Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, April 10, 2018

Gripped by the Fear of Crime



2018-04-11

Bloodshed became a common occurrence with the 30-year ethnic conflict that ravaged the island. However, eight years after the war has ceased, the local gun culture still exists. Since January 2018, Sri Lanka has experienced the heat of the underworld with several incidents being reported in Colombo and the greater Colombo areas. Shootings among rival factions to gain territorial monopoly over narcotics and businesses such as sand mining is now common in the country.

Kataragama Basnayake Nilame suspended

The Buddhasasana Ministry has temporarily suspended D. P. Kumarage from the post of Basnayake Nilame of the Ruhunu Kataragama Maha Devalaya.
The Ministry has appointed Dilruwan Rajapakse to act in the post, a Ministry Spokesman said.
However Basnayake Nilame D.P. Kumarage said he had not received any written intimation to the effect that he has been removed from the post.
He said he was legally elected to the post through a formal election process and he has two more years to complete his official term. He said will not relinquish his post until then without any allegations against him.
Kumarage said the Buddhist Affairs Commissioner had suspended the Devalaya’s Bank transactions and he was unable to pay worker salaries during the New Year season.
However he had paid their salaries with personal funds and he planned to institute legal action against the order.
In August, a crisis situation emerged among the Basnayake Nilame and the officiating priests over the alleged robbery of the Devalaya keys. Minister Gamini Jayawickreme appointed a retired Judge to probe this issue.
The official term of a Basnayake Nilame is five years and 17 people cast votes to elect the Basnayake Nilame.

“We Had To Stop Facebook”: When Anti-Muslim Violence Goes Viral

Extremists in Sri Lanka used Facebook to organize deadly violence against Muslims. Facebook is accused of not doing enough to prevent it.



DIGANA, Sri Lanka — When the Sri Lankan government temporarily blocked access to Facebook last month amid a wave of violence against Muslims, it seemed like a radical move against new technology.
But in fact, government officials saw it as a last resort. It came after Facebook ignored years of calls from both the government and civil society groups to control ethno-nationalist accounts that spread hate speech and incited violence before deadly anti-Muslim riots broke out this year, BuzzFeed News has found.

Open letter to Facebook: Implement Your Own Community Standards

Featured image courtesy Vox/Getty Images-on 

10 April 2018
Colombo,
Sri Lanka.

Dear Mark,

In solidarity with and support of a letter signed by leading civil society organisations from Myanmar addressed to you recently, we, the undersigned, also felt compelled to write to you to take urgent, meaningful and sustained measures to ensure Facebook’s Community Standards are implemented in local languages and contexts. This is particularly important in countries and contexts scarred by violence or war and feature underlying communal, religious, ethnic, political and gender disparities.

We remain deeply frustrated when reporting Facebook posts and Pages perpetuating everything from gender-based violence and violence against the LGBTIQ community to hate speech, with little to no support from your platform. This is particularly so for content in Sinhala, one of Sri Lanka’s national languages, and widely used on Facebook by around the six million monthly active users from the country.

On September 7, 2017, we reported a photo featuring a poem in Sinhala. The text, written from a woman’s perspective, suggested that women often said “no” when they “meant yes”, because they were shy. As vital context, in 2017 alone, there were 2,438 cases of statutory rape and 294 cases of rape reported, according to Police statistics. None of those cases ended in convictions that year. You took two days to respond, and said that it did not violate your Community Standards, even though your Standards commits to the removal of content that promotes sexual violence or exploitation.
During the 2017 Lanka Comic Con, several Facebook page admins made memes body-shaming many women who cosplayed at the event – many of which were in Sinhala. In March 2018, many of these posts remained online, despite users banding together to mass-report the pages and specific images. Instead, a photographer reporting one of his images on the grounds of copyright violations was taken down. This response by Facebook, prioritising intellectual property over a user’s personal safety and gender violence online, is a move that several victims found extremely disheartening. This, despite your Community Standards having a specific section dedicated to the removal of altered images used to degrade private individuals.

On-going research being conducted by the Centre for Policy AlternativesHashtag Generationand Ghosha on technology-based violence against women highlights the repeated and non-consensual dissemination of personal and intimate images on your platform, as well as posts either harassing women or propagating violence against women. Yet many of these posts remain online, even after being flagged. Further, posts promoting harassment of women also continues to occur in Tamil, moderation for which should technically have more support given the widespread use of the language in India and other parts of the world, unlike Sinhala, which is only used in Sri Lanka.

We flag with concern that there is no transparency around the identity of those moderating flagged posts in Sinhala, or importantly, their gender. Users should know whether the content reported is being reviewed by someone fully able to comprehend – and possibly even relate to –issues raised, and the context they are raised in. This is doubly essential in cases involving minority sexual orientations and gender identities. Your platform has also been continuously used to incite violence against religious minorities.

At the very least, the company should make clear the number of moderators assigned to deal with user generated reports around content in Sinhala, in which Facebook office or time zone they are located in, as well as their gender. There should also be a clear commitment to look into and resolve user generated reports within a specific time period, which during heightened violence, must be further reduced.

Our concern is tied to your platform’s inability and unwillingness to take down explicitly genocidal material and other content inciting hate, during violence over recent months that gripped the Gintota, Ampara and Kandy regions in Sri Lanka. For example, in March 2018, a post in Sinhala during riots in Kandy, the Central Province of Sri Lanka, remained on Facebook for six days after it was first reported. The post called for the ‘killing of all Muslims, without sparing even a child, because they are dogs’ – a polite translation of sentiments far more horribly expressed. Incredibly, Facebook responded to the user who reported this post saying it did not violate any guidelines. Again, this raises questions on the identity of the moderators, if any, who are reviewing content in Sinhala and who appear to either not be conversant with your platform’s Standards on Hate Speech, or worse, are sympathetic to the sentiments expressed in such posts!

Ethno-nationalism and incitement to violence online, coupled with the impunity enjoyed by those responsible, is not unique to Sri Lanka. These patterns of abuse almost directly mirror the situation in Myanmar, where the United Nations has explicitly named Facebook responsible for allowing the spread of hate speech. This leaves activists and journalists, many of whom are colleagues, friends and fellow activists, deeply concerned over the possible situation should these issues be allowed to escalate, if hate speech on social media platforms are not addressed by multiple stakeholders.

We wish to remind you that the Centre for Policy Alternatives has, over the last four years, published reports on hate speech in Sri Lanka, using the dangerous speech framework created by Prof. Susan Benesch that connects the speech to incitement of violence. Liking Violence, in the aftermath of the Aluthgama anti-Muslim riots, attempted to highlight the extent to which hate speech towards minorities was pervasive in Sri Lankan social media spheres. The violent discourse towards Muslims is a combination of accusatory rumours with no scientific basis and calls for violence against the community. It was the first report of its kind in South Asia, flagging even as far back as 2014 the role and relevance of Facebook as a primary vector in the production, spread and engagement with content inciting violence and hate. Saving Sunil looks at how a page created around a cause quickly becomes a vessel for hate speech. The report notes that hundreds of ‘similar groups will not doubt continue to mushroom on Sri Lanka’s social media fabric’, more so if those who spread hate speech enjoy impunity and are not held accountable for what they post online. Voting in Hate notes that Facebook groups created to conduct political discourse are appropriated to promote hate speech thinly veiled as political speech, targeting political parties and candidates based on their ethnicity, religion or gender. These reports have been translated into Sinhala and Tamil and presented to multiple representatives of Facebook by lead author and Senior Researcher Sanjana Hattotuwa on several instances, over several years.

Furthermore, these issues were raised directly and openly with Facebook representatives at the Global Voices Summit in December 2017 , at interactions with Facebook held at the Government Information Department, and at the Digital Disinformation Forum, held in June 2017, organised by National Democratic Institute for International Affairs with the Centre on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University.

Not a single one of these submissions have merited a meaningful response to look into the problems captured with evidence and data.

Tellingly, Facebook chose to primarily respond to representatives from Government only after being blocked during the recent riots in Kandy. Even after this, Facebook chose not to meaningfully engage with civil society actors who have been reporting abuse on your platform, for years. After the visit of senior Facebook representatives to Sri Lanka in March, the company committed to work with the Government to restrict hate speech on the platform. While appreciating this late interest in Sri Lanka and content in Sinhala, we remain deeply concerned these discussions took place behind closed doors without even a single civil society representative present or informed. Further, there has been no official statement from Facebook around what was discussed and agreed to, despite repeated requests. In light of what has been, and continues to be, a censorious approach by government that risks privacy and the freedom of expression over expedient and parochial measures taken address hate speech, we fear Facebook will be co-opted into officially sanctioned measures to stifle political dissent. Due to the lack of a consultative process, your best intentions may well lead to the worst outcomes.

These are not unfounded fears. Facebook chose Sri Lanka as one of just a few countries to trial the “Explore Feed” feature, pitched as an experiment to allow for more meaningful interaction with friends and family. The feature adversely impacted businesses and news organisations in many of the countries it was implemented in and ultimately failed, for reasons that are not yet fully clear. We do not know why our country was selected, what the metrics of success were, what Facebook learnt from the trial, and what if any enduring impact it had on the algorithms that power our news feeds.

This secrecy at Facebook disempowers users and commodifies them. Adding to the issues above, the six million monthly active users in Sri Lanka do not know to what degree they have been impacted by recent revelations around Cambridge Analytica using data gleaned from your platform. Our concern is heightened given the impact that the revelations have had in Indiaaffecting over half a million users, and in the Philippines, affecting a little over a million users, and where your platform has been weaponised.

In addition to placing on record your contrition around the serious abuse of Facebook platforms, in your written testimony this week to the US Congress you noted that the company’s priority is “protecting our community” and that it “is more important than maximizing our profits”. We welcome these sentiments, but concrete action has to follow words.

For too long, we have only heard about personal commitments, promises or apologies. We hope that moving forward, your company will seriously, urgently and meaningfully commit to working with civil society to address the issues we have raised herein, and in fact have flagged for years.
Thank you for your consideration.
Signed,
  1. Bakamoono, http://www.bakamoono.lk
  2. Centre for Equality and Justice
  3. Centre for Policy Alternatives, http://www.cpalanka.org
  4. Equal Ground, http://www.equal-ground.org
  5. Ghosha, https://ghoshawomen.wordpress.com
  6. Grassrooted Trust, https://grassrooted.net
  7. Hashtag Generation, https://www.facebook.com/hashtaggenerationsl
  8. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre, https://ihrdc.wordpress.com
  9. South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR), http://www.southasianrights.org
  10. Viluthu, http://www.viluthu.org
  11. Women and Media Collective, http://womenandmedia.org
  12. Women’s Action Network
  13. Youth Advocacy Network Sri Lanka, https://www.facebook.com/YANSriLanka
For clarifications and more information around this statement, contact Sanjana Hattotuwa (sanjanah@cpalanka.org) Raisa Wickrematunge (raisa@cpalanka.org) or Amalini De Sayrah (amalini@cpalanka.org)

Sri Lanka opens door for return of divisive former president

Voters who turfed Mahinda Rajapaksa out of office in 2015 give his party local election win

Mahinda Rajapaksa gives a press conference following his party’s surprise victory in Sri Lanka’s local elections. Photograph: Eranga Jayawardena/AP

 in Colombo and 
Afamiliar face is back on walls across Sri Lanka. The country’s former president Mahinda Rajapaksa has been grinning from thousands of posters and billboards recently, palms pressed together in gratitude.

Voters delivered a shock repudiation of Rajapaksa’s government three years ago, as the UN investigated war crimes against Tamil civilians, dissidents disappeared in unmarked white vans and warnings were issued that Sri Lankan democracy was at risk.

In February, however, they gave the Buddhist nationalist leader’s new party a surprise victory in local government elections.

With polls for parliament and the presidency scheduled for two years’ time, the result has reaffirmed Rajapaksa as Sri Lanka’s most popular politician, and raised hopes among his supporters – and fears in others – that he may yet return to power.

The Rajapaksa-led opposition forced a no-confidence motion in parliament against the prime minister, Ranil Wickremasinghe, last week. It failed, but Wickremasinghe was criticised by several of his own ministers during the debate, widening cracks in the already fragile coalition government that turfed Rajapsaksa from office in 2015.

“We are heading towards a snap election,” said Namal Rajapaksa, an MP and the former president’s son and heir apparent. “The future of the coalition government is going to be very unstable. The president and the prime minister have no other option.”


 Namal Rajapaksa, the former president’ son and heir apparent. Photograph: Dinuka Liyanawatte/Reuters

Campaign ads in the run-up to the February polls were stark. “Remember when winning a rugby match was punishable by death?” asked one United National party flyer, in reference to a murder allegedly linked to the Rajapaksa family. “Remember when white vans were a symbol of terror and repression?”

The resurgence of a leader with such heavy baggage is less surprising to close observers of Sri Lankan politics. “Rajapaksa never went away,” said Alan Keenan, a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group. “His shadow has loomed over this government, literally from the first day.”

It took an unlikely coalition to unseat Rajapaksa from the presidency in 2015. Appalled by a leader they regarded as breathtakingly corrupt and increasingly authoritarian, defectors from his own party forged an alliance with members of the opposition, campaigning on a unity platform of reviving civil society and tackling corruption.

In power, however, longtime political enemies have struggled to work together, finding they are united by little more than antipathy toward the former president. “The relationship between the president and prime minister is as bad as it could be,” Keenan said.

To win over minorities such as the Tamils, the current president, Maithripala Sirisena, promised to implement tough reforms, including to devolve power to regional governments, pursue the cases of those who disappeared during the Rajapaksa years, and reform the constitution to ensure no president could accrue the power of his predecessor.

Commentators in Colombo agree too much of that agenda has been shirked by a government afraid of challenging Buddhist nationalist sentiment in the country, and kicking off a wave of rightwing anger that could lift Rajapaksa and his family back into office.

Less lofty issues have also sapped the government’s support. The price of staples such as onions, fish and coconuts has increased steeply, while a decision to remove an uneconomical fertiliser subsidy has burned the agricultural sector, which still employs nearly one in three Sri Lankans.

“Mahinda looked after us,” said Gamaga Nona, a paddy and banana farmer in Madilla, a village on Sri Lanka’s south coast. Fertiliser was eight times cheaper under the Rajapaksa government, she said, and the change has nearly halved the annual profit of her family farm. “Now the fertiliser is delayed and sometimes we never get it.”

KA Karunanapala, another southern farmer, worries about Chinese influence in the region. The Sirasena government agreed last December to lease a new port in Hambantota to a Chinese state-owned corporation for 99 years. It was intended to help pay back about $8bn in Chinese money borrowed by the Rajapaksa government, but has provoked a furious backlash. “What does [Sirisena] do for us, other than going around trying to sell our assets?” Karunanapala asked.

Civil society groups in Colombo acknowledge a pall has lifted since 2015. Newspapers that once laboured under official censorship, or the kind enforced by military vehicles parked outside journalists’ homes at night, now print boisterous criticism of the government. Human rights groups chased out ten years ago are re-establishing offices in the city.

People are breathing more easily, said Asoka Obeyesekere, a barrister and director of the local chapter of Transparency International. “Civil society are not fearing for their lives anymore.”
Namal Rajapaksa calls the allegations of corruption and violence that dogged his father “well planned, well executed propaganda”. “We are looking for a fresh start,” he said. “We will correct our mistakes and look for a broader relationship with our neighbours.”

His party would seek a clean slate with western governments, he said, but added that continuing to participate in a UN security council investigation into the final months of the civil war – in which about 40,000 Tamil civilians may have been killed – would need to be “looked into more deeply”.

“Any war will have casualties, we won’t deny that,” Rajapaksa said. “But at the end of the day what matters is the future.”

That future is still uncertain for the family. Their party won about 45% of the vote in the local government elections, the largest share in the country, but not enough to win an outright parliamentary or presidential majority.

Should opposition groups find a way to paper over their differences, and unite as they did in 2015, they may still have the numbers to keep the Rajapaksas out.

“The local government results showed no other political force in the country can shine on their own,” Obeyesekere said. “Really the only way to have any strength is in unity.

The inside story of Welikada jail riot

  

2018-04-11

The CID last week took into custody the Commissioner of Prisons Department (Rehabilitation) Emil Ranjan Lamahewa and Police Anti Narcotics Bureau inspector Newamal  Rangajeewa on suspicion over the alleged shooting incident within Welikada Prison which occurred on the 09th of November 2012. This is almost five years after the incident.

The current revelation under ‘Truthful Investigations’ is about this incident. This report is based on the findings of the CID which were submitted to courts and the matters containing in the report compiled by the three-member Committee appointed by the Ministry of Justice to probe into this incident. 

It was 2012 and the date was 09th of November. The time was around 01.30 PM. 790 members of the Police Special Task Force, carrying fire arms entered Welikada Prison. At first the Prison officers, who were manning the gates, declined to allow them as entering a secured area carrying guns was not permitted. However following orders from high ups they were allowed inside the prison. 

The STF officers together with the members of the Prison intelligence unit launched a search operation. After checking one of the wards they proceeded to search the Chapel ward. There were Prisoners in death row and those sentenced to twenty years inside this ward. The prisoners resented to this search by those carrying firearms. A heated argument arose which then led to an exchange of fisticuffs. Within minutes the STF directed a Tear Gas attack on the Chapel Ward, which angered the prisoners. Thereafter the STF left the prison. 

The STF comes under the police and it is a para military outfit of the police. Even after the STF had left the situation did not return to normalcy. A group of prisoners, in the rush, had broken into the Armoury of the prison and removed some firearms. 

After all these incidents 150 soldiers of the army entered the prison around 08.00 PM. Two Unicorn vehicles also entered the prison. According to the evidence submitted to the three-member committee the army personnel had been stationed in a prison ground since afternoon. Their operation too ended around 11.00 PM. Thereafter there was a reticence within the prison area. The bodies of several prisoners were found strewn within the prison grounds. The army had been seen checking some prisoners after commanding them to kneel. 

The fire arms, alleged to have been removed by the prisoners after breaking into the armoury, were taken into custody by the army. They were then returned to Jailor Guard Nanayakkara, who was in charge of the armoury at the time of the robbery. The jailor accepted them noting down the serial numbers of these fire arms. 

The list   

According to the investigations by the CID and the report of the three-member committee, the next person who had entered the prison was a person in civvies, together with inspector Niyomal Rangajeewa attached to the Police Narcotics Bureau. One of them is said to have had a list of names. They had walked towards the place where some prisoners were continuing to kneel and called the names in the list. They were then separated and taken away. 

It has been stated that the first to be taken away was Malan, followed by Kapila. Then came Manju Sri’s turn. The 26-year-old Harsha Manju Sri Manikeerthi had been serving as an insurance agent. It had been later reported that the suspect had visited the Kotte Temple in search of a sword. Police however did not find a sword in the suspect’s possession. 

Thereafter they had been taken to the YO ward of the prison led by a prison officer. This ward had been secured with padlocks and witnesses had claimed that these padlocks were broken after shots were fired at them. Eight inmates, whose names appeared in the list, were then taken out. They were Kankanamlage Milinda Nilendra Pelpola, Nirmala Atapattu, Gundu Mama alias Vijaya Rohana, Chinthamani Mohottige Thushara Chandana alias Kalu Thushara, Ponna Kapila alias Andupulige Jothipala, Manju Sri alias Harsha Sri Mahakeerthi Perera, Mali Prasanna alias Raigamage Susantha Perera and Koda Amila alias Mallalage Malith Sameera Perera. 

According to the identity card issued in 1997 by the Government Information Department Vijaya Rohana, who is among these eight individuals, had been serving Janahanda newspaper as a photo journalist. In a statement made by his mother it says, “They tried to take revenge of my son over something that appeared in the newspaper when he was working for this publication. They took him into custody making fake charges of carrying drugs. A boy who resided behind my house was assaulted by the Narcotics bureau and killed. This case would be proved with my evidence, which I stated to courts. When I returned after giving evidence in courts, my son was killed in this manner. Earlier there were threats made to my son to stop me from giving evidence”.
 
Koda Amila was another inmate who was killed. He had been taken into custody by the Narcotics Division over charges of trafficking in drugs. There is another case against him for behaving in an unruly manner while in Jail.   

All these prisoners were languishing in jail over well-known public offences or convicted of drug related offences, while there were others who had fallen out with the prison authorities.
 
The scene of an enacted crime   

Normalcy returned to the prison environs after the intervention by the army. This was after the operation conducted by the three individuals who visited the prison and singled out certain detainees. The remains of these detainees were found the next day strewn all over the prison ground. Firearms were also found close to these bodies. That was the scene of an enacted crime. 

The firearms and other equipment discovered by the army were handed over to the officer in charge of weapons at the prison G.L.W. Nanayakkara by G.B.S. Tennekoon the Sergeant at the Panagoda Army Camp as per a written schedule. Nanayakkara had received these weapons following documentation with the consent of Sergeant Tennekoon. (A copy of that document is shown in the photograph) 

They were 3 T 58s, 03 T56 Mark 11, 07 T 58 Magazines and 08 T 56 Magazines which were duly handed over to Nanayakkara. After several hours the then superintendent of the Magazine Prison had called over and requested for some firearms that were handed over by the Army. The officer-in-charge of weapons at the prisons had hesitated in releasing these weapons, but was reluctantly compelled to do so when the then Commissioner General of Prisons Kodippily instructed him to hand over the weapons.   

By noon weapons were found near the bodies of the inmates that were killed and the weapons were found near the bodies of these dead prisoners. These weapons were identified as those that were handed back in this manner.

On the recommendation of the three member committee, the IGP took steps to hand over investigations to the CID. Proper investigations commenced and statements of a large number of persons were recorded. Following detailed probes on the series of events that took place inside Welikada Prison, Inspector Nyomal Rangajeewa of the Police Narcotics bureau was taken into custody on 28th March by the CID on suspicion of the alleged killing of eight prisoners, who had been identified and segregated before their deaths. 

Following this move the then superintendent of the Magazine Prison Emil Ranjan Lama Hewa too was taken into custody at his official residence within the Prison premises. At the time of the arrest Emil Ranjan was serving as the Commissioner (Rehabilitation) of the Prisons Department. 

No sooner the duo were arrested they sought a stay at the Colombo General Hospital stating that they were sick. They were allowed to do so by the CID. However after the Magistrate made a visit to the hospital and considered a report submitted to him, he ordered the suspects to be remanded. 
The investigators are now on the look out to the arrest a senior officer who served the prisons department at the time these killings took place. 

The Government is held responsible for the deaths of people who are under the custody of security services. 

The message “Prisoners are also human beings” adorns the walls of  Welikada Prison. But such sayings are of no use if those entrusted with the utmost duty of caring for the inmates act with such impunity to please their Godfathers.     

From innovate or perish in 1998 to innovate and perish in 2018



logo Wednesday, 11 April 2018 

We will be facing a tough year in a decade in 2018. Central Bank Governor Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy addressed the Chamber of Commerce at an afternoon session in late February and explained with facts how he foresees Sri Lankan economy stabilising in 2018 and mentioned his concerns regarding climate change’s impact on the economy.

During question time I mentioned that oil would become $ 100 per barrel by end of 2018 and the audience and even the Governor may have thought I was just guessing. Yes, I was, but there was a very valid reason for that.

During the second half of 2017, I noticed two phenomenon which should not be occurring at the same time. On one hand different automobile manufacturers and country leaders were predicting that they will manufacture only electric vehicles and BEV population in the country will reach 100% respectively by 2035 or 2040, etc. On the other hand, oil prices were increasing slowly, but gradually and steadily.

Under normal circumstances these two trends will be moving in opposite directions; but here they were moving in the same direction. This could happen only when these two aspects – BEV population and oil prices – reach a certain level when the best option for oil producers will be to maximise what they can earn from whatever resources they possess to-day while BEV population – global – is less than 50% or so. So, we have reached that level and oil companies want to maximise their returns. Major suppliers can no longer afford to supply oil at these low prices.

Innovation in 1998

Today there is no worthwhile corporate conversation without innovation being either the title of conversation or occupying a large portion of the conversation. We even have a special Committee on Science, Technology and Innovation. But 20 years ago, it was not like that. In 1998 when we celebrated our 25th client, Trans Asia Hotel – Cinnamon Lakeside today – obtaining ISO 9001 certificate with cocktails at the same hotel, we displayed a banner with a poem from Louis Pattler’s book, “Don’t compete, tilt the field” which ran as follows:

For the want of an innovation, creativity was lost.

For want of creativity, the idea was lost.

For want of an idea, the product was lost.

For want of a product, the customer was lost.

For want of a customer, the business was lost.

For want of a business, the company was lost.

All for the want of a single innovation.

Though it was from a book we had read, the message ‘Innovate or Perish’ was something which was dear and near to us. We had worked in an organisation which would have perished if we had not innovated and it is a well-known blue chip to-day. It was nothing but this personal experience and absolute conviction arising therefrom which prompted us to boldly declare ‘Innovate or Perish’ as our message to Sri Lankan corporate community in an interview we gave to an English daily in late September 2002 on our successful consultancy assignments in Pakistan.

Remembering innovation in 1989

I was Research and Development Manager at Haycarb (HC) under that great CEO, Rajan Yatawera (RY) in the late 1980s and HC activated coconut shell carbon was used in gold extraction plants in many gold mines in the world. Our beloved mothers, wives, sisters and daughters might not know that the gold items they wear on themselves may have been extracted using coconut shells they have scraped in their kitchens and thrown away.

In these plants, activated carbon is mixed with slurries containing ore with gold, silver, nickel, etc. and only the gold part enters tiny micropores in these activated carbons. Then they separate carbon containing gold from slurry containing other minerals by screening and if carbon had been more activated, therefore softer, it would break down into finer particles and go through screens taking more gold with it than planned. So, in selecting carbon for gold recovery applications you strike a balance between hardness and level of activation.

Around 1989, we got an order from a gold mine using carbon from a different supplier and after a fortnight our agent was worried as customer had complained that our carbon was softer and had broken down and thus gone through screeners, taking valuable gold with it to waste. They wanted us to act fast.

My first reaction was that when HC carbon was mixed with another carbon and there is breakdown, we can’t straight away say that our carbon has broken down and it could be even the other carbon. But RY, always the customer’s advocate in our midst, scoffed and suggested we act fast because if that impression persisted we might even lose our existing clients.

When RY visited them, they put some of our carbon particles to an evaporation dish, focused a camera on the same and projected onto a screen. Then they marked and counted the soft particles in our carbon and they did same with other carbons and our carbons had softer particles than competitor carbons. When RY returned, we were asked to double up our efforts and come out with a solution and if we failed, we were told in no uncertain terms, we would perish and HC had to exit the gold mine, literally as well as metaphorically.

We had to come out with devices to (i) eliminate soft particles in the final product (ii) use as a test method to throw out softer particles in carbon. So, we innovated a production unit to separate soft particles from our carbons, during post-activation sizing, and a test method. We called it the Zigzag Separator and the miniature unit of same was used as test method.

We used an air stream to separate softer particles and the beauty of it was that we used same air stream to impinge on carbon at few stages with strongest air stream being used when carbon had lost most of its softer particles. It solved the problem and Haycarb did not perish.

If we go by definition of innovation given by Clayton Christensen as “something different which has impact”, the Zigzag Separator was an innovation. It was definitely different from the normal air separators used which are single stage separators and it had tremendous impact. Even if we go by the definition given by Joseph Schumpeter – “new technology impacting the business world” — it was an innovation. When somebody enters Haycarb factory at Madampe and proceeds further, he would see this Zigzag Separator standing tall on to his left.

Sometimes I wonder what would have happened if I did not come out with this Zigzag Separator. Would Haycarb have perished? Would current shareholders have enjoyed that Rs. 500 million profit and the country the billions of rupees in foreign exchange earned every year?

So, when I read Louis Patler in 1998, I understood and realised validity and significance of each of the statements in the poem. It was the best message I could give my dear customers and different stakeholders who came to celebrate our 25th ISO 9001 certificate in 1998 and I was carrying that thought to the entire Sri Lankan business community by emphasising its significance in my interview with the English daily in September 2002.

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innovation in 2008

Then in 2008, everybody was concerned about energy security and there were pronouncements that ethanol from corn, etc. might become additives to gasoline and this could influence global food security. I wanted to find out whether there could be any alternatives and we could contribute anything to resolve impending energy crisis.

Even ministers started promoting concepts like running automobiles with water. Research at a Chemical Engineering Faculty was on converting waste polythene to a fuel for automobiles. My notebook carries an entry of a telephone conversation, wherein I tried to convince them that it is thermodynamically impossible.

I quoted my experience at polythene and polypropylene plants in Seadrift, USA where 100ft tall fluidised bed reactor was expected to melt in a few hours if cycle gas cooler lost electric power and could not take away that enormous amount of heat generated. They would run the same cycle gas cooler as a turbine expander to feed in CO2 to kill the exothermic polymerisation reaction. So, we were planning to reverse this extremely exothermic reaction using normal distillation processes. It was of no avail as they were confident about the final outcome and they had even measured the flash point of their product and it was meeting the specification. Today, everyone knows the outcome of that research.

We wanted to identify a reliable and affordable source of energy which is environmentally benign as well. We had gathered from annual reports of the Central Bank, that whatever gains we had got from increased exports of apparel, etc., vanished due to increased oil import bills. So, we wanted our energy sourcing to be reliant on something, the price of which cannot be dictated by another set of human beings or countries. That left us with solar energy, wind energy and energy in the clouds.

Since solar is the energy which (i) is universally available and (ii) we harnessed to dry coir dust in 1989 and created an industry bringing Rs. 2 billion of foreign exchange every year, we decided to work on solar energy. We had three options available: concentrated solar thermal, rooftop photovoltaic solar arrangements and photovoltaic solar parks.

One of our first steps in this initiative was to identify the environmental aspects leading to climate change. We identified them as (1) we change what we do to incident solar radiation we receive, (2) we generate waste energy when we convert energy from one form to another, (3) we do not allow this waste energy and unutilised solar energy to escape from our system by emitting greenhouse gases. The moment we do fuel switching from fossil fuels to solar, both the second and third aspects are addressed fully and our siting of PV solar panels should address the first aspect also to the maximum. The construction of the black asphaltic road surface after deforestation is the worst case of the first aspect and thus it is the obvious place to lay PV solar panels from the climate change point of view.

This is how we arrived at our innovation for the energy crisis and climate change, a solution addressing both these issues at the same time. It again is an innovation – “something different which has impact”, tremendous impact at that or “a new technology impacting not only the business world; but the entire mankind”.

Then we completed our designs and in its final arrangement it answers the climate change issue through four possible avenues: (a) By being a geo-engineering solution, (b) by energy switching, (c) by being more efficient on supply side and (d) by being more efficient on demand side. The final design we developed is what we call highway solarisation which is defined as follows:

“A dedicated infrastructure to generate electricity for powering battery electric vehicles or the main grid using solar energy collected by PV solar panels installed along and above the highways as a solution for climate change.”

From 2008-2015

During these years we were promoting this innovation by writing to papers and trying to convince government and ministers about usefulness of this innovation. When Anura Priyadarshana Yapa was Minister of Environment and Champika Ranawaka, Minister of Power and Energy, we made a presentation to Minister Yapa and he wanted the Ministry to pursue it.

The Ministry arranged for a gathering of representative from different ministries – Energy, Highways, Transport, Trade and Commerce to listen to a presentation by us. Nobody had any questions for us and they were pleased about the solution. Then Ministry wanted us to prepare a cabinet paper on the same and it was almost completed when Ministers of Petroleum Industries and Environment were swapped and so were the Ministers of Power and Energy and Science and Technology. Thus, that initiative stopped there.

There were powerful secretaries saying at meetings of officials from different ministries that they will not allow houses to be built on highways as if highways have been built with their personal money and the masses don’t need to pay for them. He was unable to understand that we were helping them by developing a tradable product on loan funded infrastructure or he had more lucrative funding options. They are a brand non-existent today.

Post-2015 era

Then we come to the post-2015 era and we brought it to the notice of our new President/Minister of Environment. I was requested to make a presentation to the engineers of the Ministry of Mahaweli Development which was done and it ended there or probably it resulted in somebody trying to set up floating solar arrangements on some Mahaweli reservoirs.

When Champika Ranawaka as Minister of Power and Energy in the interim Government from January to August 2015, at the International Energy Symposium in June 2015 we made a presentation on ‘Applying Six Sigma DMADV2 Methodology to solve Climate Change’ and it ultimately led to highway solarisation and we said that we had to do the validation of the solution only. Dr. M.S. Batagoda, Secretary of Power and Energy, gave us a Certificate of Excellence for that presentation and we thought he would take it further and allow us to validate and bring credit to the Sri Lanka’s intelligentsia. But nothing happened.

Then I made a presentation at the Public Consultation Session on the Long-Term Generation Plan held on 25 September 2015 by the Public Utilities Commission. I made it very clear that we need to go in for this project while the oil prices remain at their current levels then. Prices have gone up by 35% already. But nothing happened.

We made another presentation to the PUCSL again in June, 2017; but there were no initiatives from them to study this further and make use of it.

While writing to different ministries related to the project and also to Road Development Authority, we still have not received the go ahead from them. As we have expressed in a recent article to the papers, solarisation of the Southern Expressway extension is the one and only way to earn a revenue and save adequate foreign exchange to pay back for solarisation effort as well as for the road construction. Otherwise we will remain eternally indebted to the Chinese Government till one fine day they will either say “okay, we will write it off” like what they told late Lakshman Kadirgamar during President Chandrika Bandaranaike’s regime or will purchase the highway like what they did recently in respect of the Hambantota Port. Recently we published a few articles on the superiority of this solution for climate change above all others ever mentioned in literature on sustainable energy and climate change.

I strongly believe that we do not have much time to face a world with $100 a barrel of petrol and we need to act fact. If we do act fast, we might be able to have the pilot project a – 10MW project on a 3.4 km stretch on the Mirijjawila-Suriyawewa 100ft road, on which we used to dry paddy in early 2015, up and running by end 2018. Based on its success, we could implement at other locations as well up to a total of at least 3,800 MW power.

Comparison of costs and impacts

How highway solarisation will influence our livelihood could be best explained by looking at what happens when a public officer does a trip of 200 kms in a SUV doing only five km per litre of petrol at Rs. 117 per litre and in a Battery Electric Vehicle (BEV) powered by highway solarisation. Table 1 depicts how this trip would influence the climate as well as the economic performance of the country. Please also note that when s/he does this trip in the SUV and spends Rs. 4,680 for the fuel, s/he is paying Rs. 58.50 per actual kWhr of energy from the fuel used during the trip.

One could see from this single table what we are doing to our economy and the climate by being blind to an indigenous solution and not attempting to solve climate change which this small island nation of 65,000 km2 can ill afford to live with. Very often, we see pronouncements by knowledgeable people that transportation contributes nearly 50% to the total greenhouse gas emissions in Sri Lanka. Should not the parliamentarians, Ministers of Power and Energy, Environment, Finance, Economic Affairs and Policy Planning and Highways take a look at this project and give some hope to the people of this country? I hope they know that oil price in dollar terms and exchange rate of the dollar itself would go up in time to come.

Conclusion

We know that oil has to go up in price and it will. When the OPEC countries could see BEVs catching up, they will initially try to discourage the same by holding oil prices low and after a point when they see it unstoppable, they will try to make maximum use of whatever oil they have and increase price of oil with that intention.

It is left to us to foresee this and make our own arrangements to reduce our overall cost and save the environment and protect mankind from climate change. With this innovation already in place to face this, should we allow ourselves and future generations to perish?
(The writer is Managing Director, Somaratna Consultants Ltd.)
 African asylum seekers protest against Israel’s deportation plan, South Tel Aviv, 25 February.Oren ZivActiveStills

David Sheen-10 April 2018

The fortunes of the African refugee community targeted by the Israeli government for deportation have swung wildly in recent days.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu first announced a United Nations-backed deal to resettle some of them in the West, but then quickly retracted the plan after right-wing Israelis complained that the deal was too generous to asylum seekers.

“I listened closely to many comments about the agreement. As a result, after reevaluating the advantages and disadvantages, I decided to cancel the deal,” Netanyahu wrote on his Facebook page.

“Despite the growing legal and international limitations, we will continue to act with determination to exhaust all possibilities at our disposal to remove the infiltrators,” he added.

In November, it was reported that the Netanyahu government secured agreements with unnamed African nations for the latter to take in many of the approximately 40,000 refugees remaining in Israel, ostensibly in exchange for a fee of $5,000 per head.

But Netanyahu’s plans for expedited deportation were quashed after protests by refugee rights activists in Israel and abroad shamed those countries, now known to be Rwanda and Uganda, into disclaiming the scheme.

Unable to deliver on his promise to quickly expel all the Africans, Netanyahu grudgingly agreed to a planbrokered by the UN refugee agency UNHCR which, if carried out, would have seen thousands of the refugees resettled in Western nations in the coming years.

But Germany and Italy, two of the countries cited by Netanyahu as committed to take in asylum seekers from Israel, quickly denied having ever agreed to accept refugees under the scheme.

Opposition to expulsion

Abandoned on all sides within hours of announcing the agreement, Netanyahu walked back the deal, first in part, then in whole, suspending it, and then canceling it altogether.

Although the deal would have provided political cover for Netanyahu’s planned expulsion of the refugees, his political camp vigorously opposed it because it also committed Israel to allowing around 20,000 Africans – mainly women and children – to remain in Israel for another five years and to help them move to parts of the country other than South Tel Aviv, where most of the community is concentrated.

Although a January poll showed that 66 percent of Israeli Jews support Netanyahu’s efforts to expel the refugees to Africa, a recent survey found that positions are reversed in those very areas where residents were more likely to actually encounter any of them.

March poll revealed that in the greater Tel Aviv area, opposition to the expulsion reached 68 percent, and in the long-neglected neighborhoods of South Tel Aviv with the largest African populations, it hit 71 percent.

On 24 February and again on 24 March, some 20,000 people gathered in Tel Aviv to demonstrate in solidarity with the refugee community and demand that the Israeli government cancel plans to deport them, and instead work to improve the lives of all residents of the city’s delapidated southern district.

Protesters have criticized the Israeli government for having one of the lowest refugee acceptance rates in the world – less than 0.5 percent.

But Netanyahu has claimed that the non-Jewish refugees – about half Christian and half Muslim – pose a threat to Israel’s “national identity.”

In that sense Israel regards them similarly to how it has viewed indigenous Palestinians since its founding, when it expelled 750,000 Palestinians from their homes and barred them from returning because they are not Jews.

And local racists have long labored to shore up support for Netanyahu’s anti-African policies, and to demand that even crueler measures be taken against them.

“Mortal threat”

Shlomo Maslawi, representing Netanyahu’s ruling Likud Party on the Tel Aviv city council, told Israeli TV that he would oppose Netanyahu’s now retracted plan, even though it included promises to invest in the overburdened neighborhoods of South Tel Aviv, until “the Eritreans are gone, down to the last Eritrean – only then will there be rehabilitation.”

In recent weeks, as refugee rights advocates across the country and around the world stepped up their protests, forcing the African governments conspiring with Israel to deny their involvement, Netanyahu lashed out at the refugees, smearing them as a mortal threat.

If he had not built a high-tech fence on Israel’s southern border five years ago, Netanyahu told an audience in March, the number of Africans in the country would be significantly higher, a condition he deemed “much worse” than “severe attacks by Sinai terrorists.”

Coming under rare criticism from some of Israel’s staunchest American defenders, other government officials also doubled down to defend the mass deportations to African states.

Interior minister Aryeh Deri told Israeli army radio that to take these asylum seekers, mainly from Eritrea and Sudan, and expel them to Rwanda and Uganda, would merely mean returning them “to their natural place.”

Avraham Neguise, currently Israel’s only Black legislator, a Jew of Ethiopian origin, also spoke out in support of the deportation to Rwanda and Uganda, telling Israel’s i24 TV, “Well, they came from Africa, and they’re going back to Africa.”

Yitzhak Yosef, one of Israel’s two national chief rabbis, also heaped scorn on the Africans in a sermon last month, in which he called Black people “monkeys” and the Hebrew equivalent of the N-word.

His fellow chief rabbi, Yisrael Lau, had already used that Hebrew version of the N-world to describe Black people, on his very first day in office.

Vigilante violence

These and many other incidents of anti-African incitement have ramped up racism against the refugees. The rage against asylum seekers has grown into a political force capable even of pressuring Netanyahu to cancel Israel’s international agreements.

But the most frightening effects of increased anti-Black sentiment are reserved for the refugees themselves.

Vigilante violence against African refugees has become increasingly common in recent years.

In 2012, an Israeli firebombed a daycare for the young children of African refugees, and in 2014, an Israeli man was indicted for stabbing an Eritrean baby in the head.

According to prosecutors, the man later stated: “I attacked Black terrorists, there was a Black baby, they said that a Black baby, Blacks in general, are terrorists.”

The firebomber received only community service, while the stabber was sent for psychiatric treatment.

Since that time, in separate incidents, two refugees – Haftom Zarhum from Eritrea and Babikir Ali Adham-Uvdo from Sudan – were beaten to death in public places by Israeli mobs.

The charges against Adham-Uvdo’s killers were reduced from murder.

One of the killers is a minor whose sentence for “intentional injury” to Adham-Uvdo is yet to be determined. The adult assailant received a maximum jail sentence of 10 years for manslaughter in a plea bargain, although he will probably be released in just a few years.

An Israeli court is currently offering Zarhum’s killers community service.

Coerced to self-deport

This anti-African incitement, coupled with the news that African refugees, including some recently expelled from Israel, have experienced torture, extortion and detention in Libya, where open-air slave markets have been documented, is taking a toll not only on adults, but on Israeli youth, as well.
In February, one refugee confessed that a group of Israeli schoolchildren had approached him on a public bus and asked him, “How much can we sell you for?”

With the Rwanda-Uganda deal shelved in shame, and the UN deal for resettlement in the West now derailed by Netanyahu himself, the fate of the 40,000 African refugees left in Israel is once again unclear.

In lieu of the UN deal, Netanyahu is now reportedly pressuring coalition partners to reopen the Holot internment camp that it closed down only last month in anticipation of the planned expulsions.
Starting in December 2013, Israel rounded up thousands of African men into this detention center, in order to pressure them to self-deport.

By Netanyahu’s count, the government was able to coerce more than 20,000 to leave Israel in this way – a third of the African refugee community.

When the Israeli high court forbade the government from keeping those men incarcerated there for more than a year, the latter banned the refugees who it was compelled to release from moving back to Tel Aviv or Eilat, the two Israeli cities with the largest asylum-seeker communities at the time.

As Israel released Holot’s remaining inmates in March, it informed them that the list of cities they were now forbidden from living or working in had mushroomed from two to seven, adding to the list Petah Tikva, Bnei Brak, Ashdod, Netanya and Jerusalem.

Now Netanyahu’s coalition partners say they may now pass an even harsher version of the so-called Anti-Infiltration Law which they have used to criminalize refugees.

The new bill would build in measures to insulate it from being overturned by the high court.

If they follow through on their threat to neuter the court’s powers, there would no longer be any legal impediment to jailing the African refugees indefinitely in Holot until they agree to self-deport to whatever destination Israel coerces them to go to.

David Sheen is an independent writer and filmmaker. Born in Toronto, Canada, Sheen now lives in Dimona. His website is www.davidsheen.com and he can be followed on Twitter: @davidsheen.

Dublin City Council pledges support for Israeli boycott

The council has also committed itself to discontinuing all business with Hewlett-Packard


Dublin City Council has voted to support economic sanctions against Israel – including a boycott of certain Israeli goods.
Michael Staines

Michael Staines- 10 Apr 2018
The motion, passed by councillors last night, notes that the council "fully supports and endorses" the Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement for freedom, equality and justice.
The BDS movement targets Israel over its occupation and colonisation of Palestinian lands.
The motion also called for the council to discontinue business contracts with technology manufacturer Hewlett Packard (HP).
The global IT company is one of the main suppliers of IT systems equipment and services to the Israeli military and security sectors.
The council motion claims that the company provides and operates “much of the technology infrastructure that Israel uses to maintain its system of apartheid and settler colonialism over the Palestinian people.”
In a statement however, the company said that “allegations that HP is complicit in human rights violations are untrue,” and insisted that it has never offered the services claimed by the motion.
“HP is committed to socially responsible business practices and abides by stringent policies that respect human rights in every market in which we operate.”

Lord Mayor's Visit

The Chairperson of the IPSC Fatin Al Tamimi handing in a petition to the Irish government asking to end the arms trade with Israel, 04-10-=2017. Image: Leah Farrell/RollingNews
The Mayor of Dublin Micheál MacDonnacha is travelling to the Palestinian Territories today for a conference on the future of Jerusalem:
“We really need a message of peace but also justice in Palestine and it is also appropriate I think that I travel out today, the anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement,” he said.
The motion calling for the council to endorse the global Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign was proposed by People Before Profit Cllr John Lyons.
“The Israeli state imposes the most horrendous of conditions upon the people of Palestine,” said Cllr Lyons. “Those in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and inside Israel itself.
“It is an apartheid system that treats the children, women and men of Palestine as if they were less than human.”
He said the Israeli government's actions have blocked the so-called 'Two State Solution' to the conflict adding that "in recent days we have seen horrendous actions by the Israeli military with the killing of protesters in Gaza.

Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions

The President of the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign Fatin Al Tamimi praised the council for its decision.
“Speaking as a Palestinian and a Dubliner I’m so proud that the local government of my adoptive the city has voted to stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people’s struggle for freedom, justice and equality,” she said.
“It is wonderful that Dublin City Council will now become part of the global Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement called for by Palestinian civil society.”

March of Return

Mourners and journalists carry the body of Palestinian journalist Yasser Murtaja who was killed bi Israeli gunfire on Friday, 08-04-2018. Image:  Stringer/Xinhua News Agency/PA Images
Up to nine Palestinians are believed to have been shot dead by Israeli forces during fresh protests along the Gaza-Israel border over the weekend.
The demonstrations on Friday marked the second week of a six-week long “March of Return” in support of refugees who have been forced from their homes.
The deaths reportedly brought the number of Palestinians killed in the protests to over 30.
Organisers have called for the protests to remain peaceful.
The protests began on March 30th to mark Land Day - a day of commemoration to mark the deaths in Israel of six unarmed Arab protesters in 1976.
Demonstrations are set to end on May 15th, when Palestinians commemorate the anniversary of the creation of Israel (known by Palestinians as the 'Nakba' or 'catastrophe').

“Restraint and calm”

In a statement yesterday, the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs Simon Coveney called for “restraint and calm.”
“I was deeply saddened to hear of further fatalities inside Gaza this weekend, following the appalling number of serious injuries and deaths last week,” he said.
“I call again for the utmost restraint, and urge the Israeli authorities, in particular, to ensure that any force used is only as a last resort, and is proportionate to the circumstances.
He said the situation facing Palestinians in Gaza is “untenable” and called for a resumption of the Palestinian Authority presence in the area.
With reporting from Stephen McNeice