When absurdity becomes insanity in Sri Lanka’s parliament

 Sunday, April 08, 2018

A crude bid to capture national political power by the so-called Joint Opposition, disgracefully aided and abetted by a section of President Maithripala Sirisena’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) failed this week. Given the political configurations on the floor of the House, perhaps this failure was inevitable but nothing is certain after all, in this dirty, rotten game of scoundrels beating their chests like patriots, as they say.

If this plot had succeeded, the consequences for national stability are too catastrophic to contemplate. In the wake of the defeat, the United National Party (UNP) has promised wide ranging reforms, internally as well as in respect of its chaotic governance processes. There is, of course, huge skepticism in the public preception of these promises which the UNP must recognise as natural, given the umpteen times that such attempts have failed.

Cocky boasts of the Joint Opposition

But for the moment, despite very justifiable misgivings that one may have regarding the Government’s ruinous perpetuation of the treasury bond fiasco at the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) and justifying it thereafter, relief is warranted following Wednesday’s vote. The numerical count has neatly fallen into line on either side of the House, belying cocky boasts of Joint Opposition frontliners whose obnoxiously Cheshire-cat grins cover a multitude of sins, communal as well as in regard to outright thievery of public funds.

Manifestly there is a point at which absurdity crosses the line and falls into the lap of insanity. The no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the Government focused not only on the alleged responsibility of the Prime Minister in regard to the CBSL treasury bond controversy but also in respect of an alleged failure to act promptly in respect of recent communal attacks on Muslim residents by political mobs in Ampara and Kandy.

As it has now transpired, several provincial politicians of the JO’s ‘Pohottuwa’ (a misnomer for that political party if there ever was one given that the innocence of the lotus flower bud is a far cry from the knaves who make up most of the JO) had been directly implicated in the Kandy violence at least. The JO’s allegations in respect of the Kandy violence are exceedingly rich in irony in any event. So the Rajapaksa lobby which actively fomented the Aluthgama violence as a warning to Muslim communities and reduced Tamil citizens to fear, terror and brutal subordination in the post-war years, had the brazen gall (let us not mince words) to accuse this Government of ‘failing to act’ promptly to prevent communal violence.

Shameful manipulation of communalism

If this was the logic, then how many no-confidence motions should have been brought against the former President and his family cronies during their time in power? Of course, that would have been a near impossibility at the time given the death fears that predominated among any and all who disagreed with the Rajapaksa way of thinking.

This columnist has been a forthright critic of the Government for the very reasons that ultimately resulted in the February 2018 electoral reprimand to the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe alliance, signs of which were visible from 2015 itself. Recognising this, critical positions should have been taken at the outset without civil society partners rushing headlong into compromising alliances with the Government, effectively becoming spokespersons for its unhappy prevarications from spluttering anti-corruption efforts to transitional justice reforms and constitutional reforms.

Most damagingly, official stonewalling on outstanding corruption cases against the Rajapaksas and their cronies was justified on the basis that Sri Lanka’s legal systems make it impossible for positive outcomes to be reached. These airy explanations ignored pointers that blocks lay elsewhere as seen by the fact that the Inspector General of Police got himself televised in news media (in a masterpiece of stupidity, one may well add) assuring the UNP’s Law and Order Minister that the police will not proceed against a certain ‘nilame’, a Rajapaksa favourite implicated in gross corruption. What more proof was required? In how many more cases was this same stonewalling evidenced by both factions of this alliance?

The infamies are not certainly comparable

In other respects as well, ‘yahapalanaya’ failures deserve to be critiqued without exception. The unity alliance’s ill-favored actions early on include dismissing a sitting Chief Justice through a letter written by the President and appointing a Prime Minister when an incumbent Prime Minister had not yet resigned. Recent press interviews given by the Rajapaksas point ominously to the fact that these ‘precedents’ will be remembered if power returns to their hands.

But even so, these failures are not comparable with the manifold infamies of the Joint Opposition. The Kandy violence is a frightening foretaste of what this country will be subjected to if the Rajapaksa brand (in whatever individual or collective avatar) return. And it is demonstrably hard to assess as to which character in that crowd is more lacking in conscience in respect of the use of communal politics to achieve petty political ends.

Its apologists are now unashamedly employing a racist rationale to explain the failure of the no-confidence motion in Parliament. It was said in 2015, as it is being said now, that it is the minority vote which safeguards the Government and that ‘deals’ are being reached on that basis. The pitting of the majority against the minorities is the most despicable game that politicians might play. To have people who profess to be ‘educated’ also joining these baying communalists is appalling.

Heeding the cries of UNP backbenchers

Where the way forward is concerned, the UNP hierarchy must acknowledge that this chance to reform, snatched out of thunderous skies as it were, must not be allowed to slip casually by with superficial shifting of leadership positions while the real power centre remains captured in an arrogant and imperviously elitist ‘bubble.’

It would do well to abide by ‘mea culpa’ cries of backbenchers during Wednesday’s vote when they pointed to the Joint Opposition benches and loudly lamented as to what a fate it was for the party of which they were members, to be accused of roguery by such palpable rogues as the Rajapaksa lobby. Meanwhile SLFP Ministers who voted for the no-confidence motion and insist on staying in their ministerial positions must be treated with the public contempt that they deserve. Their explanation that the motion was only against the Prime Minister is farcical.

Despite racist rhetoric then and now, the fact remains that huge swathes of the Sinhala vote swung against the Rajapaksas in 2015. That happened for reasons that still remain valid. That momentum was lost due to a toxic mixture of petty party squabbling, sheer incompetence and stupidity. From this point onwards, it should be this Government’s singular effort to court that jaundiced constituency afresh and demonstrate concrete gains on the reforms agenda by direct engagement with its voter base, not merely Colombo’s ‘chattering classes.’

Essentially, it should start governing, at least now.

Dr Silva’s Plea To The Muslims (Only) To Look In The Mirror: Missing The Woods For The Trees!

By Mohamed Harees –APRIL 8, 2018

Lukman Harees

An interesting article appeared in Colombo Telegraph written by Dr Sarath Gamini De Silva with a plea to the Muslims of Sri Lanka to look into the mirror, and ends it thus: My dear Muslim Brethren, Recent changes visible in your appearance, attitudes and behaviour are contributing to the current racial disharmony to a significant extent. As such, a long lasting solution to ensure peaceful coexistence depends to a great extent on your ability to look inwards and make amends.(underlining mine). The learned medical doctor, despite his claim of maintaining ‘a cordial relationship with mutual respect with hundreds .. in the Muslim community for over 50 years’, however fails to read the whole picture, and started pointing blaming fingers without exploring the whole gamut of reasons for Peaceful Co-existence’ to be still elusive in this Dharma Dweepa, thereby missing the woods for the trees.

This does not mean that there are no plausible reasons for the Muslims to look inwards in building an inclusive nation; in fact there are and already an impassionate discourse has started off within the community in recent times, to address and rectify fault-lines if any which have been obstacles in promoting national reconciliation and integration. However,  looking inwards and into the mirror is not a task to be undertaken by the Muslims alone as the writer suggests; rather  one which should be undertaken by all communities; more so the initiative should be led by the Sinhalese community being the majority community (as the elder brother in the Lakmavage Pavula). The theme of  Dr De Silva’s article thus looks unidirectional overlooking the key hurdles, having got into the same ‘Islamophobia’ bandwagon, where the racist lobbies are in.

To start with, before exploring the local scenario, the writer seems to set the background tone by  painting a tainted picture of the present day global Muslims as an ‘evil force’ which tries to dominate by subduing others, through oft quoted so-called ISIS’ style  Islamic terrorism’ and by refusing to integrate with the mainstream like others. He thereafter by extension attempts to point a blaming finger towards the local Muslims too, for trying to look different and also failing to integrate with the other communities in this country. This is exactly the main crux of the global Islamophobia campaign too, which has become a cottage industry in the Western capitals of the world- which Dr De Silva himself fallen victim to. Nathan Lean,, in  his well-researched book ‘Islamophobia Industry’, clearly lifts the veil on the multi-million dollar Islamophobia industry which consists of a nefarious network, of business, political, religious and media organizations and individuals who employ rank bigotry to promote their interests and purposely nurture it and use it as a socio-political strategy. Lean shows how deep the rabbit hole goes and exposes the dirty secrets of those who manipulate public opinion against the Muslims, through an influential Western Media network. John Esposito, another expert researcher on Islamphabia too points out ‘Islam is often portrayed as the cause rather than the context for radicalization, extremism and terrorism’. Besides, it is now well-known that the Iraqi war created the conditions for terror groups like ISIS to emerge. Thus , ISIS to be highlighted as Islamic groups consisting of Islamic soldiers trained in Islamic madrasas is palpably false and misleading and ignores many geo-political realities of the MENA region. In fact, many ME Muslim refugees seeking asylum in the West are victims of  Western military adventures in the region and fleeing away from ISIS terrorism. (Dr De Silva should well know that most victims of ISIS Terrorism are Muslims).

The learned doctor also refers to the Bahmian Buddha statues being destroyed by Taliban in recent times, but ignores the historical fact that those same statues were preserved by the Muslims for centuries, until this unfortunate destruction happened, which was condemned by Muslims all over. In fact, Buddhist heritage is still being preserved in many Muslim countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, Moreover for these extremist fringe elements like Taliban or ISIS, nothing is sacred. The suspected ISIS also placed bombs in mosques and places of Muslim religious importance; not even the precincts of  Prophet’s mosque in Medina was spared.

Then, he enters into exploration of the local situation  and laments,’ Unfortunately none of the so called moderate Muslims amongst us have publicly condemned such violence and other forms of intimidating behaviour in the name of Islam. Their silence is naturally interpreted as collusion by others as well as by the extremists. Compliance with their intention of creating an Islamic state in the entire world is thus accepted by default’. He is merely parroting the rhetoric of the Islamophobic Industry and Media – asking Muslims to assume collective guilt for the crimes committed by the terror elements under the banner of Islam. Although this charge is unjustified to say the least, as Muslims need not apologize every-time a person or a group commits a crime in the name of their religion, as much as Buddhists need not apologize as a group for the widely documented war crimes committed by their co-religionists against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, mainstream Muslim civic organizations and religious  bodies have issued many statements of condemnations both at the global and national level in Sri Lanka against any types of ‘religious’ terror used against innocents ( if Dr De Silva cares to dig into the archives). In fact, Muslim voices have been subdued and silenced in mainstream Western and Eastern discourses tainted by Islamophobia and instead, highlighting only  extremist points of view by design have been routine. Besides, the absurdity of this charge of asking Muslims to ‘jump up’ whenever some fringe groups sporting Muslim names commit terror acts and  assume collective guilt, was laid bare in the aftermath of the recent racist anti-Muslim attacks too, carried out by extremist Sinhala groups supported by political strategists to gain power.

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SRI LANKA: ‘RANIL WICKREMESINGHE FATIGUE’ AND THE CHALLENGES UNP HAS TO OVERCOME

08/04/2018

Amidst so many stories about the ever – exciting twists and turns in the crisis faced by our Government, we seem to ignore so many other significant political questions. One such question is: what is happening in Sri Lanka’s political parties? As visible from the unfolding power struggles, Sri Lanka’s two main parties – the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) – are in crisis, awaiting a re-invention for their survival. Meanwhile, a new party — Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) – has emerged, posing a serious existential threat to the SLFP and even showing signs of becoming the next ruling party, pushing the SLFP into a new phase of survival challenge.

SRI LANKA ‘RANIL WICKREMESINGHE FATIGUE’ AND THE CHALLENGES UNP HAS TO OVERCOME.docx by Thavam on Scribd

A reprieve not a win: Ranil’s Dunkirk

By Sarath de Alwis-April 8, 2018, 9:37 pm 

A huge banner on the perimeter fence at Sirikotha - UNP headquarters Sirikotha’ gloats ‘Maha Balayak Ekama Ratak ‘ – A colossal force – One country . Hannah Arndt comes to my mind. Truthfulness has never been counted among the political virtues and lies have always been regarded as justifiable tools in political dealings." Ranil did not win. He got a reprieve.

In the temple of democracy

On Wednesday, in the temple of democracy, fiction eclipsed fact. Truth turned tentative. Ethical norms turned elastic.

In a manner of speaking, the debate on the no-confidence motion which President Sirisena claims he did not either suggest or promote was profitable, productive, informative and instructive.

We discovered something about our vitiated democracy. The delegated will of the people is not an abstract concept. It is a tangible, tradable commodity. Our delegated will if entrusted to gentleman such as Dilan Perera or S. B. Dissanayake, you can bet your bottom dollar, rupee or paisa that, they will parlay it for good ministerial office irrespective of them being for, against or neutral on Ranil.

If one adheres to etymological purity ‘bull shit’ means the defecated product of a bull. Princeton Professor of Political Science Harry Brandenburg informs us that ‘Bullshitting’ is a recognized form of political communication.

Art of political communication

– Bull Shit

The English Oxford Dictionary defines ‘Bull Shit’ as a noun and slang for ‘stupid or untrue talk’. As a verb ‘Bull Shitting’ implies uttering nonsense.

There is a distinct advantage in using the term ‘Bull Shit’. It is precise. It differentiates between lying and politicking.

Politicians don’t lie. They stretch the truth. The liar violates the law. The bull shitter does not violate the law. On the contrary, Bull Shitters claim to be upholders of the law.

Politicians rely on bullshitting when the truth is inconvenient. It is the better option to lying.

So that is what they did last Wednesday. They engaged in political communication and unloaded container loads of ‘bull shit.’

There are lessons to be learnt from the debate and the final vote count on Wednesday, 4 April. There were three responses during the count. ‘Pakshai’ , ‘Virudhai; and Absent. The word ‘absent’ is now in the Sinhala vocabulary.

Staying away is now a form of political statement. It is more than that. It is subterfuge and deceit at its most eloquent.

We are to be blamed. We don’t understand our political class.

Our problem is our inability to understand how politicians see the road ahead. They don’t use a rearview mirror. They don’t need to watch where they are headed to. They don’t remember where they have been.

If the reader understands this bit of convoluted wisdom, he or she would have no problem in deciphering the expositions of Susil Premjayanth and S.B. Dissanayake the two outstanding trapeze artists of last Wednesday’s circus. 

 

The point is to change the system

Philosophers have interpreted the world in various ways said Karl Marx. ‘The point was to change it.’

Venerable Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thero was someone who attempted such change.  He was a barefoot prophet. He relied on two emissaries

Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The two were not ready to wade in barefoot. Maithri has put on Sinhala Nationalist Ranaviru Boots. Ranil has opted for neoliberal ‘Hush Puppies.’ Give the devil his due. Mahinda is barefoot and walks in the opposite direction.  

‘Yahapalanaya’ was a movement. Over three years, it turned into a business. We have eighteen months remaining to make it again a movement. Failure to make it a movement will make it a swindle in history.  

 

The real and moral  

Politicians are realists and not moralists. To us ordinary, little people, conscience is what keeps us awake at night. Not so, if you are in the business of politics. Politicians sleep well. They all slept well on Wednesday night.

Conscience, as the German thinker Nietzsche said is a fake adornment used by little people trying to come to terms with superior people in their midst. It is those superior people who practise the craft of politics.

Ranil will be committing a grave error, if he considers Wednesday’s vote as a win. It was at best an engineered survival. If he is elated by the noise of the crackers paid for by the party, his elation will be at his own peril.

Cronyism is a phenomenon that is as old as the discipline of modern economics.  Adam Smith, the intellectual founder of modern free-market economics, famously called the economic system he advocated "the obvious and simple system of natural liberty."

What he called natural liberty was applicable especially to the non-elite who are represented by the Range Bandaras.

Robust economic growth offered the only way out and the means of creating opportunities for the less advantaged members of society.  The trick is to convince them by speaking their language. Ranil has 18 months left to find people who speak with coherence the language that they understand.

 

A reprieve, not a win 

It is a reprieve and not a victory for Prime Minster Ranil Wickremesinghe.  The rainbow collation of January 8, 2015 is not dead but in a state of hibernation. It can be resuscitated by a credible leadership. At present, that excludes any leading light in the current firmament.

No Tamil or Muslim parliamentarian voted for the no-confidence motion.  The minorities do not want a return of the Rajapaksa tribe.

Should the SLFP follow this duplicitous path it will not merely end up divided, it will lose its coherence and relevance as a political party ceding more ground to the rival ‘Pohottuwa’. Wednesday’s vote has a clear message for both parties. In the absence of a genuine will on the part of both sides, and a failure to restore a working relationship the national government will be a circus populated with clowns. People will not be amused. Popular outrage can be surprisingly spontaneous.

The convoluted logic of the president in not noticing the incongruence of SLFPers who voted for the motion opting to remain in the cabinet headed by the Prime minister and presided over by him- the president is a subject that we must discuss another day another time.     

The defeat of the no-confidence motion is not a win for either Wickremesinghe or his party. It is only a reprieve and not a final resolution of its internal crisis.

The ousted tyranny lurks close, breathing down our necks hurting memory, tormenting emotion and spoiling our mood. 

Lessons of Dunkirk

If Ranil is prudent and prescient, he will regard his parliamentary survival on Wednesday night as his Dunkirk moment. By doing so, he will be able to trace a Churchillian path towards abolition of the executive presidency, honest to goodness power devolution and purposeful national reconciliation.

Dunkirk was the unplanned turning point that allowed Britain to recover from its humiliating defeat and withdrawal in the face of Hitler’s advancing army. Dunkirk represents both – abyss of despair and a fountain of hope and courage.

British troops trapped between the Nazi juggernaut and the channel were saved in a massive evacuation by sheer grit and enormous luck. 

The success of the evacuation was a morale booster.  It allowed beleaguered Britain, time and space to recover and finally defeat Nazi tyranny.

What happened in parliament on Wednesday night was such an evacuation of troops. In case they notice, it helped identify enemy infiltrators. 

Blunders and miscalculations

Novelist J.B. Priestley was a BBC reporter on the beaches of Dunkirk. ‘What began as a miserable blunder, a catalogue of misfortunes and miscalculations, ended as an epic of gallantry.’ A fitting summing up of the past three years of Yahapalanaya!

On Wednesday night our miserable blunders, miscalculations and misfortunes ended when the good sense of the UNP rebels prevailed over their anger and disillusionments. Their gallantry of purpose overcame their reticence of the leader’s shortcomings.

The promoters of the motion knew that SLFP defectors alone could not do the trick. UNP dissidents were a vital component of the equation. 

Evident, seeming and obvious    

The motion of no confidence was evidently aimed at the Prime Minister. It was seemingly condemnatory of the bond scam. It was obviously intended to change the composition of the government.

The grand hoopla created by its architects, sponsors and wanna-be legatees is irrefutable proof of Mahinda’s mastery over popular imagination.

Mahinda Rajapaksa having won the war proceeded to remodel our socio-economic and political structures. He converted impersonal institutions that trace their origins to the time when universal franchise was introduced in to extractive agencies, managed as personal fiefdoms. Kinship and friendship determined political allegiance.

The Yahapalsanaya successors found the proposition too seductive to dismantle. They foolishly attempted to replace existing kinships and friendships with their own.

Remaining eighteen months

In the remaining eighteen months, the government cannot do what it failed to do in the past three years. That said, it can by exploiting this Dunkirk moment, outwit the tyrant by opening a second front in the form of credible investigations and prosecutions of crimes that the Rajapaksa regime committed.

These are crimes that everybody talks about and nobody seems anxious to do anything about. Lasanatha. Prageeth. Thajudeen. Yet, in the last two weeks, there are signs of movement in these emblematic cases of Rajapaksa excesses and brutality. A sudden spate of arrests, refusal by courts to grant immunity from arrest in the case of high officials now under criminal investigation for abduction and murder indicates a turning point.

A Cabinet not exceeding 30, which excludes national list members who cannot claim exceptional and demonstrated competence and achievements would help restore credibility to a government that is perceived as rudderless.

Only firm decisive action and demonstrated political will in the next eighteen months will reawaken the reformist constituency of 8th January 2015 ahead of the elections in 2019 and 2020.

Conspiracy hatched by colleagues: At least nine SLFP ministers deceived into not voting against NCM

Sunday, April 08, 2018

Sports journalists, who write previews about matches, be it cricket, rugby or football, often predict the outcome of such matches by stating that on paper side A or B should win but qualify their prediction by stating that the outcome would finally be determined by the actual performance of the teams on the day of the match.
The same cliché could well have been applied prior to the no-confidence motion against the Prime Minister in Parliament last week. On paper, the Prime Minster should have been assured of pulling through on the basis of the numbers the UNP could command (even without the four or five MPs who had openly sounded rebellious). He had the backing of his Cabinet colleagues from the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, the All Ceylon Muslim Congress, the United Progressive Alliance, the Jathika Hela Urumaya as well as the Tamil National Alliance – parties which backed the Good Governance agenda of President Maithripala Sirisena on January 8, 2015.

Yet reflecting the glorious (or more correctly the inglorious) uncertainties of Sri Lankan politics, very few could have predicted the outcome in advance with certainty.

Finally, however, the no-confidence motion (NCM) was defeated comfortably and its supporters who were so cocky as to predict a victory for themselves by a minimum of seven and a maximum of more than 50 had to eat humble pie.

One would expect, therefore, that the Government can settle down to business and accelerate the process of implementing the promises made at the Presidential Election of January 8, 2015. But there are disturbing signs on the horizon that this may not happen and further steps need to be taken if the mandate is to be realised in full measure.

Additionally, it is very apparent that the one of the objectives of this Government, which was to change the political culture, is a long way from being realised. The mad scramble to take control of the newly constituted local bodies is only one feature of the decadent political culture prevailing in this country.

The NCM against the Prime Minister provide interesting insights into some of the political parties represented in Parliament.

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna early in the runup to the NCM announced its stand that while it was of the view that the failure of the Government to bring to book those in the previous Government accused of corruption should also have been included in the motion, they would still support the NCM.

One can admire the JVP for taking a stand based on its own convictions early and articulating its position and thus providing the public an opportunity to have an informed discussion on the merits and demerits of the motion. In recent times, however, the JVP while taking up principled positions on many matters often loses sight of the larger picture and sometimes can indirectly contribute to the very consequences it does not wish to see happening.

At the January 8, 2015 Presidential Election, the JVP took up the position that it did not have confidence in the Alliance that President Maitripala Sirisena headed but in the larger interest of getting rid of the previous Government it took the default option of supporting him. In the case of the NCM, too, the JVP without compromising on its stated position could have abstained from voting in the larger interest of not strengthening the Joint Opposition whose policies they do not condone.

The JVP will have to be mindful of what happened when the LSSP left the United Front Government headed by Sirima Bandaranaike in 1975. The LSSP launched a blistering campaign against the SLFP for the next two years; the ultimate beneficiary of this was the UNP which romped home with a five-sixths majority at the Parliamentary Elections of 1977 without any benefit accruing to the LSSP. The JVP while playing its useful and constructive role as a watchdog of the people should ensure that it does not end up unintentionally paving the way for the return of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna.

The Tamil National Alliance for some inexplicable reason did not clearly take a stand on the NCM until the last moment. Additionally while participating in the debate in Parliament after explaining its thinking on the NCM it very quickly turned to its agenda of the grievances and solutions to the problems of the Tamil people which was not relevant to the main question before the House.

Additionally TNA MP Selvam Addaikalanathan has stated that in return for their support the Prime Minster has promised to implement ten demands put forward by the TNA. Whether this is true or not is not clear as there has been no independent confirmation of such an agreement. Besides, most of these form part of the Yahapalana Government’s policy and do not require independent confirmation once again.

While one has to appreciate the flexible approach of the TNA in the constitutional reform process, it is unfortunate that by its imprudent actions it is providing an opportunity to the Joint Opposition to mislead the people. The JO spokesmen have already begun to twist the reference to the so-called agreement to adopt a new constitution by interpolating the word ‘federal’ and describing it as an agreement to adopt a federal constitution.

The SLMC and the ACMC also true to form sought to cash in on the PM’s discomfiture and delayed their decision on the NCM until the last moment. What the purpose of such delay is not yet clear but the two parties did themselves a disservice because the public began to speculate and attribute unflattering reasons for the dragging of their feet based on the track record of the two parties.

The UNP for its part was able to put its best foot forward and the Prime Minister was able to marshal all his forces and obtain near hundred percent support from his party. Even his detractors clearly decided that the larger interest of the UNP demanded that by supporting the NCM they should not cut the nose to spite the face.

The next challenge for the UNP is its internal party reforms. What has to be done to ensure a win-win reform for the Prime Minister and for his detractors, and most importantly for the UNP itself, is obvious. But this column believes that it is the exclusive right of the UNPers to decide on this and, therefore, desists from stating what may be the obvious solution that will satisfy all the stakeholders of the UNP.

The Joint Opposition for its part suffered a severe setback as a result of the aborted vote of no-confidence which has taken the gloss off its success at the recent local council elections. It has also brought to the public domain divisions within the Joint Opposition with several Government and JVP speakers referring to the ‘Gotabaya kalliya’ and the ‘Basil kalliya’.

What is probably most interesting in the NCM saga is what went on behind the scenes in discussions within SLFP ranks and how the split in the ranks of the SLFPers at voting was engineered. Sixteen of them including Ministers, State Ministers and Deputy Ministers voted for the NCM while 26 abstained.

Right from the outset Ministers Susil Premajayanth and S.B. Dissanayake made public pronouncements that there was no way the SLFP could oppose the NCM and, therefore, they would support it. They, however, went on to say that the SLFP Central Committee would make the final decision. It is not clear whether the SLFP CC actually met but it was evident that no decision had been taken by the SLFP CC because the SLFP Parliamentary group had met with the President on the day before the vote and discussed the stand they should take.

In the meantime, there was growing consensus among the SLFP group that they should not support the NCM with at least nine Ministers deciding to actually vote against the motion. A few of them had already drafted their speeches setting out the reasons for voting against the NCM.

It was in this backdrop that the SLFP group met the President on the night of April 3. At this meeting Ministers S. B. Dissanayake and Deputy Speaker Thilanga Sumathipala stated that sufficient numbers were not forthcoming in support of the NCM and suggested the option of abstaining from voting. The President had advised the SLFP group not to involve him in the decision making and for them to meet without him and take the final decision.

Pursuant to this, the SLFPers had met at the UPFA General Secretary Mahinda Amaraweera’s residence, at which the decision was taken to abstain.

When the voting took place on the NCM that evening, however, those SLFPers who had originally intended to vote against the NCM but decided to abstain in accordance with the decision at UPFA General Secretary’s residence were in for a rude shock when sixteen of their colleagues voted in support of the NCM. Clearly they had been, to use cricketing parlance once again, been clean bowled by a ‘doosra’ sent by those who wanted to prevent them from voting against the NCM.

One SLFP MP complained that they had been the victims of a conspiracy to prevent them taking a decision of their choice. This allegation is further corroborated by the fact that two signatories to the motion, Nishantha Muthuhettigama and Cader Masthan, had changed their mind to vote in support of the motion and abstained from voting in accordance with the decision by the SLFP group to abstain.
One would have expected the SLFPers to have resigned from the ministerial portfolios before they voted against their own Prime Minister. However, they not only did not do so but are now saying they would resign only if the President asks them to do so. However, what they do not seem to have realised is that they have forfeited their right to remain in their positions by their own conduct and that they should maintain their self-respect and resign before they are compelled to do so.

It is time now for the Government to quickly get back to work and complete the unfinished business of fulfilling the promises to the people. It has been announced that a new cabinet is to be constituted. It would be advisable for a new Cabinet when taking oaths to take a separate oath pledging to commit themselves to fulfilling the promises made by President Sirisena at the January 8, 2015 election. This will ensure that those who take office as ministers are under no illusions as to what policy they have to implement rather than causing conflict within Government later.
(javidyusuf@gmail.com)

Publish And Be Damned

By Suranimala Umagiliya –APRIL 8, 2018

“You will never find peace of mind until you listen to your heart ” ~ George Michael

An important essence of being a leader is to listen to the collective voice of his/her people. People, as in the wider context and not those who are closest to you politically.

Access to persons who can express the mood of the public without expectation or fear of losing privilege is paramount. President Maithripala Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe seemingly do not have such people at hand. Or deliberately fails to listen if there are such people for reasons of their own.Trust placed upon this duo in 2015 has been betrayed. Never before has a government faltered in such disgraceful fashion to complete simple tasks entrusted to them.

No leader can survive by confronting issues at hand with weak knees. President Sirisena does not have the acumen. PM vacillates and is weak kneed. They appear to have personal reasons for not prosecuting the Rajapaksa clan, hold them in awe or are frightened of them. Maybe they are frightened for themselves should the former President or another corrupt or murderous member is shunted to political office. Read below a report carried by Al Jazeera on 06.04.2018.

“Former South Korean President Park Geun-hye was sentenced to 24 years in prison by the Seoul Central District Court after she was found guilty of corruption, Al-Jazeera reported today.

The former president was found guilty of several corruption charges, abuse of power and coercion in a verdict issued on Friday. She was also fined $16m.

It was alleged in the trial that Park, 66, colluded with a friend, Choi Soon-sil, and a former presidential aide, in pressuring big businesses to donate to two foundations set up to back her policy initiatives.

She was also charged for soliciting bribes from the head of the Samsung Group for government favours.

Park was acquitted in at least two of the charges, including abuse of power relating to forcing Hyundai automobile company to run ads for the company owned by Choi.

South Korean state news agency Yonhap reported that Park did not appear in the sentencing trial.

She has been in prison for more than a year, but has refused to appear in court for most of her hearings.

In December 2016, South Korean lawmakers overwhelmingly voted to impeach Park, but she refused to resign offering instead an apology while denying any legal wrongdoing.

Three months later, the eight-member Constitutional Court then voted unanimously to remove her from office.

She was charged and detained soon after her dismissal from office.

She is the daughter of another president, Park Chung-hee, who seized power in 1961 and was assassinated eight years later.”

Newspapers, wire services and electronic media have carried ad nauseum the crooked and murderous deeds of the former regime under Mahinda Rajapaksa. Three long years and a bit have elapsed of the Yahapalanaya rule but Rajapaksas roam free. Free to destabilise politically, economically and more. It does not matter to President Sirisena or Ranil. They are “I am alright Jacks” too.

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Gamarala’s ‘setting fire to everything’ provokes ire and fire ! Good governance King of the Sangha to stage fast unto death in front of president’s house; Civil Organizations too boycott president ! (Video)

(Lanka-e-News - 08.April.2018, 8.10PM) The Maha sangha and leaders of civil organizations are enraged  over the disgraceful and self degrading statement  ‘if I am to go I shall set fire to everything before that’ made by president Gamarala in a state of his characteristic uncontrollable insanity , when refusing to root out the ministers (serpents ) who while being parasitic on government of good governance  are also hostile to same .

King of the sangha most Ven. Dr.  Dambara Amila Thera of good governance warned , if the president does not oust these serpents ( ministers) he would stage a fast unto death  in front of the president’s house . The Ven. Thera issued this dire warning when addressing a media briefing on the 6 th.  The Ven. Thera went on ask  what more is there  for the president to set fire to after burning to the ground all the good governance promises throughout his term ?  Is there anything more left for him to  set on fire?

Meanwhile the 48 civil organizations which got together to make Gamarala the president are holding discussions to boycott the president if he does not dismiss  these ministers (serpents) from their posts. The civil organization leaders have decided that they shall  not  participate in any  of Gamarala’s discussions ,and to boycott the functions president Gamarala is attending. As a first such move,  Professor Sarath Wijesuriya who was to hand over a Rupavahini artistes’ proposal to the president , had boycotted that function.

Dmbara Amila Threo's video footage as follows 

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by     (2018-04-08 14:43:36)

NO CONFIDENCE MOTION: On whom should we place our confidence?

The 3rd no confidence motion in the Sri Lankan legislature ended up with the Prime Minister winning , perhaps the most difficult obstacle in his political life. In that sense it was a numbing defeat for the Joint Opposition, an embarrassing situation for the President and a temporary respite for the UNP leadership. 

The political fall out of the whole episode is yet to be seen and it is doubtless that  the repercussions will be felt across the divide.

2018-04-09

Any one watching the no confidence debate on TV would have been entertained to the mudslinging between the battling groups.  A foreigner who would have listened to the accusations and the cross accusations that were bandied about by those supporting and opposing the motion, would have wondered whether it is one of those underground meetings of the underworld syndicate. Such were the allegations raised.

"The result aside , the citizen of this country is left with the dilemma as to what direction he should turn to entrust the sovereignty that is vested on him in terms of Article 3 of the Constitution"

Dilemma of the people

The result aside , the citizen of this country is left with the dilemma as to what direction he should turn to entrust the sovereignty that is vested on him in terms of Article 3 of the Constitution. The confidence, motion or no motion, that should be with the representatives of the people, is in smithereens, going by what is clear as daylight. 70 years of representative democracy has come down to this. The Pot calling the kettle black.
Theft, misuse, corruption seems to be the main allegations that all politicians are being accused of. When one side cries foul over Central Bank Bond scam or the Central expressway deals, they are countered with Greek Bonds, Hedging, Avant Garde and sil clothes!
 A thing the Leader of the JVP said during the debate on the no confidence motion seems highly thought provoking. In joining the debate in support of the motion, it was mainly for the non action  in dealing with corrupt politicians of the previous regime and taking steps to shield them from law enforcement, he and his colleagues supported the motion.  According to him the no confidence motion not only questions the Prime Minister, the UNP or the Coalition government , it also casts doubt on the good governance movement. It brings to disrepute the mandate of the January 8 Rainbow revolution; it negates all the forces who banded together to remove a despotic and nepotist regime; it dilutes the hard fought for ideals of the civil society groups and the courage shown by the voters who weathered all odds in ushering in a new era. So it is clear that those who are guilty of past crimes as well as present transgressions are relying on the ruling ring to be shielded from the hands of the law.

"It was repeatedly said that 94 members of Parliament were without Ordinary Level qualifications!"

A blessing in disguise?

According to  the UNP backbenchers the seemingly ominous  hurdle is a blessing in disguise as it had united hitherto conflicting sections in the party.  According to others it was a waste of a lot of national resources to have such a long parliamentary session with all the attendant costs. But in a way it was a no confidence against the entire representative democracy, the party politics and entire mode of governance. The CID, FCID and Commission Inquiries that were thrown about in the Parliament involves majority of the members of the legislature who represent people at the highest place. 

"The Prime Minister may have escaped unhurt from the no confidence; in fact he might be invigorated by the outcome given that the rivals used all their might to dismantle his regime yet fell short"

What is the alternative?

Very few members of the Parliament could boast of moral uprightness and integrity; the only thing they can resort in the face of allegations against them is to make counter allegations against the rivals. Yet they find it relatively easy to get re-elected at elections and come to this august assembly. 
The political , social, economic and moral quagmire that Sri Lanka is in cannot be solved either by supporting or opposing the no confidence against the PM. Even if the Joint Opposition was successful who would replace him and what will be the inner circle that supports him? Do they inspire public confidence.? Was not the entire farce that was played out before the whole nation , an indictment against the system of governance that we have been under in the last 40 odd years, at least? To whom and to what group shall we turn to do our bid in governance?
It was repeatedly said that 94 members of Parliament were without Ordinary Level qualifications! The capacity of many of the members sitting in Parliament to represent the sovereign legislative power of the people is highly questionable. 
The Prime Minister may have escaped unhurt from the no confidence; in fact he might be invigorated by the outcome given that the rivals used all their might to dismantle his regime yet fell short. But do the 6.2 million citizens who brought him and the yahapalana government , equally feel overjoyed by the result? I hardly think so. Unless the backbenchers hold their leaders to the promises they seemed to have made to the party at the last moment and unless the members of the SLFP who stand for the good governance principles that made them embark on this difficult journey of a coalition government manage to overcome those elements who hark back to days of old, there is very little for the people to be confident of.

"Very few members of the Parliament could boast of moral uprightness and integrity; the only thing they can resort in the face of allegations against them is to make counter allegations against the rivals"

Good governance is people’s right

Good governance is not something that the PM or President own; neither are they the prerogative of the governing coalition. It is the right  of the people; they have not contracted with the state to be governed in any manner. They have the right to demand good governance from any leader or ruler who comes to power. People who are sovereign cannot be governed otherwise but in a good manner. 
The motive of the proponents of the no confidence motion was allegedly to question the legitimacy and the credibility of a Prime Minister who was involved in the Bond scam by action and by inaction. The reason why the UNP and parties supporting it came to his rescue was on the basis that he was being a scapegoat for a bigger political game. Neither party seem to show a genuine eagerness to rid this country of the corrupt culture that ails this body politic. For one it is a means to coming back to power while for the others it is a threat to the bid to remain in power. The only principled decision in the entire legislature with regard to the motion seems to be that of the JVP. Accordingly  the picture is so bleak as on both sides are rogues and whether the PM lost or won , the result would have been the corrupt people being in power. 
The shockwaves of  the no confidence motion and the debate and hype that preceded it will fade away in a week or two. Whether the so called new direction the UNP pledged in terms of its good governance mandate will come out to something tangibly salutary in terms of the political culture is yet to be seen. On the other hand whether any success that JO might have from the motion coupled with their win at the LG elections is to be used for genuine ridding of the corrupt from body politic is highly debatable, if not utterly impossible.
The people have lost their confidence in them all!!

Joint Opposition makes PM the nation’s new Avurudu Kumaraya

BLESSING IN DISGUISE: After beginning D-Day with a an early morning visit to the Gangaramaya temple with his wife Maithree to offer flowers to the Buddha and seek the blessings of the Noble Triple Gem and the Gods, Ranil and Maithree wrapped up the triumphant night attending a Bodhi pooja at the same temple

As over half of Parliamentarians say ‘Ranil’s a jolly good fellow’, JO finds its no-confidence bomb blowing up in their own faces

AFTER THE PLANNED CRUCIFIXION, THE RESURRECTION

Sunday, April 08, 2018

Ten days before the dawn of the Sinhala and Hindu New Year, the Mahinda Rajapaksa-led Joint Opposition gave Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe their New Year gift to him well in advance. They made him the nation’s new Avurudu Kumaraya, the new New Year Prince of Lanka, albeit unwittingly.

Joint Opposition makes PM the nation’s new Avurudu Kumaraya.docx by Thavam on Scribd

Prez plays down bid to oust PM, refers to demand for Japanese leader’s resignation

By Shamindra Ferdinando-April 9, 2018, 12:36 pm 

President Maithripala Sirisena urged the media not to get worked up by recent abortive bid to oust PM Ranil Wickremesinghe over treasury bond scams as political leaders world over faced such trouble. He cited recent protests demanding Japanese PM Ashinzo Abe’s resignation, during his state visit to Tokyo, as an example.

Sirisena said so in answer to a media query last Friday (April 6) at a special briefing called by the President’s Office to explain the SLFP leader’s role in the move against the premier.

The president was flanked by Presidential Secretary Austin Fernando and his media advisor Sarath Kongahage.

Asked whether now that Wickremesinghe had comfortably defeated the no-faith bid, President considered the PM clean, Sirisena asserted that needed a long explanation. Sirisena, however, dismissed the journalist’s assertion that the move against the PM was caused by a power struggle within the ruling coalition.

Such moves could be made in any part of the world, Sirisena said, recollecting recent political turmoil in Japan over corruption charges.

At the invitation of the Japanese PM Abe, President Sirisena visited Japan from 12 to 17 March 2018.

President Sirisena also had an imperial audience with His Majesty, Emperor Akihito on 13 March, and on 14 March, he met Abe for talks.

President Sirisena said: "When the Sri Lankan delegation went in for officials talks with PM Abe around 5 pm, there had been about 2,000 protesters displaying banners and shouting slogans. The crowd had swelled to about 5,000 when we left at the conclusion of the meeting around 10.30 pm or perhaps 11 pm. The situation is the same world over."

Acknowledging that Wickremesinghe had surmounted the challenge in parliament, Sirisena pointed out that bond scams case was proceeding and some suspects were in remand custody.

Japanese launched protests in the wake of revelation that the name of PM Abe’s wife had been removed from documents regarding a suspected cronyism scandal and alleged cover-up involving Abe and Finance Minister Taro Aso.

Abe, now in his sixth year in office, had been under heavy Opposition and media flak over the sale of state-owned land at a huge discount to a school official with ties to his wife, Akie.

Fielding several other questions regarding post-no faith motion developments, Sirisena played down a section of the UNP taking on those SLFPers who had voted for the JO-led motion. Sirisena said that the SLFP and the UNP should continue to work together for the sake of the people and the country though there were political issues. Sirisena asserted that they could continue the arrangement regardless of the recent issues.

Asked whether Western powers and India had intervened to save the UNP-SLFP marriage of convenience, Sirisena emphasized there was absolutely no basis for such accusations. Sirisena said that these allegations were irrelevant.

Responding to another query, the SLFP leader recollected how he appointed UNP leader Wickremesinghe as the PM after 2015 January presidential polls in spite of the UNP parliamentary group being less than 50. Sirisena said that the SLFP-led UPFA at that time had two-thirds majority in parliament.

Sirasa representative sought Sirisena’s views on disturbances caused at its head office by UNPers at the behest of Wickremesinghe, Sirisena said that attacks and threats on media weren’t acceptable. Whoever carried out such intimidation, it was wrong, Sirisena said, adding that he unreservedly condemned the incidents that took place immediately after the vote of no-faith motion.

Sirisena stressed that he hadn’t interfered in anyway in the move against Wickremesinghe and those who had wanted to oust the UNP leader were told to show their majority in parliament.