The spread of morphed information and unprecedented hatred via social media

Wednesday, 4 April 2018 

Decades ago, the main sources of information were mass media including newspapers, radio and television. However, the digital age and easy access to information via social media: Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, WhatsApp, Instagram, etc. threaten the mainstream mass media; where these novel sources of information leave us opinionated, often rendering a platform where opinions, be it positive or negative, go viral.

All individuals have the right to showcase ideas or opinions in private accounts in various social media platforms. Nevertheless, it is not legitimate to fabricate morphed or distorted news which would generate hatred and unnecessary social unrest in the country. In hindsight, the unprecedented spread of hate speech and distorted news in social media relating to the recent communal unrest, led the Telecom Regulatory Commission (TRC) to monitor all social media platforms including Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, etc., for the first time in Sri Lanka.

Following the repercussions, not only was the Kandy Administrative District under curfew, but the masses were also subjected to the digital surveillance. It goes without saying that, in social media anything and everything can go viral, without any control. Various groups would prefer to take the benefit from this uncontrollable flow of information, in order to spread morphed news with a pinch of sensationalism while, at times, intruding the personal space of individuals.

Subsequently, one could argue whether these security measures are effective. One could also question whether the Government was thus controlling one’s right to free speech. But, this measure was initiated to control the proliferation of misinformation and unhealthy tension via social media. The Government as the sovereign power is responsible to protect the security of the commonwealth and grant absolute authority to guarantee the common defence. This digital surveillance is adopted as a temporary solution for the recent racial unrest, even though it is not the best solution.

Hype about the sterilisation pills 

The video which made rounds in social media, on the uproar of the so-called sterilisation pills, which were claimed to be found in an Ampara restaurant, was fraudulent. The issue came to the forefront as a customer had found a piece of dough in food thinking that it was sterilisation pill. Consequently, a few mosques and other property were damaged and the issue escalated after seeing the so-called video.

At this juncture, there are several pressing issues that need to be tackled. Firstly, the mass media has the ability to tackle these rumours which are doing rounds and to educate the masses. Such communal clashes emphasise the unawareness and the sheer trust on fake and morphed information in social media. Such rumours or news of the so-called “sterilisation pills” wouldn’t have been one of the reasons for such ethnic clashes, had the relevant authorities nipped the issues at the bud before it gets contagious.

Video on the

throat-cutting gesture

Similarly, the recent video of the throat-cutting gesture by Brigadier Priyankara Fernando, Minister Counsellor (Defence) in the Sri Lanka mission in London, went viral in social media either for positive or negative reasons. Nevertheless, the burgeoning issue is that the video that went viral could have been taken out of proportion, the part where he had initially negotiating with diaspora was not visible in many of the videos that the masses initially came across.

Social media makes the mass aware of some hideous topics that the mainstream mass media fails to do. But, the concern is that, sometimes social media makes unnecessary pressure on the state affairs, even before the affairs are acknowledged under an inquiry. Even Military Spokesman Brigadier Sumith Atapattu said Brigadier Fernando cannot be punished based on a video clip alone. Thus, there is high tendency for all the wrong reasons or incomplete information to get rooted, even before the right reasons or information get spread. Sometimes, State affairs tend to be disturbed by unscrupulous social media interaction.

Not only confined to Sri Lanka

The New York Times article ‘How fake news goes viral: A case study’ brings about a case study in USA. It explains how the falsity of the news was rooted when it was being shared and when it was backed by the leaders of a country too. Eric Tucker who is a co-founder of a marketing company, had tweeted about a news of paid protesters being bussed to demonstrations against President-elect Donald J. Trump. This tweet was shared at least 16,000 times on Twitter and more than 350,000 times on Facebook. Trump too used this news in his political campaigns. Yet, it was later found out that this news was false. Thus, we see that different people or agents sell morphed information without proper inquiry, for the purpose of money.

The issue gets aggravated when information devoid of proper proof spreads across boarders without any control. The BBC article ‘The rise and rise of fake news’ (on 6 November 2016) notes that “the arrival of social media has meant real and fictional stories are now presented in such a similar way that it can sometimes be difficult to tell the two apart”. We can apply this opinion as one of the pivotal root-causes to the recent racial unrest transpired in Ampara and Digana. When many fraudulent videos and misinformation are shared in social media without any intervention or a proper discourse, the society tends to believe it.

Interests of political and

social groups

Moreover, different interests of political and social groups give momentum for the overflow of such news. Sometimes different groups which have prejudices on other groups give consent for such petty ethnic rivals. The situation in Ampara and the clash in Digana should not be solely intertwined with so- called religious or racist misinterpretations. It is the arrogance and prejudice towards the other group.

In social psychology there is a theory called “ingroup and outgroup mentality”. “Ingroup” is a social identity which an individual imbibes thinking he or she belongs to it. Such social groups can be based on race, ethnicity, gender, etc. “Outgroup” is the social group where individuals do not feel belong to. Susan Krauss Whitbournein’s article ‘In-groups, out-groups, and the psychology of crowds. Does the ingroup-outgroup bias form the basis of extremism?’ (7 December 2010) elaborates that we tend to treat our ingroup with favouritism and empathy when we tend to do outdoor stereotyping. We look at the other group as different and intimidating.

Relating this theory to the recent racial violence, one could point out that this indifferent or “othering” attitude between Muslims and Sinhalese became more public, since it was depicted in an unpalatable way in social media through various hate speeches and narrow prejudices. It is not righteous to homogenise the heterogeneity or make sweeping generalisations. Neither all Muslims nor all Sinhalese are wrong or aggressive.

On the other hand, this situation insinuates the “divide and rule” British policy which was executed to govern the colonies during the colonisation enterprise. British administration during the heights of the colonisation, transplanted the division in order to rule or destabilise large colonies like India. Sashi Tharoor, the Indian political and former diplomat, states that the British colonial power made sure that “they do not leave a united India”. In Sri Lanka are we in the phase of another version of divide and rule? Do political leaders give subtle applause for these communal violence, with the ulterior motive of gaining power or protecting voter bases? It is for us to decide.

Anne Pluta in her article ‘Trump supporters appear to be misinformed, not uninformed, and that may explain why his support has proved to be so durable’ (7 January 2016), unravels that Trump’s voters were misinformed. Pluta emphasises that Trump deliberately wanted to spread the misinformation: especially his statements about immigrants or Muslim Americans. Pluta adds information from the research undertaken by Jennifer Hochschild and Katherine Einstein. These studies notify that most politicians don’t attempt to detach people from their false positions, especially if that misinformation backs the political goals of the politicians. Likewise, we see that some political rulers aspire the division in the society for their personal gains.

Are we to blame social media?

Hence, are we to blame social media? Every coin has two sides. One should not let go of its positive consequences. The controversial laptop dance which was scheduled to be performed at the Independence Parade 2018 was removed by the relevant authorities, after it was ridiculed in social media. The launch of the Yahapalana Government mainly came into being with the fuel of the social media. On the global stage, Arab Spring would not have sprung if not for the social media force. Thus, one should know how to use social media with conscience.

Repercussions of the irrational use of social media cause communal divisions and make people confused and shell-shocked as to whom and what to believe. Let us take this issue as a clarion call to make a better and palatable social media environment. To execute this, it demands a well-informed community unshackled by morphed and distorted information. One should be wise enough to filter information from opinions, because information in social media can be loaded with opinions and sensationalism, since it aims to get the highest number of views.

Let us not forget that we have a sound literacy rate in Sri Lanka which is above 90%, and it is high time to question the true meaning of our literacy and intelligence. Education would be wholesome if individuals can think rationally and feed the humanity with sympathy and empathy. Susan Whitbourne further mentions that we can eliminate the ingroup or outdoor group psychological condition if we:

1. Recognise the arbitrary nature of many ingroup/outgroup distinctions.

2. Put yourself in the place of the outgroup member.

3. Look for commonalities between opposing groups.

4. Work on building your inner sense of security.

5. Pass along the lesson.

These reconciliation tips can be passed via social media, the same tool which tends to divide people, if we put its rightful purpose at the right place – “connection”.

[The writer is a graduate of International Relations from the University of London. She is currently reading for her Bachelor of Arts (Honours) Degree in English from the University of Peradeniya.]

Riot control – then and now

by Rajeewa Jayaweera-March 31, 2018, 8:19 pm 

Two very interesting, informative and constructive contributions by retired senior Police officers of yesteryear, Merril Gunaratne (Lessons from Sinhala Muslim unrest in Beruwala 1991 – Sunday Island, March 11) and Gamini Gunawardane (Change outdated system of police riot control – The Island, March 27), shortly after reading Tarzie Vitachchi‘s publication, ‘Emergency ‘58’, for the second time prompted this writer to pen this piece.

This is a comparison of the way the Governor General brought 1958 communal riots under control and how the present government responded, when faced with events in Ampara and Kandy in February and March 2018.

Riots in July 1983, much more severe in magnitude and the probable involvement of some senior members of the government of the day, is best left out of this discourse.

In 1958, communal riots began on May 22 with the attack on the Polonnaruwa railway station and the wrecking of the Batticaloa—Colombo train and several other minor incidents. On May 24 and 25 murderous rioters stalked the streets in broad day light.

Vitachchi’s account of 1958 disturbances portrays Prime Minister SWRD Bandaranaike virtually paralyzed by his inadequacy, very similar to the paralysis suffered by the Yahapalana leaders.

Governor General Sir Oliver Goonetilleke declared a State of Emergency shortly after noon on May 27, 1958 and deployed the armed services to quell the rioting while the Prime Minister withdrew into the shadows. According to Vittachi, a senior journalist at the time; "The Prime Minister, for reasons never openly stated by him anywhere, took the unprecedented step of passing the buck back to the Governor-General—thus making Sir Oliver Goonetilleke virtual ruler of Ceylon."

Below are some excerpts verbatim, relating to press censorship besides rioting in Polonnaruwa, Anuradhapura, and Colombo from Vitachchi’s publication.

"General’s Rule

With the announcement of the emergency came the simultaneous imposition of press censorship and the appointment of an Information Officer as Competent Authority for this purpose. Two hours later the editors of the newspapers were invited to a conference by M. J. Perera, the Competent Authority. He met them at the head of the stairs, and by way of an opening gambit he pointed through the window at the neon sign atop the Grand Oriental Hotel building which read: ‘2500 Years of Buddhism’. He remarked: ‘Two thousand five hundred years of Buddhism—and see what we’ve come to!’ One of the editors replied: ‘Two thousand five hundred years of Buddhism and two and a half years of Bandaranaike!’

Upstairs, as we were ushered into the air-conditioned ‘office’ room of the protagonist of the great tragicomedy, H.E. the Governor-General, Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, C.G.M.G., KCVO K B.E., was already trying out his lines. He held a telephone to each ear. He did not even look up as we entered. We stood inside the door as he told the mouthpiece of one telephone—’sh-sh-sh-shoot them.’

That settled, he cradled that telephone and said into the mouthpiece of the other: ‘O.E.G. here. Clear them out even if you have to sh-sh-sh-shoot them.’ The second telephone clicked back on its cradle.

His words, which I report as nearly verbatim as I can give them, were: No news of any incidents or about any aspect of the present situation. No editorials, no comment, no columns, no photographs or cartoons of any kind on the emergency without reference to me.

It was pointed out that such harsh censorship had never been imposed even during the worst days of the war—in Ceylon or Britain during the Blitz.

Sir Oliver’s response to that was to shunt the subject on to another line but close enough to convey his meaning: I advise you to read up the Detention Laws under the Emergency Regulations. Detention without trial, no writs of habeas corpus, no bail.

He broke off with a sunny apology, to make another telephone call. All we heard was: ‘Maurice de Mel. Not Royce. Maurice. Is that Maurice? 42nd Lane, Wellawatte? Clear the place. If necessary sh-sh shoot.’

As we rose to go Sir Oliver said: ‘Gentlemen, bear with me for a few days. A few weeks. Maybe months. Then you can call me an rn-rn-murderer if you like.’

Polonnaruwa Aflame

The arrival of army reinforcements drove the goonda leaders into a frenzied ‘conference.’ Later events showed that they had taken the size of the unit as an indication that this was only the advance party of a larger force that would arrive that afternoon to relieve the beleaguered town. Their decision was to attack now before the opposition was better fortified.

The Bren gun was mounted near the gate. At 3.20 p.m. the first wave of goondas advanced towards the police station, with sarongs lifted, shouting obscenities and coarse defiance. They were still confident that Apey Aanduwa would not shoot them down.

As they came nearer, the Bren fired a burst over their heads to warn them. This had just the opposite effect. They took it as confirmation that the army was only bluffing. The roar of the crowd became louder and the obscenities more defiant. The entire 3,000 now began to swarm towards the barricade. At this point, the army unit commander said that he needed authority to open fire. Aluwihare (Derek Aluvihare, AGA, Polonnaruwa) signed the order. The officer put the paper in his pocket and walked out. On came the mob. They were only a few yards away now. One man in front raised his sarong, displaying his genitals in foul defiance of the army. The Bren opened fire, and the passionate exhibitionist fell dead. Two of his comrades shared his fate.

The crowd scattered in all directions as the Bren stuttered briefly. Men who had been borne up by demoniacal courage reinforced by an assurance that they were politically protected now fled screaming in terror and forgathered in groups far away from the range of the gun.

Padaviya Panzers

On May 30 the laborers employed by the Land Development and Irrigation Department at Padaviya, and the newly-arrived squatters in the allotments, could no longer contain themselves. It did not take long for the bloodlust to get a hold on the ‘Padaviya Panzers,’ as they were to become.

The army met the Panzers halted at a point a few miles short of Kebitigollewa. They had run into a police patrol of five, headed by Inspector Daya Ranasinghe. Ranasinghe held the Panzers up with five rifles, ordered them to dismount and held them covered, hoping and praying that something would turn up to save the situation. He knew very well that he and his men could not expect to stall an army of blood-thirsty hoodlums for long. But the shooting at Polonnaruwa had taken the gleam off their Apey Aanduwa complex, and their sense of discretion was now more dominant than their self-assurance.

When the army arrived, Major McHeyzer ordered his men to surround the rebels and take them into custody for violating at least half a dozen Emergency Laws. But when the soldiers began to circle round them, the Panzers tried to make a bolt for it through the jungle. A brief burst from a Bren stopped the stampede. When it was all sorted out it was found that eleven men had been killed and eighteen injured. The army took 343 prisoners and brought them, in the trucks they had stolen, to Anuradhapura. The thugs who had planned to enter Anuradhapura as conquerors were brought in as prisoners."

Sir Oliver himself related how he set about the task as follows: "Army, navy and air force personnel were called in to help the police to restore order, a curfew from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. proclaimed, and the death penalty for looters announced. The armed services and the police, themselves armed for the occasion, did a magnificent job of work from the afternoon of May 27 (1958). Their orders were to shoot to kill, and by nightfall, I was informed that the city of Colombo up to Victoria Bridge in the north and Wellawatte in the south had been cleared. The forces were on duty right through the night, and there was no sleep for me too at Queen’s House."

Rioting was contained, and law and order restored primarily due to the decisive leadership of Sir Oliver. Also, to be recognized is the delegation of authority to relevant authorities, i.e., Police and Army, with instructions to do what it takes to contain rioting and arson expeditiously. Availability of competent and duty conscious administrators with sound judgment such as Government Agent Derek Aluwihare in Polonnaruwa and Police officers was an added advantage.

During the recent riots in Ampara and Kandy, quick and decisive decision making was non-existent by a President and government reeling from a shock electoral defeat in Local Government elections. Inaction between March 2 evening and 3 pm on March 5 when a curfew was declared, and the army deployed wasted valuable time. The declaration of a state of emergency on March 6 is comparable in many ways to the inaction of Prime Minister SWRD Bandaranaike in May 1958, before requesting Sir Oliver to take over the administration of the country.

Prompt and decisive action combined with a robust response would have saved many Muslim houses, property, mosques, and vehicles destroyed. The Muslim community would have been spared the trauma they did not deserve. Sri Lanka’s image would have been spared.

In the recent disturbances, Police and STF have been accused of inaction. Elements in the Police may have done so due to prejudices. However, the STF, a part of the Police is a well-trained highly disciplined paramilitary force. A more plausible reason for their inactivity, if true, may have been the reluctance to use the necessary degree of force in the absence of clear directives from the political leadership in Colombo. Administrators of the caliber of Aluwihare who issued a written instruction for the army to open fire in Polonnaruwa in 1958 based on his own on the spot assessment of the situation are an extinct breed today.

An order to fire resulting in the death of a few rioters may have resulted in the big guns at UNHRC in Geneva getting their knickers in a twist. The US Ambassador and British High Commissioner in Colombo might have busted their hernias. Nevertheless, such an eventuality must be weighed against the trauma faced by Muslims in Sri Lanka in general and those in Ampara and Kandy in particular. Suffice to state, every single Muslim in this country would have endorsed and appreciated such a directive. It would have helped in winning hearts and minds of a community who has periodically been subjected to communal violence. It would have also sent a strong message, law and order was paramount in the government’s agenda.

On this occasion, the government was able to eventually contain disturbances and restore peace by deploying the army and not UNHRC, the international community, NGOs or foreign envoys based in Colombo. The government would do well to remember this fact. To date, it has failed to demand a review of Geneva Resolutions 30/1 and 34/1, based on revelations by British peer Lord Naseby, garnered from dispatches by the British Defense Attaché in Colombo during the closing stages of the Vanni campaign to the British Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London. Such invaluable material was either hidden from or ignored by the UNSG Panel of Experts for reasons best known to them in their report and the preparation of UNHRC Resolution 30/1.

One hopes, we will not live to see the day, a demoralized army decline to involve itself in maintaining law and order when called upon to do so due to the government’s failure to protect its soldiers from false accusations of war crimes related to battlefield causalities.

That would be the day the government find its goose cooked and leaders, no place to hide.

No Confidence motion brought in to weaken Govt

No Confidence motion brought in to weaken Govt

2018-04-04

Speaking to the Daily Mirror, Puravesi Balaya Co-convener Gamini Viyangoda said that if this no confidence motion has been brought in because of the alleged Bond Scam there is no justification for it. “Already two people are in jail and all accounts of Perpetual Treasuries Limited have been frozen. No transactions can be made and certain ministers had to resign as well.

“Therefore already this Government has taken a lot of action regarding this incident. Previous Governments appointed commissions which didn’t function at all. Those bringing in this motion are supporting Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR). It was MR who elected people like Udayanga Weeratunga and Jaliya Wickramasuriya to higher diplomatic positions.

Those bringing in this motion are supporting Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR). It was MR who elected people like Udayanga Weeratunga and Jaliya Wickramasuriya to higher diplomatic positions

Therefore through this no confidence motion these groups are trying to weaken the Government. Through this they are trying to support the perpetrators of previous corrupt practices and are showing them the way to escape. If anybody is saying that the Prime Minister is at fault for appointing the Central Bank chairman then people should bring in a no confidence motion against President Sirisena because it was he who appointed the PM,” he said.

Viyangoda further said that if the Government wins they should actually be worrying about the outcome of the Local Government Polls, held on February 10. “It was the people’s response. But if the Government loses they don’t have to appoint a new member from the UNP to lead the party. If that happens these groups would have a good chance to work towards their goal and topple the Government in 2020,”he added.

PM is not at fault

Terrance Purasinghe, Senior Lecturer in Political Science at Sri Jayawardenapura University, said that there was no need for a no confidence motion to be brought in. “The Government has already taken action against the alleged Bond Scam and the perpetrators were in the process of being identified and brought before the law.

If the Government loses this motion, they should get rid of the SLFP group. If it is won the Govt. should fulfill its promises.

The Prime Minister is not at fault at this point. Actually the confidence of those who have brought in this motion should be questioned because they have been charged of various allegations in relation to corrupt practices. If the Government loses this motion, they should get rid of the SLFP group. If it is won the Government should fulfill the promises it made back in January 2015. There have been certain allegations regarding the Government and the time has come for them to take the necessary actions,”said Purasinghe.

It was an unnecessary move

Airing his views regarding the no confidence motion Dr. Chandana Aluthge, Senior Lecturer at the Department of Economics, University of Colombo, said that the present Government has made a mandate of five years.

The present Government seems to be working on several issues at the moment. No Government can fully satisfy its citizens, but some communities are happy

“The present Government seems to be working on several issues at the moment. No Government can fully satisfy its citizens, but some communities are happy. As a citizen I feel that this motion is an unnecessary move and it has put unwanted pressure on the Government. It’s also giving out a negative message to foreign investors and those working closely with regard to economic matters. I too want the Government to win, but if it loses, there would be a power struggle. Unwanted people would be elected to office and many complexities may arise.”he said. 

JVP requests for report whether Buddhist philosophy has any connections with soothsaying

Disna Mudalige-Camelia Nathaniel and Amali Mallawarachchi-Wednesday, April 4, 2018

The JVP yesterday, requested the Buddhasasana Ministry to submit a report to Parliament, stating whether the Buddhist philosophy had anything to do with soothsaying and other mythical concepts as some engaged in those practices often imply, MP Bimal Rathnayake said.

“Today, some people claim that they are involved in soothsaying activities with the blessings of Buddhism. Some people even promise to help infertile women to have children and also help students pass various examinations with the blessings of Buddhism. There are plenty of such stories,” Rathnayake said.

The JVP MP said true Buddhist philosophy of Lord Buddha has been distorted to a great extent by those involved in such mythical practices.

“I have studied Buddhism in school. As we are aware, The Buddha had never preached such things. Therefore, I request the Buddhasasana Minister to appoint a committee compromising of intellectuals on Buddhist philosophy and prepare a report on the matter and tell us if there was any relations between these activities and Buddhism,” he requested. As Buddhasasana Minister Gamini Jayawichrema Perera was not present, the Chief Government Whip and Minister Gayantha Karunathilaka said that he would direct Rathnayake’s request to the minister. 

What’s Wrong With Ranil?

By Uvindu Kurukulasuriya –APRIL 3, 2018

Uvindu Kurukulasuriya

This article was first published in the Sunday Leader and Colombo Telegraph on December 25, 2011. It is reproduced here given the political context of the no-confidence motion and internal strife within the United National Party in the call for Ranil Wickremesinghe to step down as party leader. The arguments are very similar to the ones made at the time. This article considered the objections raised then to Wickremesinghe and therefore is still relevant. 

The UNP has over the years been reduced to a Colombo-centric pressure group, run by an elitist cabal whose members usually catch a cold if the Queen happens to sneeze in London. The UNP of yore used to be a vibrant political movement backed by the elite and the masses alike. It will have to regain its lost image and vigour if it is to gain enough political traction let alone, win elections. Ranil has his work cut out because President Rajapaksa is well versed in grassroots politics like the late President Premadasa.” – Last Thursday The Island editorial

However, there is another side to the story that might be hard to swallow. So, Let us start from London!

Margaret Thatcher came to the Conservative party leadership on February 11, 1975. Thatcher was the longest serving prime minister in more than 150 years securing three election victories in 1979, 1983 and 1987. In 1990, John Major became the party leader and served as the Prime Minister between 1990 and 1997. So, Conservatives, the UNPs UK counterpart, managed to stay in power for 18 years.

In 1973, JR Jayewardene became the UNP leader and was successful at the 1977 elections. He promptly changed the Constitution and became the first Executive President of Sri Lanka. Thereafter, Premadasa and D. B. Wijetunge served as successive presidents until 1994. So, the UNP managed to stay in power for 17 years like the Tories did in the UK.

Both the UNP and the Conservatives shared and practised the same political thinking, that of an open economy. Famed for their tough uncompromising style they privatised state controlled industries and curbed union power.

The UNP lost the 1994 election and the Conservatives lost the 1997 election. What happened next? Leftists came to power in

both countries, but with a new political philosophy. Tony Blair came to power preaching “responsible capitalism” and Chandrika Bandaranaike came to power preaching “a human face to an open economy” (vivurththa arthikayata maanusheeya muhunuwarak deema). This was simply to satisfy the left wingers in continuing with an open economy. The collapse of the so-called socialist/Soviet style economic order was complete .

This new phenomenon had brought the left closer to the centre. One cannot see much difference between the opposition and the ruling party on the economic front. Let us see what Basil Rajapaksa said to the US. Rajapaksa said that the government has done all that the IMF has asked. (see colombotelegraph.com for the full US diplomatic cable). What did the Central Bank Governor Cabraal say to the US? He said, “GSL has done all that the IMF has asked, including, for example, introducing new tax measures and altering its monetary policy.”

Once the Conservatives lost in 1997, intra-party leadership struggles emerged as is common the world over. They changed five party leaders ; William Hague 1997 to 2001, Iain Duncan Smith 2001 to 2003, Michael Howard 2003 to 2005 and David Cameron 2005. All of them lost the general elections and were unable to form a government except David Cameron. In 2010 the election ended in a ‘hung’ parliament with the Conservatives having the most seats but being 19 seats short of an overall majority. The Conservatives managed to form a government with the Liberal Democratic Party in a coalition, in a trade off giving them high profile ministries including the deputy premiership.

But, in Sri Lanka it is Ranil Wickremesinghe who stays as the party leader regardless of defeats. I would like to raise a couple of points regarding this issue. Firstly, the Conservative Party changed five leaders since their defeat. Did they manage to win because of leadership changes? Secondly, it is a Sri Lankan tradition that party leaders remain regardless of elections defeats. Look at Sri Lanka’s oldest and perhaps the most democratic party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party; Dr N. M. Perera served as its leader from the inception until he died. Take the Sri Lanka Freedom Party; Sirima Bandaranaike served as the leader until she died. What about the JVP? Wijeweera was the leader until he was killed. If someone proposes to change this tradition, that is another matter. Then one has to admit that losing, is a factor not confined to Ranil.

My point is Ranil is not the losing factor. Ranil is unlucky to be remembered as the author of the peace process which in fact weakened the LTTE (though I am not endorsing his peace strategy, those who are opposed to him in his party as well as other critics, who have the blessings of the Maha Sangha and pretending to be patriots – have to accept it) His achievements in areas such as media freedom and reforms and the economic policy laid part of the foundations for the steady recovery in the economy during the early part of 2000 and like all the better leaders he resisted the temptation to panic in the face of cries from the opposition, the press, and the backbenchers.

When Ranil won the election to be Prime Minister, he was good. Just after the UNP lost the 2004 April election he was subjected to smear campaigns. In May 2004 the US Ambassador to Colombo Jeffrey J. Lunstead wrote to Washington, “after the recent election defeat, UNP leader Wickremesinghe is under fire from within his party.” He wrote “Long-standing UNP members have also criticised Wickremesinghe’s election strategy, though mostly in private.

In a May 10 meeting with the DCM, for example, former Interior and Christian Affairs Minister John Amaratunga said the UNP had lost the election due in part to a lack of charisma on Wickremesinghe’s part.” “ Amaratunga related that one party member had complained to Wickremesinghe’s face that his constituents were unhappy that the former PM never smiles and they wonder why they should vote for the UNP” ( see colombotelegraph.com) If these allegations are correct how did he win the 2001 general election and became prime minister? Did the UNP win because of John’s charisma or John’s smile ?

Read More

Failed impeachments and conspiracies against UNP

  

 

Jean Paul Satre stated, “Politics is a science. You can demonstrate that you are right and others are wrong.”   

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• If they defeat the NCM today; the Ranil faction will consolidate their position within the party
• Considering the inter-party cross-over scenarios, it is always the UNP, that was the winner
• If the NCM gets the required number of over 113 votes the President would appoint a senior UNPer as PM

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2018-04-04

Brain power and cunningness exhibited by UNP leadership in capturing power or remaining in power, when compared to their counterparts in the other main parties, is far superior. They are clever in manipulating and scheming. They have also enjoyed the privilege of being businessmen financiers who would volunteer to meet any financial gratifications that need to be paid to potential political converts in the process. They have been well-known for effectively scheming to defeat an existing regime. The best examples are the 1964 toppling of Sirimavo’s Government which attempted to muzzle the press in taking over the Lake House, by soliciting the help of her number two, CP de Silva; then, Daughter Chandrika’s in 2001, where they used four of her senior ministers and lastly the Rajapaksa family regime in 2015 with the help of SLFP General Secretary and a few other stalwarts.

Political acumen is vital in running a country under democratic set-up. The skill and shrewdness are extremely important attributes, which, unfortunately, the SLFPers, with the exception of Rajapaksas, badly lacked 

Leaders like D.S, J.R, Premadasa and Ranil could be ranked as the top shining models that fit the above description that post-independent Sri Lanka had produced. Considering the inter-party cross-over scenarios, it is always the UNP, that was the winner, while the SLFP led coalitions became the loser. It is surprising that it never happened the other way around, meaning a conspiracy by the SLFP on UNP. Also, something common to all local political parties is the competitive cutthroat acts within the same party. Political acumen is vital in running a country under democratic set-up. The skill and shrewdness are extremely important attributes, which, unfortunately, the SLFPers, with the exception of Rajapaksas, badly lacked. Jean Paul Satre said so; a reader comments in this newspaper a couple of days before, responding to Ranil loyalist Ajith Perera- “Hi Tomy The entire outfit is a joke..STEP DOWN !!”

If they defeat the NCM today; the Ranil faction will consolidate their position within the party. Reforms will never see the light of the day. Rajapaksas can celebrate a ‘victory’ after losing their motion. If the NCM gets the required number of votes, over 113 (presence of a full house is anticipated) the President would act ‘graciously’ by appointing a senior UNPer as PM, and not an SLFP man and close the chapter without upsetting the apple cart, but causing a major split in the UNP, on the lines of Ranil (R-L) loyalists versus the rest; adding more woes to the Yahapalana Government. Here again in reality, the Rajapaksas will claim a victory. 

‘Keselwatta-Kurunduwatta’ Power Struggle.

Israel and the US were not happy about President Premadasa’s decision to close units of Israel’s Interests in the US embassy in Sri Lanka. He antagonized the British Foreign office by naming their envoy here as persona non-grata and ordered the expulsion of High Commissioner David Gladstone over a trivial matter. Lalith Athulathmudali, the senior UNPer who served as National Security Minister in President Jayawardene’s Cabinet had spoken of fear for his life at the hands of goon squads formed to terrorise Premadasa’s opponents. Vigilante squads drawn from the JSS, that the UNP’s trade union had been organising in Government Corporations. These squads functioned as para-military units and did not hesitate to act violently to achieve their ends. 

On 24th September 1991 the Parliament met to discuss the impeachment motion against President Premadasa. His attempt to address the house was met with continued booing and shouting by the opposition

J.R, who was toying with the idea of another amendment to make way for a third term in 1988, listened to intelligence at a time the whole country was in turmoil—LTTE in North and JVP in South were creating mayhem. He gave up the idea. Between R Premadasa, Gamini Dissanayake and Lalith Athulathmudali, the three contenders, following a secret vote, decided to field Premadasa. Lalith backed Premadasa to the hilt at 1988 Presidential stakes, while Gamini had other ideas; an opportunity to dump both Premadasa and Athulathmudali as the JVP hanumans was setting the nation in flames. ‘Jansaviya’ aided by Sirimavo’s last moment pact with Kumar Ponnambalam brought an unexpected victory to Premadasa.
 
Let down by the suspicious boss when he appointed weak D.B Wijetunge as PM, Athulathmudali revived his relations with Gamini who was left out of the cabinet at the reshuffle in 1991. Few other anti Premadasa seniors joined the conspiracy to oust the boss in an impeachment. On 24th September 1991 the Parliament met to discuss the impeachment motion against President Premadasa. His attempt to address the house was met with continued booing and shouting by the opposition, and the sittings had to be adjourned.

Let down by the suspicious boss when he appointed weak D.B Wijetunge as PM, Athulathmudali revived his relations with Gamini

Premaratne Gunasekera, a fairly senior member of the party was not in the good books of Premadasa, and had to remain a back-bencher once said, ‘ this man should be sent home, so I signed the impeachment. A famous “Mudalali’ (from timber to healthcare) offered me a ‘packet of notes’ and appealed for withdrawal of the signature’. Speaker MH Mohomed who secretly backed the ‘GAGers’ (Gamini-Athulathmudali-Gang: name coined by the then state print media) made a 180 degrees turn and announced that the required number of signatures is not there. The rest is history; and they say‘history repeats itself’.

Sampanthan thoroughly disillusioned with president after discussion – leaves venue most disappointed..!

(Lanka-e-News - 03.April.2018, 10.30PM)  The leader of TNA and the  Opposition R. Sampanthan who went to meet the president this noon regarding the no confidence motion , was  thoroughly disillusioned with the president following the discussion  , based on reports reaching Lanka e news . 

‘As Tamil people we extended support to appoint you as the president , and Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister (P.M.) . We did that hoping that both of you would get together and resolve the issues of the Tamils, and we even told that to the international community .

Hence without leaving room for issues like this, both parties should go ahead in harmony  to resolve the issues of the country .Both sides should get together and resolve  a number of outstanding matters  including  a new constitution and    the land issues of the Tamil people peacefully. We therefore ask you to carry on the government in harmony  without creating issues like this ‘ Sampanthan  , SL’s oldest politician at present had urged the president. 

The president has at once replied, he has nothing to do with the no confidence motion. The president in an effort to save his skin has told , he has allowed the UPFA and SLFP working committee to take  a decision , and accordingly they will decide.

The TNA leader who was disappointed with the president had come out , and informed, the decision his party will be taking in regard to the no confidence motion will be conveyed to the president tomorrow.

A member of TNA speaking to Lanka e news said , his party cast the votes to make Sirisena the president because they trusted Chandrika’s word ,therefore it is Chandrika who should be thrashed with the tail of the Sting ray .

Meanwhile , a website run by the media secretary of Mangala Samaraweera had revealed that there was a heated  altercation between the president and Mangala Samaraweera over the TNA voting in favor of the P.M. It reported thus.

It is the opinion of a majority of the UNP ministers that with the support of the TNA to defeat the no confidence motion , and these ministers have therefore related this possibility to the president this morning. The president who got panicky had told the P.M. directly ‘ don’t  get ready  to play games after getting around the TNA MPs.’ 

Before the P.M. could give an answer , the minister of finance and media Mangala Samaraweera  had given a terse  reply reminding the president of the history many have forgotten.

‘It is because of the game with the TNA you are in that seat . Most people have forgotten that past  , if not they have purposely expunged that from their memory . You won because of the votes of the people of North and East. If the TNA had not played the game , if the TNA had not extended the support , still Mahinda Rajapakse would be the president , and if that happened you cannot even imagine where you would be.’

Mangala had directly asked from the president ‘ how did TNA which was good then become bad now  ?’

Meanwhile a state media chief expressing his views to Lanka e news revealed ,  because the president is supporting Mahinda’s  no confidence motion he has alienated  even that little  sympathy he had that stemmed  from the sentiment  ‘ after all he is the president we appointed.’ 

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by     (2018-04-03 17:04:52)

Prime Targets of the No confidence motion against Ranil

President Sirisena and Yahapalana goals the ultimate target

by Javid Yusuf-Apr 4, 2018

( April 4, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The No confidence motion moved by the Joint Opposition against Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is scheduled to be taken up in Parliament on April 4, 2018. The resolution is primarily based on the issues revolving around what has come to be popularly known to as the “bond scam” involving former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran and company.

Almost as an afterthought and for good measure the Joint Opposition has in the No Confidence Motion thrown in a clause faulting the Government for the recent violence against Muslims in the Central Province.

Before commenting on the two sets of allegations it is necessary to describe the context in which the current Government was formed and how it has functioned. This is neither an SLFP nor UNP Government. It is a Government which was born out of the need to halt the authoritarian direction in which the country was heading and to replace it with a Government with a set list of objectives under the broad theme of Good Governance and the creation of a civilized society.

The inspiration for this Yahapalana movement was given by the late Venerable Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero who tirelessly gave the leadership to civil society and campaigned for changes to democratize governance and Constitutional Reform including the abolition of the Executive Presidency.
The Venerable monk put forward the concept of a common candidate to ensure the defeat of the Government of the day. It is in pursuance of this objective that a range of stakeholders from civil society organizations and political parties came together to put forward Maithripala Sirisena as the common candidate.

Those who are in the know would vouch for the fact that Ranil Wickremesinghe and the UNP were very keen to contest the Presidential Election of January 2015 and it took a great deal of persuasion by leading political figures for the current Prime Minister to give way to Maithripala Sirisena as the common candidate in the larger interest of the country and to make doubly sure that President Mahinda Rajapakse was defeated in his bid to secure a third term.

The UNP and its leader thus not only made a big sacrifice in agreeing to forego the chances of taking over the leadership of the country by giving way to Maitripala Sirisena as the common candidate for the Presidential Election of 2015 but also worked tirelessy to ensure his victory.

It is therefore totally incorrect for Minister Faiszer Musthapha to claim as he did at a Press Conference last Thursday that the UNP supported the President at the last Presidential Election for selfish purposes and because they were unable to find a suitable candidate.

In any event Faiszer Musthapha is hardly in a position to comment on this matter as he took wing to Singapore and spent several days there during the heat of the campaign and only announced his support for Maithripala Sirisena a few days before January 8, 2015 after making sure which way the political wind was blowing.

The primary burden of the campaign and its organization was carried out by the UNP and Ranil Wckremesinghe as only a few SLFPers like Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, Duminda Dissanyake, M.K. de S. Gunawardena, Arjuna Ranatunge and Wasantha Senanayake left the Government along with Maithripala Sirisena.

The UNP and its leader thus not only made a big sacrifice in agreeing to forego the chances of taking over the leadership of the country by giving way to Maitripala Sirisena as the common candidate for the Presidential Election of 2015 but also worked tirelessy to ensure his victory.

Other SLFPers joined the Government and accepted Ministerial portfolios in the Cabinet with Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister only on the basis of a Central Committee decision following President Maithripala Sirisena’s request. Not all of them, however, genuinely committed themselves to the Government and continuously violated collective responsibility by publicly criticizing the Prime Minister whenever they chose to do so and attempted to show they were the ‘good guys’ in Government and that all the bad decisions were made by UNPers.

They deliberately and conveniently forgot the truism that the entire Government had to take responsibility for both its achievements and shortcomings and that one party alone could not claim credit for the positives while disassociating itself from the negatives.

In fact an examination of newspaper interviews, reports of meetings and TV talk shows during the past three years clearly show that the responsibility of defending the Government was shouldered entirely by UNP Ministers and MPs. The UNPers including Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe have showed a great deal of respect and loyalty to President Maitripala Sirisena always referring to the Government as one headed by the President. In turn many of those SLFP Ministers who are supporting the no confidence motion returned the compliment by continuously criticizing the Prime Minister and the UNP in public.

President Maithripala Sirisena has repeatedly recounted an incident where he raised the issue of corruption at an officials meeting during the tenure of the previous Government . He stated that he was summoned the next day by President Mahinda Rajapakse and told that he could not raise such issues while remaining a Minister of the Cabinet. According to President Sirisena that was the day he decided that it was time for him to part ways with the Rajapakse Government.

The self same Ministers who tamely served in the previous Government and conformed to its rigid authoritarianism without uttering a whimper of protest whenever wrong doings took place are having a free run and acting as if they are bold heroes by misusing the democratic space available under this Government which they not only played no part in electing but in fact worked very hard to prevent being elected.

Coming back to the contents of the No Confidence Motion itself the allegations against the Prime Minister go somewhat like this. He invited Arjuna Mahendran (a Singaporean National albeit of Sri Lankan origin) and made him the Governor of the Central Bank. He took the Central Bank under himself when it was always under the Ministry of Finance. He asked the Governor to change from the private placement system of issuing bonds to the public auction system.

All these were considered and ruled on by the Presidential Commission that probed the bond scam which cleared the Prime Minister of any financial wrongdoing in relation to the Bond scam. In fact none of the Prime Minister’s political and personal detractors have dared to accuse him of any financial impropriety resulting from the bond scam.

In fact those who accuse the Prime Minister forget that there have been others like Gothabaya Rajapakse (US citizen), Basil Rajapakse (US citizen), Udaya Weeratunge (Ukrainian citizen ) and Jaliya Wickremesuriya (US citizen ) who have been appointed to important positions in Government previously.

It was not the Central Bank alone which was taken away from the Finance Ministry. All the state banks which were customarily under the Finance Ministry were placed under the Ministry of Public Enterprise. The Prime Minister has explained the thinking behind these changes and these explanations were accepted by the President when he first allocated these functions in terms of his Constitutional powers.

To a layman opting for a public auction process in preference to a private placement process can be easily understood on the grounds that it it is more transparent. The fact that Arjuna Mahendran and company abused this process for their advantage does not necessarily mean that the public auction process is flawed.

In hindsight the Prime Minister must be regretting his choice of Arjuna Mahendran. While Mahendran had the qualifications for the job, he has not only let the country and the Central Bank down, he has also badly let down a friend who believed and trusted him. His unforgiveable actions have given Ranil Wickremesinghe’s opponents an opportunity to mount an offensive against him.

In any event this Government has apprehended two of the main suspects in the case and a warrant has been issued against Mahendran and legal proceedings have been instituted in the matter. This is in stark contrast to the numerous allegations of corruption and other misdemeanours against individuals in the previous regime which are only being investigated now.

In fact it is rather thick that those from the Joint Opposition shout themselves hoarse on public platforms against the bond scam despite themselves not being lily white. Many of them have indictments filed against them in various courts while others are being investigated for various allegations of corruption.

While the delays in the legal system have ensured that many of the trials against these worthies have not yet started it must be remembered that the Attorney General who exercises a quasi judicial function does not undertake the task of filing indictments lightly. He does so only after a thorough study of the evidence that has been forthcoming from the investigations.

President Maithripala Sirisena must realize that his pledges which he promised the people can only be achieved in alliance with the UNP which can shield him from those waiting to prevent him from fulfilling them.

When the Attorney General finally decides to file indictment against a suspect what it means is that he has come to a determination that there is a case for the suspect to answer and that there is sufficient evidence against the individual concerned which if proved can result in a conviction by court. The final decision whether the individual concerned is guilty or not is a decision for the courts to make which will do so after hearing the accused.

Considering the nature of indictments against several members of the Joint Opposition and the investigations currently being conducted against others their criticisms of the bond scam is hardly the stuff to get excited about.

It is also very evident that from the public debate around the bond scam that the criticisms of Ranil Wickremesinghe are often not political in nature but very often malicious and are made by those who have various personal axes to grind.

With regard to the allegation in the No Confidence Motion relating to the incidents in Digana and surroundings it is significant that neither the Joint Opposition nor any of the SLFP Ministers supporting the motion have ever expressed a word of condemnation against those who attacked the Muslims in Digana and Amparai. For them these incidents are only an excuse to attack the Government but not a reason to condemn hate speech and violence against the Muslims.

Ministers Susil Premajayantha, S. B Dissanayake, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene and Dilan Perera have all said that the SLFP will support the No Confidence Motion while at the same time stating that the SLFP Central Committee will take the final decision. By jumping the gun and taking a public position they have compromised the President as well as the other SLFPers.

The strategy of the Joint Opposition and SLFP Ministerial sympathizers of the Joint Opposition is very clear. It is first to separate the UNP from the SLFP in the Government and isolate President Maithripala Sirisena. They will then be able to derail the Government from the Yahapalana objectives and achieve what they could not achieve through the Presidential Election of January 8, 2015.

President Maithripala Sirisena must realize that his pledges which he promised the people can only be achieved in alliance with the UNP which can shield him from those waiting to prevent him from fulfilling them. It is therefore incumbent that he give directions to his Parliamentarians to defeat the No Confidence motion against the Prime Minister.

Due to fortuitious circumstances the electronic voting system in Parliament has suffered some glitches. As a result the vote on the No Confidence motion will be taken by each MP being called by name to cast his vote. As each MP gets up to voice his or her stand the whole country will be able to judge the integrity of its representatives and whether they will act in the national interest or on some personal or political agenda.

April 4, 2018 will indeed prove to be a litmus test on the character and quality of our polity.

( The writer can be rteached at javidyusuf@gmail.com)