Proposed NGO Act Shocks and stuns civil society

Minister Mano Ganesan promises to withdraw it; committee to be set up to review issues

• The funding agencies are also very eager to see the organizations registered so the activities of the NGOs are looked into and monitored  
• The draft amendment restricts constitutionally guaranteed rights such as the freedom of association, freedom of assembly and the freedom of expression.
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• Financial scrutiny for transactions over Rs. 1 million as grants coming in and for any transaction of the prescribed amount.
• Citizens get together and have fundraising events for social welfare. But if this amendment is implemented you cannot form such groups for such purposes

In a bid to regulate, supervise and inspect Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) the Government introduced a draft legislation to amend the Voluntary Social Service Organizations (Registration and Supervision) Act, No 31 of 1980 and the draft had received Cabinet approval.  However, the draft amendment was subjected to severe criticism and civil society vehemently opposed it.

2018-04-03

As a result, the Minister of National Co-existence Dialogue and Official Languages Mano Ganesan, in the presence of civil society representatives last week promised to withdraw it.  

The Prime Minister was also in attendance. Accordingly, a committee is to be set up which will include civil society representatives. However, civil society activists stressed that NGOs should not be targeted and if there are any allegations of malpractices within NGOs, existing laws could be used to deal with them.  

Shocked and Stunned  

At a press conference organized by the Collective of Civil Society Organizations Executive Director of the Center for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and a Co-Convener of the Platform for Freedom, Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, said that civil society was ‘shocked’ and ‘stunned’ that such a Cabinet paper could be presented and endorsed by the Government.  

“The effect of the Cabinet Paper was to consider legislation that was so extensive and comprehensive in terms of all civil society actors,” he said.  

He said the restrictions envisaged by the amendment would have had a chilling effect on civil society and would run completely contrary to the promises and commitments made by the Government with respect to governance.

Executive Secretary of Right to Life Philip Dissanayake said that the amendment went against the principles upheld by civil society and even the current Government.  

Compulsory for NGOs to be registered  

Currently, the National Secretariat For Non-Governmental Organizations is under the purview of the Ministry of National Coexistence, Dialogue, and 
Official Languages.  

The draft amendment seen by the  makes it compulsory for all NGOs operating in Sri Lanka to be registered.  

Critics of the draft amendment point out that on one hand NGOs already registered under various categories such as a non-profit organization, a Trust, under the Ministry of Social Welfare, or under the Pradeshiya Sabha were required under the suggested amendment to re-register under the NGO Secretariat.  

On the other hand, they point out that there was no necessity to make registration under the Secretariat compulsory unless a particular NGO collaborated with the Government for its activities. 

“In some areas, citizens get together and have fundraising events for social welfare. But if this amendment is implemented you cannot form such groups for such purposes,” pointed out the Executive Director of People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL), Rohana Hettiarachchi.

  The draft amendment also bars an NGO from changing its name, rules governing the NGO, amending the constitution and establishing branch offices or subsidiary NGOs without the written approval of the National Secretariat for NGOs.

Hettiarachchi said that when disasters struck the country, it was the civil society that responded promptly in providing relief.  

“We helped those devastated by the tsunami clean their houses and rebuild houses. But our mandate does not state that we can do such activities,” he said adding that if the amendment under scrutiny today was in existence at that time, civil society would not have been able to assist as promptly as they did, as they would have had to seek approval beforehand.  

Constitutionally guaranteed rights restricted  

Meanwhile, the President of Families of the Disappeared Brito Fernando said that civil society was not against introducing new legislation per se, but Constitutionally guaranteed rights should not be violated. 

 Attorney-at-Law Ermiza Tegal said that the draft amendment posed restrictions on Constitutionally guaranteed rights such as the freedom of association, freedom of assembly and the freedom of expression.

“The draft amendment sought to define Non-Governmental Organizations in the broadest possible sense and would have applied from village level societies to unregistered associations, to guaranteed limited companies, to social enterprises and also to corporate foundations,” 

she said.  

National Secretariat for NGOs  

According to the draft amendment the NGO Secretariat is able to investigate complaints of misconduct in NGOs, criminal activities including terrorist financing and money laundering.  The Secretariat also has the powers to enter and inspect premises of NGOs.   Further, the Secretariat can obtain information related to financial activities of NGOs from banks.  

Tegal said the draft law gave extraordinary Police powers to the NGO Secretariat for search and seizure.  

“It has introduced financial scrutiny for transactions over Rs. 1 million as grants coming in and for any transaction of the prescribed amount. The bank would have to notify the NGO Secretariat.

“Further offences have been introduced for NGOs for actions, such as non-registration, not giving a publication of the organization and not providing information, that could have been administratively corrected,” she said. Asked if NGOs should be regulated at least to a certain extent she said it depended on the type of regulation that was in discussion. “If it is regarding financial mismanagement, fraud, corruption, terrorist financing there are regulations already in existence. You can make complaints to the Police. The Police can investigate and the Attorney General’s Department can prosecute,” she said.

“There is no need to specifically target and hamper the functioning of individuals who want to get together and form associations and NGOs. There are laws domestically that look at various kinds of wrongdoings and NGOs are subject to the same laws. NGOs are not special categories,” she said.  

She further said the NGO Secretariat under the existing Act has no legal status which was also problematic.  

“But it functions, issue circulars and regulations and puts various conditions on various organizations. This has been a problematic trend. At the District level organizations are being compelled to give their work plans, and invite the District Secretariat to their various events. 

“This also leads to opportunities for corruption,” she pointed out.  Tegal also said Police powers to enter organizations, to take copies of documents are found in the existing law as well. “The draft amendment has allocated these same powers to the NGO Secretariat,” she told the .  

No consultations  

Nishantha Prithviraj of the Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement said that the proposed draft amendment weakened people’s sovereignty.

  He pointed out the draft amendment was drafted without consulting civil society and was an injustice to civil society and the public at large.

 He said existing laws could be used to deal with malpractices within organizations if there were any.  

NGOs perceived with suspicion  

NGOs have been viewed at with scepticism and suspicion due to perceptions created of their non-national nature resulting from their dependency on international funds. In 2008, a Parliamentary Select Committee headed by Vijitha Herath of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) was appointed to investigate the operations of NGOs and their impact on sovereignty and national security.

Reports state that after the war, the Government suspicions of NGOs increased with international advocacy groups lobbying against Sri Lanka.  

Under the previous regime, the NGO Secretariat was brought under the purview of the Defence Ministry and there were attempts to regulate NGOs.  

For instance, a circular was introduced to control NGOs. Brito Fernando said that civil society activists gathered and burnt the circular in front of the Fort Railway Station manifesting their opposition.  

“The circular was neither withdrawn nor implemented,” he said.  

Fernando said he was surprised when the current draft amendment was introduced as the Prime Minister and Minister Mano Ganesan had often worked closely with the civil society.  

Accounts Audited  

Time and again critics have questioned the manner in which funds obtained by NGOs were utilized, and whether there has been any fraud or misappropriation of the funds received.  

In response to a question posed by journalists, Rohana Hettiarachchi said that NGOs audited their accounts annually.  

“NGOs registered under the Companies Act, the Social Services Department, or the District Secretariats provide records to the respective authorities,” he said.  
“So, every fund we receive is audited.”  

Fernando added that NGOs provide audited reports and the Government had the power and right to question them.  

Draft Amendment to be withdrawn  

Following discussions with the Prime Minister and Minister Mano Ganesan last week, the draft amendment has been suspended.  

When the  contacted Minister Mano Ganesan, he confirmed that he would withdraw the draft amendment.  

Meanwhile, he tweeted that a committee was proposed with civil society members and officials from the NGO Secretariat to revisit the ‘necessities’ for new legislation and formulate means to address issues.  

Dr Saravanamuttu said that civil society activists were given a commitment last week that no legislation would be based on the proposed draft amendment.  
“We agreed, therefore, to meet with them to discuss and explore the need for any further regulation. In fact, if there is a need for a legislative amendment, it is to strengthen the freedom of association rather than restrict it in the way that is identified in this cabinet paper,” he said.  

Need for Amendment  

Speaking to the  the Director General of the NGO Secretariat Shakya Nanayakkara said the draft amendment sought to include suggestions made by the Central Bank and the Ministry of Justice.  

Asked why the amendment was needed he said Sri Lanka was a signatory to International Conventions which deal with issues such as money laundering and financing terrorism.  

“Secondly, companies have legal personalities. But the NGO Secretariat does not have a legal personality under the existing Act. So, certain issues cropped up when initiating legal proceedings,” he said adding that the amendment, proposed to make the Secretariat a legal personality. He said the advice of the Attorney General’s Department and other Government institutes was to strengthen the NGO Secretariat as it was the body that registers NGOs.  Stressing the importance of registering NGOs Nanayakkara said that an NGO became a legal entity through registration.  

“The funding agencies are also very eager to see the organizations registered so the activities of the NGOs are looked into and monitored,” he added.  He said that the draft amendment mandates the registration be issued within three months. “Previously, the registration process took two-and-a-half-years to three years. But the draft Amendment states that the Registrar has to issue the registration within three months,” he said. He also said that no proposed legislation could contradict prevailing Constitutional provisions such as Article 14, which among many freedoms, guarantees the freedom of association.   However, he said that civil society itself was divided on this issue.  

“Development Organizations want the Government assistance and support. They report to the Government Agents and they work with the Government structures. Advocacy organizations want a more liberal process. So, we have to find a middle path,” he said.  

Move from politics to district development

 Tuesday, 3 April 2018

Last week I was invited to speak to the senior management team of an eminent bank in Sri Lanka on the topic ‘What Sri Lanka must do’. Rather than getting into the rhetoric of Sri Lanka, I thought of focusing on a sample district and then doing a deep dive on what Sri Lanka must do to make the country achieve 7% plus GDP growth.


SL poverty 4.1%?

As per the latest data from the department of census and statistics overall poverty stands at 4.1%. In Colombo, poverty has reduced from 2.5% in 2009/10 to 1.1% in 2012/13 whilst by 2016 it had come down to a magical 0.9%. Politically strategic location Hambantota has registered poverty of 5.4% in 2009/10 to 3.8% in 2012/13 whilst by 2016 it had come down to a commanding 1.2%. The gateway to the Northern Province, Vavuniya from 3.4% in 2012/13, in 2016 the poverty number has come down to 2%, a strong performance.

But the issue is what impact development in 2017 has had on this data, the logic being that normally in Sri Lanka there is clustering that happens on the poverty belt. A shock externally like a natural disaster or political instability can swing the poverty level to a negative trajectory overnight.


2017 – Disaster?

For instance 2017 was a disaster year from a consumer income point of view. As per the top research company Nielsen, the overall consumption has dropped in succession quarterly – the first quarter by -3%, the second quarter by -2.5%, the third by 3.5%, and in the final quarter of 2017 by a staggering -8.8%.

In fact the general consensus is that the key reason for the change of voter behaviour on 10 February was the contracting consumption rather than a brand swing. But sadly, there has been no constructive strategy to correct the issue identified even though on the political stance the rhetoric ‘change for the better’ has been continuing for the last three years.

On 1 April, new policy changes on pricing and personal taxation will further put pressure to household income rather than leverage to ease the tension. The reported GDP growth of 3.1% in 2017 by the Central Bank with poor execution to driving policy activation in 2018 means that this year will be rougher at the consumer end. It’s a sad situation for Sri Lanka, to be honest.

In summary, this is not what the country expected on 8 January 2015 when the change of policymakers was done by the Sri Lankan voter.


No-Confidence motion 

Whilst the above is unfolding at the consumer end, the focus of the country is on the No-Confidence motion to be debated and voted on 4 April. Given this focus, the policymakers are out of touch of the continuous challenge that is happening at the consumer end and at the village and district level which was seen very clearly on 10 February. In fact, some ministers have voiced that they cannot face their constituency given this reality.

The nail in the coffin if I may put it bluntly happened last week with the announcement of the increasing price of milk powder by Rs. 80, petrol prices by Rs. 9 and diesel by Rs. 5. This will create a spiral impact to the prices of household items which will further contract consumption. This in turn will lead to the poverty indicator changing negatively.

This will be further compounded by the changes to the taxation on the monthly incomes of the working class that includes the public sector.


District development – Vavuniya

It is from this background that I analyse the sample district selected – Vavuniya – and the impact on a consumer. Even though the poverty number is at a commanding 2% as per the graph, the mean income is at a low ebb of Rs. 33,063, which means that the monies spent in Vavuniya on the basket of goods for food and non-food items is very different to the high income districts like Colombo and Gampaha where the poverty levels are at 1% and below.

A point to note is that in that part of the country, many get their basic food from their very own garden such as vegetables, milk and eggs, which I guess skews the number reported.

As I was addressing a cross secretion of senior bankers, I spoke to the Minister in charge of Vavuniya with this information and his insight sure made me think. Apparently during war times, Vavuniya played a central role for trade between the north and south. During the 30 years of war, Vavuniya was the hub of action for logistics and warehousing, which explains the low poverty number. Also, most NGO and the UN agencies set up base in Vavuniya and operated daily to the Northern Province, which had its spin offs to the population of Vavuniya.

This took me back to the time that I was heading Economic Affairs of the Government Peace Secretariat. Most of the issues of transport during war times were reported from Vavuniya. The most frequent complaint was unloading and reloading of goods due to security issues on the Government and LTTE sides happened in Vavuniya – Omanthai to be specific.

Normally in war times a bazaar closes for business after noon, but I remember Vavuniya being a hype of activity even at 4 p.m., which justifies the low 2% poverty number. This means the district development strategy to be actioned must be different in Vavuniya as against the plan in the Northern Province.


Vavuniya – Education

There are two pickups on the education front. Those who have never been to school is at a low 2.9%, which is far below the national average and incidentally close to the urban trend. Some say that the quality of education is what needs further research given the low performance on the O/L and A/L fronts, which needs attention and correction. However, given the high education throughput, Vavuniya will be ideal for setting up BPO ventures. Ideally the IT industry can be linked with the finance community to develop this industry that has set a target of $ 5 billion by 2020.


Vavuniya – Vehicle ownership

The ownership of motorcycles being very high at 32.2% may be reflective of the lifestyle in Vavuniya given the type of work and interests in that part of the country. This can give insights to the type of loans and financing facilities that can be extended to the consumer of Vavuniya.

A point to note is that setting up business in the forgotten Industrial Zone of Vavuniya will have to be priority if the policymakers want to move up motorcar ownership, which is at a low ebb of 2%, below the national average of 5.6%.

It’s also important that the movement from agriculture and trading to setting up of industries takes place more strongly if we are increase the income levels from the current 30,000 range that exists today. This again directs the importance of the SME sector of banks operating in Vavuniya. This is the kind of fine-tuning required to the district strategy by a government that is driven by the political hierarchy.


Vavuniya – Ownership of HH items

The ownership of household items is skewed to sewing machines, which is interesting given that the penetration is as high as 84.3% as against the national average of 42.7%. Maybe the introduction of the handloom industry or a related business linked to fashion schools can be done so that overall income can be increased.

This can be linked to the SME integration and preferential financing in my view. However, for this to happen effectively, the overall value chain needs to be developed so that products can be linked stronger to the consumer of Vavuniya.


Cost of the war

I guess the impact of the war can be seen given the high number of widowed/separated, though not specifically segregated. This amplifies the importance of a specific program for this group of vulnerable people. For this banks can look as linking the financing with the NGO community.

It’s strange that in Vavuniya the ‘never married category’ is as high as 7.9%, which is incidentally double that of the national average. This needs to be researched and addressed from a socioeconomic perspective linked to the private sector.

The female-headed households of less than 25 years being way above the national average must also be focused by the private sector linked to the financial community and driven with specific solution-based strategies. The 25% female representation of the urban councils can help build the strategy and drive passionate execution at the ground end.


District – Way forward

1.A similar analysis must be done on all 24 districts so that ground realities can be understood and shared with the private sector.

2.A master plan must be architectured so that a three to five year developmental program can be done just like what we see in Gampaha and Hambantota Districts.

3.The overall developmental agenda must be done with a clear mission.

4.This bottom-up game plan must be linked to the National Budget.

5.GDP growth must be tracked at the district level if possible so that national level planning can be made targeted.


Conclusion

Whilst the country has been focusing on the bond scam and the rest of the governance issues for the last three years, what the country requires is a focused and sharp district development strategy like the above. However, we will have no option but wait for the 4 April result at 9:30 p.m. to see what trajectory Sri Lanka moves to.
[The writer was the Head

of National Portfolio Development for the United Nations (UNOPS) who architectured the development of the Atchchuveli Industrial Zone in Jaffna and went on to be a Board Director of the Industrial Development Board (IDB) and

Sri Lanka Export Development Board (EDB).]

India, China at cross purposes in Sri Lanka, both face Lankan anger

File photo: Hambantota port was developed by Sri Lanka with money borrowed from China 

April 02, 201

Reuters

Many in Sri Lanka are voicing dissent – questioning the wisdom of handing over “national assets” of the island nation to China and India in the guise of regional economic development

 April 02, 2018

Massive infrastructural development projects in South Asia sponsored by China and India – involving billions of dollars – are attracting sharp criticism.

China – with its far bigger investments and outreach – has been facing greater political resistance to its transport connectivity and energy sector related projects in Myanmar, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.

However, Sri Lanka is where the two most populous Asian countries have crossed each other’s path.
Now it is India’s turn to face indirect criticism from political circles in Sri Lanka over its involvement in developing the controversial Mattala airport.

Many in Sri Lanka are voicing dissent – questioning the wisdom of handing over “national assets” of the island nation to China and India in the guise of regional economic development.

There has been stinging opposition to the China-sponsored construction of the Hambantota port and development projects involving an investment of $1.5 billion.

The project was part of a grandiose dream of former Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa. In addition to the port, the Chinese had built a new airport at Mattala near Hambantota and a sports facility. The Chinese-built structures are linked by pristine new roads that Chinese companies have built.

According to the opaque provisions of the agreement between China and Sri Lanka – the terms of which were never publicly disclosed, let alone debated – Sri Lanka provided sovereign guarantees for meeting repayment commitments to the Chinese, incorporating a debt-for-equity swap in case of non-payment.

Sri Lankan’s dilemma

Now as things stand, Sri Lanka’s indebtedness to China has mounted sharply over the years to stand at over $8 billion.

Even partially repaying the high-interest loans have proved difficult for the new Sri Lankan government headed by President Maithripala Sirisena.

The major reason being – the Hambantota port is hardly being used by ships which prefer to call at Colombo port. The same dilemma applies for the Mattala airport which runs only one flight a week to Dubai.

In diplomatic circles, the buzz is that Western companies are none-too-keen to use the Chinese-built infra-facilities set up as part of One Belt and One Road Initiative (OBOR), unless there is no alternative.

Therefore, Colombo’s recent decision to hand over the Hambantota port facilities to China on a 99-year lease, retaining only a 20% share for itself, came as no surprise. China also took charge of around 6070 hectares of land and announced plans to set up a special economic zone (SEZ) – to turn the area into an economic hub to be run with Chinese finance.

Questioning the Chinese motive

India, Japan and the United States had expressed their fears that in the guise of building a port, China was really setting up a naval base at Hambantota with military implications. China strongly denied this. But once the administration of the port passed under its control, there was nothing to stop the Chinese from reducing public access to its facilities and running it the way they wanted to.

India has stepped in – never having swallowed the Chinese rhetoric about not using Hambantota as a key strategic port in the Indian Ocean conveniently placed in relation to Djibouti and Gwadar.

It has offered to help develop the Mattala airport, where reportedly rice is being stored at the hangars, not planes.

Significantly, the decision has not been debated in India at length either and the reasons for India’s going in remain obscure.

Sri Lanka’s Sino-Indian complex

The argument heard in diplomatic circles is that India is “buying out” Sri Lanka’s debt component to China with an initial investment of around $280 million or so.

To start with – Delhi will help build a flying school, run the airport jointly with the local Sri Lankan company that administers Colombo airport.

China had already spent over $250 million to build the Mattala facilities.

However, most analysts see the dangers of a big power confrontation developing in the region.
China has never strongly denied reports about setting up a naval base in the area.

Given this background, India could be interested in involving itself with a “lame duck” airport only with the interest of monitoring closely the movement of Chinese ships or other vessels in what it regards as its own backyard. Such maneuverings were bound to raise local political tensions and temperatures that would first hurt the Sri Lankans and their immediate interests.

In broad terms, these worries form the core of anxieties in a section of Sri Lankan observers, who feel that things could go wrong especially at times when delicately poised trilateral relations come under sudden strain.

So far, Indian authorities have not publicly reacted to such apprehensions at this stage.

Howerver, this has not eased mounting concerns at Colombo. Prominent opposition MP Dullas Azahapperuna told reporters that handing over “national assets” to China and India – in the name of development – could prove to be a high-risk business. It could lead to “dangerous consequences.” Three opposition MPs were recently arrested for demonstrating outside the Hambantota port.

Meanwhile, influential Indian think tanks have advised Delhi to avoid specifically the high-handed approach adopted by the Chinese in relation to their ambitious OBOR scheme – projected cost $700 billion to over $1 trillion in phases. Eminent analysts feel that India should strengthen and further develop the win-win model of regional co-operation that exists between it and Bangladesh.

India has substantially improved the level of its internal infrastructure through better road and railway transit agreements and coordination of coastal vessel movements through effective planning and talks with Bangladesh. In return, Bangladesh has also increased its outreach to Nepal, Bhutan and major Indian states, not to mention its earnings through transit fees. Apart from a rise in national income and trade, fuel or time savings, there has been new job creation on both sides.

Tear gas and terror: A Palestinian education under occupation

Officials say 95 West Bank schools were attacked in 2017 as intimidation, demolitions and occupation take high toll on Palestinian children

Palestinian school children walk past Israeli riot police during clashes in September, 2010 (AFP)

Yumna Patel-

Monday 2 April 2018

NABLUS, Occupied West Bank - The Israeli soldiers came as children were playing outside their village school south of Nablus. Within minutes tear gas had engulfed the playground, stones were thrown, and a 10-year-old boy was shot in the head with a rubber-coated steel bullet.

Tear gas and terror A Palestinian education under occupation.docx by Thavam on Scribd

Will Israel pay a price for its latest Gaza massacre?

Muslih Sheikh Khalil, 24, is treated at Gaza City’s al-Shifa hospital for an injury caused by a bullet that fragmented in his leg. He is among 800 people injured when Israeli forces opened fire with live ammunition at Palestinians taking part in Land Day rallies along the Gaza-Israel boundary, 30 March. Sixteen Palestinians died by Israeli fire.

 Mohammed Asad

Ali Abunimah- 2 April 2018

This article contains graphic images.

Palestinians are calling for escalating global campaigns to isolate Israel after its army killed 16 people in the Gaza Strip and wounded almost 1,500 others.

Meanwhile, Israel has rejected calls for an international investigation and its defense minister has commended soldiers on Friday’s slaughter.

“Evoking memories of the South African apartheid regime’s massacre of peaceful protesters in Sharpeville in 1960, Israel’s military committed a new massacre against Palestinian civilians as they were peacefully commemorating Palestinian Land Day,” the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions National Committee (BNC) said Monday.

The BNC, the steering group for the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement, urged people around the world to “mainstream the demand for all private and public entities in your country to end all cooperation and/or trade with the Israeli military and ‘security sector.’”

It also calls for heightened campaigns targeting companies and financial institutions complicit in Israel’s crimes.

Devastating injuries

On Monday, the health ministry in Gaza announced that 29-year-old Fares al-Ruqab had succumbed to wounds he suffered after Israeli snipers opened fire into the territory Friday.

Tens of thousands took part in Great March of Return rallies to demand their right of return to lands from which Palestinians were ethnically cleansed, and to protest Israel’s decade-long blockade of Gaza.

That brought to 16 the number of Palestinians killed.

The Israeli army injured almost 1,500 people, more than 800 of them with live ammunition, according to the health ministry.

Dr. Mohammed Ziara, a general practitioner at Gaza City’s al-Shifa hospital, posted pictures on Twitter that show devastating injuries sustained by protesters. Ziara told The Electronic Intifada that the images were taken by surgeons at the hospital who treated the injuries.

Dr-Abu Rayan Ziara@Medo4Gaza

Pics from shifa hospital in #Gaza for the explosive bullets used by Israeli snipers and the huge damage caused by shooting it directly to the body of unarmed Palestinian at the border during #GreatReturnMarch
These bullets are internationally prohibited for its permanent damage!

6:04 AM - Apr 2, 2018

• 102
• 278 people are talking about this

The images indicate Israeli forces may have used bullets that fragment in the body causing massive damage to tissue. Bullets that expand or fragment are banned under international law.

Israeli spin

Over the weekend, Israel continued to try to portray victims of its violence as hardcore Hamas militants who had organized a violent invasion across the boundary.

Ali Abunimah

✔@AliAbunimah

Very few media look behind the lies and talking points disseminated by Israel to justify its massacres. This Israeli journalist did however... https://twitter.com/asafronel/status/980348328566231040 …

5:38 AM - Apr 1, 2018

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• 66 people are talking about this

But the propaganda narrative collapsed as videos emerged documenting apparent war crimes, particularly the lethal shooting of Abd al-Fattah Abd al-Nabi, 19, as he ran away from the Israel-Gaza boundary fence. Abd al-Nabi was reportedly shot in the head.

The Israeli military on Saturday tweeted a statement claiming full responsibility for the killings, asserting that “everything was accurate and measured, and we know where every bullet landed.”

But it quickly deleted the statement as emerging evidence gave the lie to its claims.

Read More

Exclusive: Interrogation Video Surfaces of Palestinian Teen Activist Ahed Tamimi

The Daily Beast obtained an exclusive look at video of Israeli military interrogating Palestinian teen activist Ahed Tamimi for slapping a soldier who shot her cousin.

JESSE ROSENFELD-04.01.18 11:25 PM ET

OFER MILITARY PRISON, West Bank—When an Israeli military judge opened the courtroom at Ofer prison for the press to watch his acceptance of Ahed Tamimi’s plea bargain, the teenage Palestinian activist who had already spent months in prison for slapping a soldier was blunt in her short message to the world.

“There is no justice under occupation,” said the 17-year-old cuffed in the docket on March 21, looking at her family and friends at the back of the gallery. “We are in an illegitimate court,” she continued in Arabic, speaking in a calm, explanatory tone until her guards shut down the impromptu statement.

The curly-haired teen has grown up with cameras documenting her family and village’s struggle against Israeli settlements on their land and military rule over their lives. She has learned, over years in a local protest movement, against overwhelming army domination, that publicly speaking out is her best defense. So in February, when the military judge ejected the media and diplomats who packed into the first hearing of the trial where Ahed intended to make a statement, the strategy changed, says her father, Bassem Tamimi.

Ahed was born and raised in the central West Bank village of Nabi Salah, where unpleasant daily encounters with Israeli settlers and soldiers are a fact of life. As a protest movement against the restrictions of the occupation took root during her childhood, her family became the focus of her village’s role in the movement, as it spread through West Bank border villages that opposed Israel’s expanding wall and settlements.

Growing up in the digital age, amid the media’s extensive reporting on her family and community, Ahed has become known in Israel for images of her boldly accosting Israeli soldiers as they attacked or arrested her friends and family. While hardline Israeli politicians and nationalist activists view her actions as humiliating for the army and undermining of the military rule in the occupied territories—for which they heap vitriolic condemnations on her—she has also become an inspiration for the handful of left-wing Israelis still protesting the occupation.

So when a video of Ahed confronting, shouting at, and slapping an Israeli soldier—who had recently shot her cousin in the head with a rubber bullet and temporarily put him in a coma—went viral in December, a storm of condemnations by Israeli politicians and calls to punish the teen and her family ensued.

The viral video of the slap and her displays of defiance during the public hearings have made Ahed into both a Palestinian icon and Israeli hate figure. Ahed has been mythologized as Wonder Woman by Jim Fitzpatrick, the artist behind the iconic image of Che Guevara, and her case exemplified as an experience so common to young Palestinians that it is lamented as a rite of passage. Meanwhile Israeli politicians have sought to undermine the Tamimi family by claiming—falsely—that they are actors and not a real family, and by describing their determination to protest as akin to terrorism.