment Authority (CEA) Ajith Weerasundara told the Daily Mirror that the attempt to restrict the use of selected banned items had become successful thanks to President Maithripala Sirisena, polythene manufactures, general public and the crew at the CEA.   

“Once we ban the production and consumption of selected polythene items, it is important to raid the places where such banned items are still sold. Therefore, the raids on the production of banned polythene items were commenced from Pettah on January 1, 2018 with the assistance of the Police. Accordingly, the CEA has conducted more than 770 raids islandwide since January,” Weerasundara said.   

The way the Government approached the issue and found solutions should be appreciated. We see that there is a drastic change in the society in the consuming of polythene items      Jagath Gunawardena

 Weerasundara told the Daily Mirror that Budget 2018 had proposed to offer a total tax relief when importing machines and raw-materials from abroad to produce biodegradable products. The authorities had also proposed that the Government bear 50% of the cost that needs to be incurred when transforming the existing polythene manufacturing machines to the production of biodegradable items.   

Loan scheme 

Nevertheless, he said that the Budget had also proposed to introduce a loan scheme through Divisional Development Banks for new entrepreneurs in order to motivate them to produce biodegradable polythene items with material like banana leafs, reeds and coir materials etc.   
“In order to obtain the mentioned concessions, the biodegradable polythene manufactures are supposed to register with the CEA,” he added.   
It is not easy to ban something to which people have been accustomed to. The decision by the CEA itself to ban some selected polythene items, is commendable and effective. Besides, people have shown much enthusiasm in adapting to proposed polythene alternatives after considering the fact that the banned polythene items are harmful and not environment friendly.   

Speaking with the Daily Mirror, Environmental lawyer and Attorney-at-law Jagath Gunawardena told that a substantial decline could be observed in the society in terms of the consumption of banned polythene items thanks to the alternatives introduced by the CEA.   

“The reason behind the success of the move was that they were very keen on introducing substitutes unlike last time when they banned some polythene items. The way the Government approached the issue and found solutions should be appreciated. As the outcome, we see that there is a drastic change in the society in the consuming of polythene items,”  Gunawardena said.   

In order to obtain the mentioned concessions, the biodegradable polythene manufactures are supposed to register with the CEA   Ajith Weerasundara

“It is notable that an issue like the ban of polythene can only be done by changing the mindset of the general public. Otherwise, it would not be effective in the long-run. As it is visible, I feel that the mindset of the people has changed to a certain extent and it is observed that the use of banned polythene items has considerably declined,” he added.   

He further said that it was important to maintain the trend of consuming biodegradable items in the long-run too so that an environment friendly atmosphere could be established in the society.   

We have also got positive feedback from the general public on the Government’s move to ban polythene. At the same time, people have shown huge interest in adapting themselves to new polythene items made of by materials like oil papers, wax paper bags and sugarcane. 

 
The Chairman of All Ceylon Polythene Manufacturers and Recyclers Association (ACPMRA) Anura Wijetunge when contacted said that although there was a decline in the usage of the banned polythene items, the ban on lunch sheets is not observed properly.   

“We still find many shops filled with banned lunch sheets and hardly find shops using biodegradable lunch sheets. Lunch sheets are severely harmful to nature and the survival of human beings. Therefore, it is absolutely essential to take stringent actions against wholesalers who still attempt to sell banned lunch sheets,” Wijetunge said.   

Therefore, it is absolutely essential to take stringent actions against wholesalers who still attempt to sell banned lunch sheets   Anura Wijethunga

“We as the polythene manufactures’ association supported the move to ban selected polythene items irrespective of the initial loss that had to be incurred, because of the environmental menace caused due to the use of polythene. However, we have observed that the CEA is not as active as when the ban was initially imposed. We noticed a monotonous approach by the CEA in the way they have taken legal steps against the possession of banned polythene items. However, we suggest that the Government should take strict action against illegal polythene manufactures,” Wijetunge added.   

He further said that they would not hesitate to register with the CEA and had already informed their other polythene manufactures to register with the CEA in order to obtain the respective concessions that the Government had promised to grant manufacturers of biodegradable polythene products.   

It is the duty of the general public to co-operate with the state officials to do away with the usage of polythene, which is highly harmful to the human being. As it is evident, the Government has taken measures to undertake the elimination of polythene from the society. It can’t be done overnight. We have to wait and see how the efforts of the Government would bear fruit.   

Businesswomen break through barriers in Gaza

Mona Adnan Ghalayini in Gaza’s Sea Breeze hotel.
Mohammed Asad
Nesma Seyam-12 April 2018

The Sea Breeze Hotel is special in more ways than one.

Its restaurant serves traditional dishes in a convivial atmosphere. It has managed to remain in operation despite Gaza’s closure to the outside world. And it is among a small number of businesses in Gaza run by a woman.

Mona Adnan Ghalayini, who founded the hotel with a few business partners, has been working in the catering industry since 1995. She began as a hotel receptionist but was promoted to assistant manager six months later.

“I always wanted to be more than a regular employee,” she said.

After five years as an assistant manager, she branched out on her own.

Ghalayini was born in 1969 and grew up in Gaza City’s Beach refugee camp. The Sea Breeze was the first hotel that she was involved in founding.

Since then, she has taken on a number of other projects in catering and retail. She has worked in partnership with a number of men.

The projects have kept going against the odds.

Ghalayini was among the founders of the Big Bite restaurant, near Gaza’s Al-Azhar University, in 2003. Four years later a bomb exploded at the entrance of that restaurant, amid fighting between rival armed groups.

By providing a local spinoff of Kentucky Fried Chicken, it has become a successful fast food café.
Ghalayini goes abroad a few times each year. Her status as a businessperson enables her to travel through Erez, the military checkpoint separating Gaza from Israel. She has tried to apply many things she has learned about the international catering trade to her own business investments.

Determined to stay

Even though life in Gaza presents many problems for a female entrepreneur, she is determined to stay.
“No matter where I go, my heart will always be in Gaza,” she said. “It is my home.”

Only around 1 percent of Gaza’s entrepreneurs are female. Just 50 women registered with the local chamber of commerce between 2012 and last year.
Nermin Demyati is determined to build her business in Gaza.Mohammed Asad

Nermin Demyati, a 30-year-old, had to overcome steep obstacles in order to open a clothes store.
Although she has been interested in fashion since her childhood, Demyati’s family opposed the idea of her pursuing such a career.

Out of deference to their wishes, she did not study dress design in college, instead opting for history and archaeology. Yet as her interest in fashion deepened, her family eventually became supportive by reserving part of their house for her to set up a studio.

Today, Demyati runs a store called Voile Moda in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City.
It was founded in 2013 after she borrowed enough money from friends outside Gaza to rent the premises and buy some essential equipment. “From the very beginning, this place has brought me luck,” she said.

Sacrifices

Demyati’s store sells clothes that she has designed and that are manufactured by her seven-strong staff. The selection is influenced by both traditional clothing and Western trends.

Her business is very much a niche one. The prices she charges are unaffordable for many. Some of the garments on sale have a price tag exceeding $300.

“Fashion design is considered a luxury by most people in Gaza,” she said. “But some customers have a lot of respect for the value of fashion design. They know that it requires tremendous efforts and hard work. So they are willing to pay money for a quality design.”

Hayfaa Shurrab, now aged 70, is one of the longest established businesswomen in Gaza.

She and her husband Hassan opened the Central Gaza Drug Store in 1983, and she now serves on its board of trustees. The couple had previously lived in Vienna, where Hassan studied pharmacy.

Hayfaa Shurrab faced family opposition when she first opened her business.
Setting up the store involved clearing societal hurdles.

Hayfaa’s family was relatively well-off. Her father was opposed to her going out to work. He felt that doing so was beneath the family’s status.

Her father grew to accept her work as she became a respected businessperson.

The siege imposed on Gaza for more than a decade has certainly increased the challenges she has faced. Yet the business has survived.

Most of the Shurrabs’ children have studied pharmacy or business administration. Having more than one generation has helped their firm expand. As well as their drug store, they now have a medical manufacturing plant called Megapharm in the Beit Hanoun area of Gaza.

“Our work was about sacrifices,” said Hayfaa. “But I always loved my work. I felt hope.”

Nesma Seyam is an interpreter, journalist and fixer based in Gaza. Twitter: @Nesma_Seyam

Afghan civilian deaths and injuries from suicide attacks double

Afghan security forces inspect the site of a suicide attack in Kabul, Afghanistan. January 5, 2018. REUTERS/Omar Sobhani

APRIL 12, 2018


KABUL (Reuters) - The number of civilians killed and wounded by suicide bombings and “complex attacks” in Afghanistan has more than doubled so far this year, the United Nations said on Thursday.

Suicide bombings and attacks by militant groups killed or maimed 751 people from January through March, one-third of total civilian cases, the U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) said. Attacks are considered “complex” when the assailants employ a variety of means.

One suicide attack in January carried out in vehicles disguised as ambulances, killed more than 100 people in Kabul.

Overall, UNAMA recorded 763 civilian deaths and 1,495 injuries in the first quarter, similar to the same period in each of the past two years. Fighting on the ground was the second-leading cause of civilian deaths and injuries.

Cases attributed to anti-government forces, mainly the Taliban and Islamic State, increased 6 percent year-on-year to 1,500. Civilian deaths and injuries caused by pro-government forces dropped 13 percent to 407, continuing a trend from 2017.

The United Nations is investigating an Afghan Air Force attack on the Taliban last week that killed civilians attending a religious ceremony.

Reporting by Rod Nickel in Kabul; Editing by Robin Pomeroy

Our Standards:The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

Syria’s Chemical Weapons Kill Chain

There’s a long list of Syrian officials with blood on their hands -- but the culpability goes all the way to the top.

BY GREGORY KOBLENTZ-APRIL 7, 2017

For the first time since President Barack Obama declared in August 2012 that the use of chemical weapons constituted a “red line,” the United States has responded militarily to the Syrian government’s use of these weapons. On the night of April 6, the U.S. military fired a salvo of 59 cruise missiles at Syria’s Shayrat air base, in response to a deadly chemical attack launched from that base earlier in the week. The chemical attack on the northwestern Syrian town of Khan Sheikhoun, according to first responders on the scene, caused at least 84 deaths and injured more than 500 more.

In announcing the strike, President Donald Trump said, “It is in this vital national security interest of the United States to prevent and deter the spread and use of deadly chemical weapons.”

While the strike on Khan Sheikhoun was the deadliest chemical attack since the Syrian government launched rockets filled with sarin nerve agent into the Damascus suburb of Ghouta in August 2013 — killing more than 1,400 men, women, and children — it is far from the first attack since that massacre. Since 2014, rebel-held sections of Idlib, Hama, Aleppo, and elsewhere have been subjected to at least 120 chemical attacks, mostly by helicopters armed with barrel bombs filled with the toxic chemical chlorine. While these attacks were terrifying for the local populace, they rarely caused mass fatalities.

The attack on Khan Sheikhoun was significant not only for the high number of deaths but also for its use of a far deadlier type of chemical weapon. According to Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, the United States has “very high confidence” that sarin was used in the strike. Although this has not yet been independently confirmed, the victims’ symptoms and autopsies are consistent with poisoning by a nerve agent such as sarin.

If the chemical agent used in this attack was indeed sarin, it would either confirm suspicions that the Syrian regime did not destroy its entire chemical weapons stockpile as promised when it joined the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) in 2013 or that it has resumed production of these weapons in violation of the treaty. Either way, this latest attack vividly demonstrates that Syria, despite being a member of the CWC, maintains a well-organized capacity to conduct multiple types of chemical attacks in support of the regime’s tactical and strategic objectives.

While the U.S. cruise missile strike targeted one link in the Syrian chemical weapons kill chain, it did not break the chain. National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster recognized as much when he told reporters in the aftermath of the strike: “Obviously, the regime will retain a certain capacity to commit mass murder with chemical weapons beyond this airfield.”

Syria’s chemical weapons attacks are not the work of a mere handful of people — an entire political, military, and scientific apparatus is responsible for orchestrating them. As Samantha Power, Obama’s ambassador to the United Nations, put it, “While their names may be unfamiliar, their brutality is infamous, so they should be as well.”

Based on information released by the U.N., the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), nongovernmental organizations, and the U.S. and European governments, it is possible to construct a picture of the Syrian government’s entire chain of command involved in the research, production, weaponization, planning, and delivery of chemical weapons. The Syrian chain of command for chemical weapons is composed of four tiers: the senior leadership, which is responsible for authorizing the use of these weapons and providing strategic guidance on their employment; the chemists, who produce, transport, and prepare the chemical weapons for use; the coordinators, who provide intelligence on targets and integrate chemical weapons with conventional military operations; and the triggermen, who deliver the weapons to their targets. Together, these individuals and organizations form a chemical weapons kill chain that has so far claimed roughly 1,500 lives and caused more than 14,000 injuries.

The leadership

Given the sensitive nature of using illegal weapons while under international scrutiny, decisions to use chemical weapons are likely made at the highest levels of the Syrian government. At the apex of Syria’s chemical warfare chain of command is President Bashar al-Assad, who has ruled Syria since the death of his father, Hafez al-Assad, in 2000. The United States describes Assad as the “ultimate decision maker for the chemical weapons program.”

According to French intelligence, only Assad and some of his closest advisors are able to order the use of chemical weapons. Maher al-Assad, Bashar’s younger brother, has likely been granted that authority by dint of his close relationship with the president, his prominent role in leading the crackdown on the uprising, and his position as commander of the powerful 4th Armored Division. There is also circumstantial evidence that Maher was directly involved in the planning of the 2013 chemical attack on Ghouta, as his forces spearheaded an assault on the area shortly after the sarin attack, suggesting these attacks were planned in conjunction. In addition, the 155th Missile Brigade, which was responsible for launching the sarin-filled rockets used in that attack, is subordinate to the 4th Armored Division and reports directly to Maher.

The Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) created by the U.N. Security Council to identify the perpetrators of chemical attacks in Syria has reportedly included both Assad brothers on a list of Syrian officials responsible for these attacks. A number of the regime’s most senior officials have also been implicated by the United States and European governments in planning these attacks. Given the insular nature of the Assad regime, it is inconceivable that these officials were not acting with the approval of the president.

Indeed, according to Western intelligence officials, President Assad has delegated day-to-day decision-making on chemical weapons use to his senior commanders. These officials include Maj. Gen. Rafiq Shihadah, the former director of Military Intelligence who still serves as an advisor to the president on strategic affairs; Maj. Gen. Muhammad Mahmud Mahalla, the current director of Military Intelligence; Maj. Gen. Jamil Hassan, the director of Air Force Intelligence; and Maj. Gen. Muhammad Khalid Rahmun, the head of the Political Security Directorate. These officials are likely also members of the “crisis cell” established by Assad at the outset of the uprising to coordinate the regime’s response.

Another notable high-ranking regime official linked to Syria’s use of chemical weapons is Brig. Gen. Bassam al-Hassan, a commander in the Syrian Republican Guard and Assad’s advisor for strategic affairs. In this latter capacity, Hassan acts as the presidential representative to Syria’s Scientific Studies and Research Center (SSRC) — the government agency responsible for producing the country’s chemical weapons and ballistic missiles. Thus, Hassan serves as a vital link to the next tier of Syrian officials in the chemical weapons chain of command.

Workers in protective clothing unload a dummy grenade during a press day at the GEKA facility that assisted with the disposal part of Syria's chemical weapon arsenal on March 5, 2014 in Munster, Germany. (Photo credit: NIGEL TREBLIN/Getty Images)

The chemists

The SSRC is the heart of the Syrian chemical weapons program. The organization has its headquarters in the Barzeh neighborhood of Damascus, another branch in Jamraya, and used to oversee a network of chemical weapons production facilities until they were dismantled under the OPCW’s supervision. The SSRC was responsible for the design and production of the short-range improvised rockets, called Volcanoes, that were used in the sarin attack on Ghouta. As the Syrian government agency responsible for developing and producing nonconventional weapons and the means to deliver them, the organization probably also developed the chlorine-filled barrel bombs in use since 2014.

The director of SSRC is Amr Najib Armanazi, a computer scientist by training. Among his duties was overseeing a facility that produced sarin, the same chemical used in the attack on Ghouta. Brig. Gen. Ghassan Abbas is the head of the SSRC branch near Jamraya responsible for what the U.S. Treasury Department terms “chemical weapon logistics.” This is probably a veiled reference to Unit 450, an all-Alawite unit within the SSRC that is responsible for guarding and transporting Syria’s chemical weapons and preparing them for use by military units.

The commander of Unit 450 receives orders to prepare and deploy chemical weapons directly from the regime’s senior leadership. According to the European Union, Abbas has played a key role in organizing the regime’s chemical attacks, including the one on Ghouta. The United States has sanctioned five more SSRC officials — Brig. Gen. Samir Dabul, Brig. Gen. Ali Wanus, Col. Firas Ahmad, Col. Habib Hawrani, and Col. Zuhayr Haydar — for conducting research or providing logistics in support of the regime’s chemical attacks.

The United States, Britain, and the EU have also sanctioned more than a half-dozen entities that serve as front companies for the SSRC. These front companies play a vital role in helping the center acquire foreign technology for its weapons programs in spite of international sanctions or provide technical expertise to the SSRC. For example, one of those front companies, Business Lab, attempted in 2009 to purchase 500 liters of pinacolyl alcohol, which can be used in the preparation of the nerve agent soman. Although Syria initially denied working on soman, the OPCW found traces of pinacolyl at a SSRC facility.

Civil defense rescue workers try to reduce the effects of chlorine gas as they search for survivors after an attack by government forces in Idlib, Syria, on April 4. (Photo credit: FIRAS FARHAM/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images)

The coordinators

Several of the Syrian government’s key military institutions serve as liaisons between the SSRC, the individual units that conduct the attack, and regime forces operating in areas where chemical attacks are taking place. The Republican Guard, Military Intelligence, and Air Force Intelligence have likely identified promising targets and helped de-conflict the chemical attacks to prevent friendly fire incidents. For example, the Assad regime’s chlorine barrel-bombing campaigns in northwestern Idlib province in the spring and summer of 2014 and the spring of 2015 coincided with heavy fighting in that province between the government and rebel groups.

Maj. Gen. Talal Shafiq Makhluf, the commander of the Republican Guard, was sanctioned by the United States for his role in coordinating military operations with chlorine barrel bomb strikes. The Republican Guard is one of Assad’s elite military units, is manned mostly by Alawite officers and soldiers, and has been deployed to some of the most important battles of the civil war.
Brig. Gen. Yasin Ahmad Dahi from Military Intelligence has also been linked to the Syrian regime’s use of chemical weapons. The primary mission of Military Intelligence is to ensure the loyalty of the military, but it also collects and analyzes intelligence and conducts covert operations.

Two Air Force Intelligence officers have been identified as playing key roles in carrying out the regime’s chemical strikes. Col. Muhammad Nafi Bilal was stationed at SSRC headquarters to serve as a liaison between the center and Air Force Intelligence to ensure proper coordination and was also involved in the transport of chemical munitions. Col. Suhayl Hasan al-Hasan is a pro-regime militia commander who coordinated military operations in Idlib during a period when chlorine attacks were occurring.
It is not surprising that Air Force Intelligence has been deeply implicated in coordinating the regime’s chemical attacks. The organization’s mandate extends far beyond matters related to the Syrian Arab Air Force and has long been used by the Assad family to conduct the regime’s most sensitive and covert operations at home and abroad. The Air Force Intelligence branch in Harasta likely served as the staging area for the Volcano rockets that rained sarin nerve agent on Ghouta in 2013.

A mother and father weep over their child's body who was killed in a chemical weapons attack on the Damascus suburb of Ghouta in Syria on Aug. 21, 2013. (Photo credit: NurPhoto/Corbis via Getty Images)

The triggermen

At the end of the Syrian chemical weapons kill chain are two military organizations in charge of delivering the weapons: the Syrian Artillery and Missile Directorate and the Syrian Arab Air Force.
The Syrian Artillery and Missile Directorate was responsible for conducting the 2013 chemical strike on Ghouta. That attack involved approximately eight to 12 Syrian-made 330 mm Volcano rockets, each carrying approximately 50 liters of sarin nerve agent, and at least two Soviet-era M-14 140 mm artillery rockets filled with sarin. The EU has sanctioned four senior leaders in the Syrian missile force for their role in this attack: Maj. Gen. Tahir Hamid Khalil, the commander of the unit; Brig. Gen. Adnan Aboud Hilweh, a commander in the 155th and 157th Missile Brigades; Maj. Gen. Ghassan Ahmed Ghannan, the commander of the 155th Missile Brigade; and Maj. Gen. Jawdat Salbi Mawas, a senior-ranking officer in the missile force. The 155th Missile Brigade, which is equipped with Scud missiles and is based in the Qutayfa area outside of Damascus, reports to Maher al-Assad through his role as commander of the 4th Armored Division.

Syria is believed to have developed chemical warheads for a range of missiles, including Scuds. The 155th Missile Brigade’s experience operating Syria’s chemical-armed missiles would have been invaluable for deploying and launching the sarin-filled rockets used in the Ghouta attack.
The Syrian Arab Air Force is the other key player in delivering Assad’s chemical weapons. The air force’s primary role has been in using helicopters to conduct more than 100 chlorine barrel-bomb attacks against rebel-held towns in 2014 and 2015, with dozens more attacks occurring in 2016 and 2017. The JIM definitively linked three of these attacks on towns in Idlib to helicopters operating out of the Hama and Humaymim air bases, which are home to the 253rd and 255th squadrons of the 63rd Helicopter Brigade and the 618th naval helicopter squadron. All three of these units are equipped with Mi-8 helicopters or related models, which have played a well-documented role in conducting conventional and chlorine barrel bomb attacks.

The United States has confirmed reports by local activists that the April 4 attack on Khan Sheikhoun was conducted by an Su-22 aircraft based at Shayrat air base. This base is home to the 50th Air Brigade, which contains two squadrons of Su-22s: the 677th and 685th. Shayrat was also one of at least seven Syrian air bases that had the capability to load sarin or its precursors into bombs before these sites were dismantled by the OPCW. According to French intelligence, Syria had a stockpile of aerial bombs designed to deliver 100-300 liters of sarin. These bombs were designed as binary chemical weaponsthat contain two separate nontoxic precursor chemicals that could be mixed within the bomb shortly before takeoff to produce sarin. Syria may have retained as many as 2,000 of these munitions after joining the CWC. The type of munition used in the attack on Khan Sheikhoun has not yet been determined.

The United States and EU have imposed sanctions on the entire chain of command of the Syrian Arab Air Force for their role in chlorine barrel bomb attacks, including Maj. Gen. Ahmad Ballul, the commander of the air force; Maj. Gen. Saji Jamil Darwish, who oversaw air operations in northern Syria as commander of the 22nd Air Division; Brig. Gen. Badi Mualla, the commander of the 63rd Air Brigade, which was responsible for the helicopters based at Hama air base; and Brig. Gen. Muhammad Ibrahim, the deputy commander of the brigade. Since Shayrat air base is part of the 22nd Air Division, Darwish would also have been involved in planning the attack on Khan Sheikhoun.

U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley holds up photos of Syrian victims of a chemical weapons attack during an April 5 meeting of the Security Council at U.N. headquarters in New York. (Photo credit: DREW ANGERER/Getty Images)

A path to justice?

This list of Syrian officials and entities that have played a role in chemical attacks during the Syrian civil war is no doubt incomplete. For example, the identities of the commanders of the 50th Air Brigade and subordinate squadrons that were involved in the attack on Khan Sheikhoun are not publicly known. Hopefully, further investigations by the United Nations and nongovernmental groups into war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Syrian regime will bring to light a fuller list of those who should be held accountable for using chemical weapons. None of these individuals — from the leader of the country to the pilot who pulled the trigger — should be immune to the consequences of their actions.

Bringing these criminals to justice, however, will be a long, slow, and difficult process. Many individuals who comprise Syria’s chemical weapons kill chain were listed in a U.N. Security Council resolution that was vetoed by Russia and China on Feb. 28. Syria’s lack of membership in the International Criminal Court, and the veto by Russia and China of a Security Council resolution to refer Syria to the court, means that this venue is likely off limits for the foreseeable future.
So far, the only concrete steps to hold these individuals accountable for their actions are financial sanctions and travel bans imposed by the U.S. and European governments. Although the sanctions themselves are largely symbolic, by identifying these individuals and specifying their role in the chemical attacks, the United States and its European allies are laying the groundwork for future prosecutions once Assad is no longer in power. In the case of Iraq, it took almost 20 years for Saddam Hussein and Ali Hassan al-Majid, nicknamed “Chemical Ali,” to stand trial for ordering the use of chemical weapons against the Kurds in 1988.

Nonetheless, “naming names,” even when the ability of the international community to punish these perpetrators in the near-term is limited, has value. Identifying and punishing the perpetrators of these heinous crimes is not only to right past wrongs but to prevent future harms. As Nikki Haley, the U.S. ambassador to the U.N., explained after the Russian veto of the first sanctions resolution, “None of us should hesitate to impose consequences for these attacks. No one else should get the idea that they can use chemical weapons.”

Attribution is the first step to accountability, which forms the basis for deterrence. But attribution without consequences will only embolden the perpetrators, demonstrate to other dictators that the use of chemical weapons is tolerable, and badly damage the global norm against the use of these barbaric weapons. Hopefully, the cruise missile strike on Shayrat air base will deter future Syrian chemical attacks. At the same time, we should not confuse limited military strikes on infrastructure that can be easily repaired as having the same lasting value for deterrence and justice as holding individual government officials and military officers accountable.

In the aftermath of the attack on Ghouta, I co-wrote an article arguing: “[A]n effective effort to reduce the long-term risk of chemical weapons … must also include legal and economic steps to deter further chemical attacks, including by holding individual perpetrators accountable.” In 2017, as in 2013, the use of military force is just one part of a comprehensive strategy to enhance deterrence, bring justice to the victims of chemical attacks, and reinforce the norm against chemical weapons.
Top photo credit: Getty Images/Foreign Policy illustration

 

Gregory Koblentz is an associate professor and director of the Biodefense Graduate Program in the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University. He is the author of the Council on Foreign Relations report, “Strategic Stability in the Second Nuclear Age.” (@gregkoblentz)