Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, March 29, 2018

The Origin of Others



PROF. CHARLES SARVAN-03/29/2018

Jacques Lacan (1901-1981) wrote of the mirror-stage in the development of a human being when, unlike with animals, it realises that the image seen in the mirror is she, herself. The German word fremdeln refers to a behavioural pattern in the development of infants, usually around the eighth month of life, in which a child develops a mistrust, dislike or fear of strangers. (It has been found that the fear is triggered more by men than by women; by adults more than by children.) In a fundamental, biological, sense there is “Me” and everyone else is the “Other”, but this does not throw most of us into some kind of existential despair because we build what I would call bridging relationships: with parents, relations, friends, and through romantic and/or sexual love.

In the mid-19th century novel, Wuthering Heights, Catherine asserts of Heathcliff that he is more her than she is. And going back in time, John Donne (1572 – 1631) wrote in a poem: you “are the best of me”. There are several other similar statements and, no doubt, in all the languages of the world. The concern here is not with the single self but with singulars as members of a plural. In other words, how ‘Others’ see me and those like me as members of a group. What follows is a brief sharing of thoughts arising from reading The Origin of Others. The author, Afro American Toni Morrison, is a Professor Emeritus of Princeton University; winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature, and of the Pulitzer Prize.

More people believe in race than in the pseudo-science of astrology. I cite from my ‘Race and racism’ (24 March 2014):

Shlomo Sand, himself a Jew, Professor of History at Tel Aviv University, argues in his ‘The Invention of the Jewish People that there is no biological basis for a belief in Jewishness. The book was written in Hebrew and translated into English by the author. (It is as if a Sinhalese professor teaching at a Sri Lankan university were to write a book in Sinhala, not in English, which questioned a fundamental and much-cherished myth of Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism.) A Jewish “race” is pseudoscience (Shlomo Sand) yet Zionist pedagogy has produced generations who believe wholeheartedly in the racial uniqueness of their nation. (See also “The Invention of the Jewish people” 07 March 2013.)

Rather than thought controlling our choice of words, our thinking and actions are influenced by words and verbal habits. The result is that often we employ words inaccurately, if not incorrectly: Yeats in his poem, ‘An Acre of Grass’, wrote of the mind being a mechanically consuming mill. Few of us have the strength and courage, the self-detachment and honesty to examine our words, our long-held assumptions and beliefs. Few of us think on new lines. Gavin Evans, in the Guardian newspaper of 2 Mar 2018, writes that individuals often share more genes with members of other races than with members of their own race: rather than speak of race, we should use the phrase “population groups”. As I have suggested in the essay, ‘The term “racism” and discourse’ (included in Sri Lanka: Literary Essays & Sketches) race may not exist but racism flourishes. Race is not the father of racism but its child as Ta-Nehisi Coates notes in Between the World and me. It’s those who are race-minded who think and react in terms of race. We may be told that racism is troglodyte but propagating the scientific truth of human likeness cannot undo the power of racism, as Karen and Barbara Fields posit in Racecraft. On the contrary, group-animosity has increased recently, and not only in the West because, at rootracism has to do with identity-politics. Globalisation disregards borders and national infrastructure and there’s a vast migration of peoples: the slaves are leaving the plantations and heading for the mansions of their former slave-masters (Toni Morrison). The ‘Other’ creates a sense of deep insecurity and fear – emotional and psychological states that can, in turn, provoke violence and cruelty. The “tribe”, and success against other tribes, are more important to people than economic success, than even freedom, says Amy ChuaThose at the receiving end of ‘population-group’ hostility are not only seen as being different (they are in several ways) but being different “they” are thought not to be human in the same way as “us”. Race-thinkers assume they are the norm: the Other goes to define our-self (selves).

Morrison observes that to be American is, for many, to be white. Professor Amy Chua writes that many African Americans do not feel “American” in the same way that many white Americans take for granted. (More precisely, many African Americans are not allowed to feel fully American.) In other places too where more than one population-group shares geographic space with other groups, the majority will project their identity as subsuming the entire country: for example, “Sri Lanka” equals “Sinhalese Buddhist” (secondly and secondarily, Sinhalese Christians). In turn, exclusion and subordination strengthen, if not create, minority identity. The so-called assimilated Jews of Germany felt their Jewishness was accidental rather than important, much less essential. Several fought and died for Germany in the First World War. Hugo Gutmann who recommended that Hitler be awarded the Iron Cross was a senior (German Jewish) officer. But later Hitler and the Nazis made it brutally clear that the Jews were Jews and not German. One thinks of the early decades of the 20th century and those Tamils who worked ardently for (what was then) Ceylon’s independence. The following is slightly edited from my Public Writings on Sri Lanka, Volume 2.

There was a time when most, if not all in the Island, irrespective of language and religion, equally took a measure of pride and encouragement from ancient achievement, temple and lake; an equal measure of happiness in being “Ceylonese”; a time when Tamils described themselves as Ceylonese and not (as some Tamils tend to do now) as “Sri Lankan Tamil”. When in 1915, D. S. Senanayake (later the first Prime Minister of independent Ceylon) and his brother, F. R. Senanayake were jailed by the British authorities, Tamil Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan went to England to plead their case. On his successful return, jubilant crowds placed him in a carriage, detached the horses, and dragged the carriage themselves. He was not seen as a Tamil who had helped free a Sinhalese, but as a Ceylonese helping a fellow Ceylonese… In 1925-6, when Bandaranayake, as leader of the Progressive National Party, set out the case for a federal political structure for Sri Lanka, he received no support for it from the Tamils (K M De Silva). Even after the trauma of Standardisation (“racial” quota) in relation to University admission beginning in 1971, and the Draft Constitution of 1972, the All Ceylon Tamil Conference declared, “Our children and our children’s children should be able to say, with one voice, Lanka is our great motherland, and we are one people from shore to shore. We speak two noble languages, but with one voice” (Nesiah, p. 14). In 1952, the Kankesuntharai parliamentary seat was contested by Chelvanayagam, as a member of the Federal Party. He was comfortably defeated by a U.N.P. candidate.”

Since race-thinking seems ineradicable, there is the temptation to give up but a book such as Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race by Reni Eddo-Lodge, despite the title, is not surrender but a call for action. Ignoring race-thinking and practice; pretending they don’t exist, is felt by some to be a tactful, sensitive, gesture but it is finally unhelpful, Toni Morrison notes. Surely, the more hopeless a struggle seems (and the cause just), the greater the honour in not giving up?

There is only one race, the human race; there are no foreigners but only different versions of ourselves .

HRC Clarifies Situation Of Harassed Ganemulla Schoolgirl

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The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka has stated that intervention at critical points has ensured the right to education of a school girl who was subjected to harassment due to her mother having participated in a programme to raise awareness of HIV prevention in 2017.
When the girl, who was attending a school in Ganemulla at the time, was harassed to the point she couldn’t attend school, the Commission had intervened to uphold her right to education.
However, at the beginning of this year a similar situation had arisen, prompting her guardians to seek relief at the HRC. Consequently all relevant parties had been summoned to the Commission on March 9 for an inquiry. It was then concluded that the said child was not being subjected to any form of harassment, neglect or rejection by the school, education officers, fellow students or their parents, the HRC stated in a media release signed by the Chairperson Dr Deepika Udagama.
While the guardians were advised to take the child back to school on February 12, after the March 9 inquiry a special plan of action was put in place so that the child’s identity will remain unknown.
The HRC also observed that there are various inaccurate reports and interpretations in the media about the nature of the Commission’s intervention and urged anyone interested to directly contact the Commission if accurate information is needed.
The following is the full text of the media release:

Read More

CID makes several high profile arrests

The CID on Wednesday made several arrests with regard to two high profile cases, the Welikada prison incident in 2012 and the Avant Garde floating armoury case.
The Commissioner, Welfare of the Prisons Department Emil Ranjan Lamahewa and Police Narcotics Bureau IP Neomal Rangajeewa who were arrested on Wednesday night (28) by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) was ordered to be remanded until April 10 by the Colombo Fort Additional Magistrate yesterday.
The suspects were transferred to the Colombo Remand Prison last afternoon.
They are expected to be admitted to the Prison Hospital due to medical concerns.
Having been arrested by the CID on Wednesday night, the two suspects were admitted to the Colombo National Hospital ward 14, having complained of chest pains.
The Colombo Additional Magistrate Ranga Dissanayake issued the directive for them to be remanded after inspecting the suspects in hospital yesterday.
The Attorneys appearing on behalf of the defendants had requested the judge to provide adequate security for their clients due to the eminent threat to their lives.
Rangajeewa had been involved in many drug busts and many who are behind bars have been as a result of the investigations and raids conducted by the PNB of which Rangajeewa had played a significant role.
The Magistrate accepted the request and ordered the Prison Superintendent to provide extra security to the two accused.
The Colombo Additional magistrate Ranga Dissanayake had also ordered the Prisons Superintendent to call for a report from the Judicial Medical Officer with regard to the health of the two suspects.
Commissioner Emil Ranjan Lamahewa was arrested on Wednesday night at his official residence in Baseline Road,in Dematagoda and Rangajeewa had been asked to report to the CID to record a statement and he was later arrested.
The two suspects were arrested in connection with the Prison incident in 2012 that led to the killing of 27 prison inmates. According to police sources, Rangajeewa had been present at the prison at the time of the riot and he also faces allegations of having a hand in the preparation of the list of persons who were singled out and killed.
Emil Ranjan was the SP of the Magazine Prison at the time of the incident in 2012.
Rangajeewa is said to be having medical complications due to injuries sustained during a drug related raid recently in Piliyandala and had also sustained serious injuries due to a shooting by the disciples of underworld gang leader Makandure Madhush.
Meanwhile, the CID also arrested a retired army Colonel on Wednesday night in connection with the Avant Garde floating armoury investigations being conducted by the CID.
The arrested suspect was a former Colonel of the army who was in charge of the floating armoury at the time. He is identified as Retired Colonel Don Thomas Alfred Wijetunge Tillakaratne a resident of Liyanagemulla, Seeduwa.
He was arrested by the CID at his home in Seeduwa on Wednesday evening. Wijetunge was produced before the Galle Magistrate’s Court yesterday and ordered to be remanded until April 9
It was reported that the Government Analyst’s Report with regard to the weapons that were in the floating armoury has still not been received.

Indian Ocean geopolitics and its impact on Sri Lanka 


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Indian Ocean

By Neville Ladduwahetty-March 29, 2018, 10:14 pm

I write to express my appreciation to Prof. Gamini Keerawella (Prof. Emeritus, University of Peradeniya), for publishing excerpts of a keynote address titled "Indian Ocean: Maritime Security" delivered by him at the Bandaranaike Center for International Studies (The Island, March 16-17, 2018). His address was not only scholarly and erudite but is also of great significance to Sri Lanka, in light of the ongoing Great Powerplay currently taking place in the Indian Ocean.

The topic is of particular interest for two reasons that have been of concern to me.. The first was addressed in an article by me titled "Sri Lanka and great power relations" (The Island September 27, 2016). It dealt with the need "for Sri Lanka to prepare itself" to face the inevitable consequences arising from the geopolitical interplay of great powers in the pursuit of their respective self-interests in the Indian Ocean. The second was that at a recent meeting when the question was asked as to what should be the greatest concern for Sri Lanka, my response was how a small country like Sri Lanka could survive in a big pond such as the Indian Ocean in the midst of geopolitical interests of great powers.

This concern is addressed by Prof. Keerawella when he states: "As history has taught us many a time, when a political power comes forward to dominate the Indian Ocean unilaterally, Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and independent action is highly curtailed. It must be noted China’s blue water naval entry into the Indian Ocean and the diplomatic overtures to the Indian Ocean littoral has enhanced Sri Lanka’s strategic significance before India and the United States. In order to make use of the opportunities presented in this context, Sri Lanka needs handle the situation with sharp diplomatic skills with a clear strategic plan and vision. We should be conscious of the opportunities as well as the pitfalls".

Similar concerns were expressed in my article of September 27, 2016 when it stated: "What is interesting about this confluence of forces is that both Japan and Singapore have been longstanding strategic partners of the United States. On the other hand, India is new to the relationship but one that is growing in strength under the Modi administration. The Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement that the US and India recently signed attests to this emerging relationship. Consequently, as far as Sri Lanka is concerned, no Government in Sri Lanka would know at any time whether the four powers (US, India, Japan and Singapore) are acting individually or in collusion. What impact their individual actions or their joint collaborations would have on Sri Lanka would be of little or no concern to them".

"Since all of them are converging on Sri Lanka, not for the benefit of Sri Lanka but solely for what is best for each of them individually or collectively, how Sri Lanka handles these great power relations is a matter of deep concern because the games that Great Powers play leave in their wake the unintended consequences that countries such Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan are now facing, and Sri Lanka would have to prepare itself to face in the near future. In addition, if Sri Lanka hopes to emerge unscathed by the interplay of these five powers in and around Sri Lanka, it is not only being delusional but also reflects a failure to acknowledge its limitations".

"The recently signed Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement between the US and India is a significant symbol of the "defining partnership" between the two countries. This Agreement is essentially to increase strategic and regional cooperation, to deepen military-to-military exchanges, and to expand collaboration on defence technology and innovation. It allows for supplies and services between the two countries’ armed forces. This includes food, water, fuel, spare parts, transportation communication and medical services (Washington Post, Aug.31. 2016). Although the agreement does not obligate either party to carry out joint exercises or for the establishment of bases, the fact remains that joint exercises are being carried out by the US and Indian navies in the South China seas. This is to be expected because curbing China is in the interests of both the US and India".

Sri Lanka, too, signed an Acquisition and Cross Service Agreement with the US in 2007, with the provision for extension for a further ten years in 2017. Such infrastructural arrangements coupled with the engagement of countries such as the US, India, Japan and Singapore in Sri Lanka are to curb Chinese influence in Sri Lanka and in the Indian Ocean arising from its One Belt One Road strategy.

However, at this point in time there are differences between the interests of these major powers. Unlike the US with its super power status and India as the regional power, the engagement of Japan and Singapore in Sri Lanka’s economic development has more to do with their role as strategic frontline partners of the US. However, in the case of India and the US their interests go beyond the economic to include the shaping of political outcomes within Sri Lanka. Although China, on the other hand, is currently focused on a strong presence through economic activity in Sri Lanka it could at any time extend its influence to even the political in pursuit of its One Belt One Road strategy.

LESSON from the MALDIVES

Commenting on developments in the Maldives, Dr. David Brewster of the Australian National University stated: "In the last few days we have seen growing strategic rivalry between major powers such as China and India as they expand their roles in the region. We are now also seeing new players competing to build their own areas of influence and blocs in the Indian Ocean and this could be another concern for India…India is particularly alarmed by the growing Chinese presence in the region and is responding…Experts believe that the Maldives is just another front for the Chinese. The small island nation has become a significant target for Beijing’s ambitious economic expansion. Its international Airport, the major road connecting it to the capital and other projects fall under "One Belt, One Road" (The Island, February 24, 2018).

Great power rivalries end up in creating internal political rivalries. These rivalries are invariably between the agents of the great powers. The result is political instability arising from political regimes that are installed to carry out the dictates of their great power backers. The current political situation in the Maldives is a case in point, with President Abdulla Yameen cracking down on the opposition in order to consolidate power.

Since Sri Lanka too has its share of sympathisers of great powers, how Sri Lanka could avoid similar potential pitfalls is the burning question.

US involvement in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs even to the extent of shaping the structure of the State, the role it plays in the direction of the stand taken by the UN Human Rights Council and about potential bilateral training between the US and Sri Lanka in a Pacific Partnership along with foreign militaries, is no secret. All of this is possible because of the current regime in Sri Lanka. How Sri Lanka extricates itself from this entrapment is compounded by the several and varied interests and ensuing rivalries of the great powers involved in the Indian Ocean.

A STRATEGY for SRI LANKA

Commenting on the impact on Sri Lanka from developments in the Indian Ocean the Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister is reported to have stated at the annual convocation of the Bandaranaike Center for International Studies: ‘…two important factors that shape the foreign policy of Sri Lanka and the role it can play in the region are the strategic location and the political relations the country has with the key players in the region India, China and Japan’ (Daily News, March 23, 2018) . Quoting the PM the report also states: "While we have good relations with these countries, we also need to understand the nature of rivalry and we should never get caught into that rivalry…as far as we maintain the neutrality and maintain friendship, there is no problem".

Judging from the pathetic manner in which Sri Lanka has handled the charges of human rights and humanitarian law violations in the course of bring closure to the armed conflict backed up by resolution after resolution by the UNHRC, it is highly unlikely that Sri Lanka could remain unscathed in an environment of great power rivalries. The very fact that every effort is being made for Sri Lanka to be governed under a political arrangement shaped by the US is testimony to this doubt. Furthermore, the engagement with the US is such that Sri Lanka has already lost its ability to stay neutral.

The option for Sri Lanka is either to stay out of the fray of the rivalries of great powers and accept the fallout, or to be mindful of the opportunities that inevitably would be presented by the rivalry among the great power and use it for the benefit of Sri Lanka. For the latter strategy to succeed there has to be inter-party political consensus at least in regard this aspect of foreign relations.

CONCLUSION

Preoccupation with parochial issues has distracted Sri Lanka from focusing on vital issues of survival in an environment where great powers are increasingly becoming engaged in the Indian Ocean to varying degrees in the pursuit of their interests. While staying neutral and friendly with all these major players is in the best interests of Sri Lanka, achieving it requires diplomatic skills of an order that thus far have not materialized as evidenced by the mishandling of accountability issues associated with the armed conflict when Sri Lanka co-sponsored the UNHRC Resolution 30/1 .

The inability to develop a coherent strategy for survival requires political stability of an order that does not currently exist in Sri Lanka, considering the prevailing inter-party and intra-party rivalries that is compounded by the division of executive power between the President and the Prime Minister under the 19th Amendment. Under the circumstances, whatever policies that are likely to emerge would not be based of serious strategic planning, but on ad hoc statements made off the cuff to the detriment of Sri Lanka’s long term national interests.

Judging from current developments where Sri Lanka’s assets are either being sold or leased, and Sri Lankans are to be governed under structural arrangements formed and forged externally, the fate of Sri Lanka appears to be no different to the fate of the citizens of Melos at the hands of the Athenian Admiral, because Sri Lanka has lost its dignity and neutrality that it enjoyed when it was non-aligned. It could be argued that notions of non-alignment are passé in today’s world. Notwithstanding the need for global connectivity, Sri Lanka should as an absolute minimum seriously endeavour to self-determine a form and structure of government that best suits the human development of its citizens.

On economic issues on the other hand, arrangements negotiated and reached should not be restricted to a select few. Instead, it should be open and transparent with inputs from those conversant with geopolitical developments being factored in, instead of leaving it in the hands of deal makers. For instance, had Sri Lanka been aware that a harbor at Hambantota would serve Chinese interests far more than it would Sri Lanka in its pursuit of One Belt One Road strategy, Sri Lanka could have negotiated a better deal, even to the extent of building it free of cost. Conceptually, it should be to take advantage of the opportunities presented by great power activities in the Indian Ocean to benefit Sri Lanka. For instance, since all such activities are of greater significance and interest to these players than to Sri Lanka, the stand Sri Lanka should take is for costs to be borne by the players and for them to operate over a mutually agreed period of time without compromising the ownership of the asset at any time. However, while such a strategy would serve Sri Lanka’s interests best, the current inhibited mindset in place is not astute enough to deal with these international challenges.

If Sri Lanka is to have good relations with countries and remain neutral, she has to be extra vigilant not only of developments in the Indian Ocean but also political developments in the countries that have interests in the Indian Ocean. In short, the wisdom of the words that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty is indisputable, particularly when it comes to the survival of a strategically positioned small country such as Sri Lanka.

Asbestos, glyphosate and polythene bans: Cases of lazy and irresponsible policymaking

Friday, 30 March 2018

logoThe President retracted the ban of asbestos in the face of Russian pressures. The glyphosate ban is now under review in the face Japanese concerns regarding the alternative chemicals used in tea plantations.  Now it is time to talk about the polythene ban, the third in the unholy trio of bans imposed by the President.

Using my right to information, I received the report of the expert committee which was cited by the President in his Cabinet paper proposing the polythene ban. A quick look at the report shows the root of the problem. The report is yet another ‘lazy’ and irresponsible report consisting of a set of bulleted opinions presented as expert recommendations, with no evidence or arguments to support

As somebody wisely advised, if you can’t turn your bullet points into a narrative, you have a problem. In the same vein, a judge would say that a “judgment won’t write,” if the judge finds it difficult spell out his/her opinion supported by evidence and the law.

In Government, in contrast, expert committees appointed for various purposes have no problem producing lists of unsubstantiated opinions as recommendations. Typically, a committee meets a few times, with an unenthusiastic bureaucrat in charge. The few invited subject experts or stakeholders are vastly outnumbered by bureaucrats representing various departments. More often than not these few stakeholders don’t have enough time or the enthusiasm to make a contribution, except for those with axes to grind.
Why analyse when

it is easier to opine?

In the parliamentary tradition, a white paper is an authoritative report or guide that is presented by policymakers prior to presenting a cabinet paper on an important topic. The objective is to inform and receive feedback from all stakeholders. With the Sri Lankan polity ready to pounce upon anything that looks like a policy, white papers have disappeared from the policy arena in Sri Lanka.

The present PM knows this only too well. The education white paper presented by him in 1981 was unduly criticised and had to be shelved. The ‘Regaining Sri Lanka’ document was one the best analytical policy documents ever presented in my opinion, but it was vilified by the Opposition.

Since then what we have are hastily put together Cabinet papers which try not to ruffle the feathers of the more vociferous stakeholders. There aren’t many politicians who would insist on the evidence, make the hard decisions based on the evidence, and take ownership for carrying the legislation through. More often than not the easy-lazy path is taken.
Popular opinions

form the basis

The process usually starts with set of popular opinions. True to form, at their first meeting on 18 November 2016, the committee of experts appointed to find ways of managing polythene use was presented with a list of the following seven recommendations, presumably compiled by the Central Environment Authority (CEA), the agency in charge:

(1) To prohibit the use of polyethylene products as decorations

(2) To prohibit the manufacture of food containers, plates, cups, spoons from expanded polystyrene

(3) To prohibit the manufacture of non-biodegradable food wrappers and containers for liquids and liquid foods

(4) To prohibit the manufacture of banned polythene or plastic products

(5) Impose taxes to discourage non-biodegradable plastics

(6) Unnamed incentives to encourage use of biodegradable or reusable products

The committee at its first meeting consisted of 19 members of whom 14 represented various related Government agencies. The five outsiders included Professor Jagath Premachandra of University of Moratuwa, Hemantha Withanage of Centre for Environmental Justice, K.A. Jayarathna of Sevanatha, Vidyananda Sellahewa of P&S Polycom and Priyantha Wijeratne of BASF.

Although the Committee’s mandate concerned managing of polythene use to minimise environment problems, there is no indication that the committee heard from supermarkets, small business associations or waste managers who are the people knowledgeable about use of polythene. BASF is subsidiary of a large multinational corporation providing chemicals and chemical products. P and S Polycom is presumably a manufacturer of polythene products.
Add more bullets,

why not?

At the first meeting itself the committee had accepted the recommendation with some editing and tightening, and had tagged on four other recommendations to ban.
  • Increase the minimum thickness to 40 microns
  • Shopping bags too should be prohibited 
  • As a short-term measure disallow allow selling water in PET bottles less than 1,000 ml
  • In the long-term ban the selling of any liquid including water in PET bottles of volume less than 1,000 ml
  • Completely ban the importation of recycled plastic raw materials   
It is not clear whether there was discussion on the marginal cost and benefit of increasing the thickness from 20 to 40 microns. Further there is no indication of a discussion on charging for use of shopping bags, which is successfully used in many countries including the UK.

In 2008, Sri Lanka’s top supermarket chains with the blessing of the Environmental Ministry started charging for plastic shopping bags to discourage their use, with much success. But a three Judge Supreme Court bench in response to a consumer rights case struck down the move. The Committee could have proposed changes to the law to make the charging for bags possible.

PET or polyethylene terephthalate based bottles are popular with recyclers for their ease of collection and recycling. Again there is no rationale for the banning. If the issue is leachate into the liquids contained, arguments should have presented. If the issue is littering, strict fines for littering could be imposed and problems faced by recyclers in collecting and recycling PET bottles should been considered and addressed. Instead the committee takes the easy way out and recommends banning.

Actually, the committee’s report includes two sets of evaluations on the impact of biodegradable plastics – One is by a research scientist at the Industrial Technology Institute and the other by an unnamed source. Both advise against the adoption of bio-degradable plastics.

The  scientist from Industrial Technology Institute makes the interesting observation that —“Making plastic products biodegradable may actually make the problem of littering worse by making people think it is no harm to throw away a valuable resource like plastic. For example, a biodegradable plastic bag that is thrown into a hedge will take years to disappear.”

In addition to local expertise, the experience of other countries in using biodegradable plastics should have been considered. A certain vendor of biodegradable plastics from Indonesia, who apparently had made a presentation to CEA, has claimed that their products have been successfully used in Indonesia. The committee does not seem to have considered the arguments against biodegradable plastics or taken the effort to learn from good international practices.
Proclaim the bullets
The committee met further on 2016/12/30 and 2017/01/17, respectively, to review an action plan and to finalise the set recommendations, respectively. The end product is essentially an expanded version of the list of products to be banned that were presented to the committee on its first sitting.

On 1 September 2017, the President as Minister for environment issued the Gazette orders 2034/33-38:

(1) To prohibit the manufacture of polythene or any polythene product 20 microns and below

(2) To prohibit the manufacture of food wrappers (lunch sheet), etc.

(3) To prohibit the manufacture of any bag of high density (grocery bag)

(4) To prohibit burning of refuse and other combustible matters inclusive of plastic

(5) To prohibit the use of polyethylene products as decorations

(6) To prohibit the manufacture of food containers, plates, cups, spoons from expanded polystyrene.

Spend CEA’s thin resources on policing

The regulations require regular monitoring of the biodegradability of polythene sold. According to the latest report published in February 2018—“During the last week, the regional network of the Central Environmental Authority has been conducted a raiding program covering the whole Island. And it has been recognised that the majority of the business entities are using biodegradable plastic products. Until now, 146 raids have been carried out and 10 of them have been seized by the Legal Unit of the CEA. Out of them two in Colombo District, three in Gampaha and five in the Northern Province have been identified as banned polythene producers. Food wrappers made of polyethylene are banned but not foil wrappers.”

Biodegradability of plastic products is a highly-contested issue. The CEA should do a thorough evaluation of the so-called biodegradable polythene in the market and lifecycle of those used. If this ban has not impacted the littering of polythene in the environment, polluting the waterways and the ocean and polythene sent to waste dumps, CEA has some serious revisiting to do.

Sri Lankans are innovative when it comes skirting the law. Apparently, calcium carbonate and benzene or derivative additives used with polyethylene gives a product that can pass off as biodegradable polythene made of cellulose. These claims need to be checked out.
Cost to business

and cost to environment 

Businesses are most likely to pass on the burden of regulation to the consumers and to the environment. In response to the ban, supermarkets now use 20-micron gauge low density polyethylene (LDPE) bags. These bags tear easily and double-bagging or triple bagging is very common. With no possibility of reuse of recycle these end up as garbage.

In the case of asbestos and glyphosate bans, pleas by local stakeholders went unheard at first. Scientific evidence combined with economic prudence was against a ban but pipedreams of a zero-chemical environment were hard to counter. It is only when Russia and Japan reacted that local stakeholders got a reprieve.

At the end of the day, our environment is the silent victim of this kind of ‘lazy’ policymaking by authorities. Who will stand up for waterways that continue to be blocked with LDPE polythene or communities affected by waste dumps that grow higher as so-called biodegradable polythene lie unchanged in environments unsuitable for degradation?

Israeli settlers convicted of terrorising Palestinians in 'price tag' attacks


In a first, Israeli court finds three brothers guilty of belonging to a terrorist organisation after their attacks on Palestinians

'Price tag' attacks are nationalist-motivated hate crimes aimed at Palestinians and their property (AFP)


Thursday 29 March 2018
Three Israeli settlers were on Thursday convicted of belonging to a terrorist organisation after attacking Palestinians and setting fire to their homes and cars in the West Bank.
The decision marks the first time an Israeli court has found perpetrators of racially motivated “price tag” attacks guilty of belonging to a terrorist organisation, according to Israeli daily Haaretz.
The Lod District Court handed the three brothers, who are from the illegal West Bank settlement of Nahliel, prison sentences ranging from 32 months to five years as part of a plea bargain.
With attacks that started in 2009, the brothers “set out to terrorise and strike fear in the Palestinian population”, the court reportedly said.
In addition to belonging to a terrorist group, two of the three brothers were also found guilty of:
  • throwing tear gas grenades and spraying graffiti on a house in the village of Beitillu near Ramallah in 2015 while a family, including a nine-year-old, slept inside
  • assaulting a Palestinian farmer with tear gas and sticks
  • spray painting, throwing rocks and slashing the wheels of a Palestinian car
The three defendants have not been named in Israeli press reports because they were either minors or soldiers when the attacks took place, Haaretz reported.
Their lawyer said they plan to appeal the ruling at the Supreme Court.
“One must remember these are offences that did not lead to casualties,” the lawyer was quoted as saying in Haaretz. “The verdict is very harsh.”
In contrast, Israeli soldier Elor Azaria, who was convicted of manslaughter for killing Palestinian attacker Abd al-Fattah al-Sharif in Hebron 2016 as he was lying wounded on the ground, is set to be released in May after serving less than a year in prison.
So-called "price tag" crimes first started in 2008, when far-right Jewish settlers adopted a policy of attacking Palestinians and their property in the West Bank in order to exact a "price" for Israeli government moves to take down illegally built settler outposts.
While all Israeli settlements built in the occupied Palestinian territory are illegal under international law, settler outposts built without state approval are also deemed illegal under Israeli law.
"Price tag" attacks that began as a marginal phenomenon against Palestinians became a much more widespread expression of hatred against non-Jews, but also against Israelis seen as hostile to the settlement enterprise.
Such attacks, with their trademark offensive Hebrew graffiti, typically take place at night and tend to involve damage to vehicles, the destruction of olive trees, and arson attempts, mostly against mosques, although Christian churches and cemeteries have also been targeted.
According to rights group Yesh Din, only three percent of investigations into ideologically motivated crimes committed by Israeli settlers against Palestinians result in a conviction.
In July 2015, three members of the Dawabsha family, including an 18-month-old toddler, were killed after Israeli settlers set their house on fire in the West Bank village of Duma. Then four-year-old Ahmad Dawabsha, who was hospitalised for nearly a year for severe burns, was the sole survivor. 

Snapshots of lives on the line

Father and son sit in chairs as mother stands behind them next to clothing line
The Maysara family in their home in Nuseirat refugee camp.
 Mohammed Asad

Rami Almeghari- 28 March 2018

Gaza stands on the brink of full-blown humanitarian disaster.

Unemployment tops 46 percent, with more than 60 percent of those in the 15-29 age group going without work. With precious little progress in rebuilding Gaza’s devastated infrastructure or homes destroyed in three destructive Israeli offensives since 2008, an easing of the blockade is the only slim hope to avoid a full-blown humanitarian crisis that has long been forewarned.

Behind all those numbers are people, most of whom are barely getting by. Family relations are strained, educations go to waste, tempers fray, debts are owed. These are some of their stories.

Sami

Last month, Sami Shamiya, 58, went to his local grocery store in the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip. There, and on credit, he bought cooking oil and tea for the equivalent of $10. The bill was added to his growing debt at the shop.

He did not take his wares home, however. Instead, he brought them to another shop where he sold the oil and the tea to raise cash for medicine for his wife, Naima, 55, who was unwell with the flu.
Sami’s family of nine lives together in a 120-square-meter dwelling covered by a leaky asbestos roof. There is one room for eating and hosting that also functions as a bedroom for the family’s three sons. Under an old table there, large water buckets contain the clothes of the oldest son, Maysara, 26, a qualified nurse.

Clothes also hang from three ropes tied across a ceiling that leaks when it rains. A rusty, old iron oven holds the family’s shoes. There is no television.

The family’s four daughters sleep in one room. The parents have the last room to themselves, a solitary luxury.

None of the children work. Aged from 15 to 27, three have higher education degrees – Maysara in nursing, older sister Najaa, 27, in social science and younger sister Ala, 25, in teaching – but jobs have proven hard to come by. Not only is Gaza under Israeli siege and suffering the division between Hamas and Fatah, said Maysara, his family has not hitched its colors to any political faction, another route to jobs.

Sami makes a small income as a taxi driver. He doesn’t own the car. In 2007, he suffered spinal cord complications that needed medical care not available in Gaza and for which he had to seek help in Cairo. Local charities helped pay the bill for repeat visits that the family couldn’t have afforded alone.

Indeed, the Shamiyas have to rely on social security from the Palestinian Authority, from which they get benefits amounting to $550 paid out every three months. They also receive food aid once every three months from UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees.

Without this, the family would not survive. And together they owe $6,000 for the university educations of three children for jobs that simply don’t exist.

“Sometimes we fight. Sometimes we read the Quran. Mostly, we try to stay steadfast. Without patience, this family would have long vanished,” said Naima. “Look at this house. Does it need explanation?”

Safwat

The last time he lost his temper with his youngest daughter, Safwat al-Susu remembers unhappily, he slapped his 3-year-old daughter for asking for a shekel.

“That was the time I realized how angry I had become,” said the 54-year-old father of seven children, all of whom are still in school.

Previously a tailor, he has long been unemployed. Like every sector, Gaza’s textile industry has been decimated over the past decade of Israeli siege. Complaining of neck pains, Safwat is now looking for any job to help feed his family.

Like Sami, Safwat relies on food aid from UNRWA, delivered every three months, and gets benefits from the PA of $550, also every three months. For clothes and other necessities he has to lean on his brothers or sometimes his wife’s family.

Mostly, he sits at home, a small house in the Maghazi refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip, wondering how to avoid going into unmanageable debt and trying to hide his frustration from his children.

“They don’t understand the situation. They don’t know how hard life in Gaza is getting.”

Sabri

Last November, Sabri al-Maqadma’s wife and four children left home for her parents’ house.
Sabri is in debt. For six months, he was unable to pay rent on his home in the Beach refugee camp in Gaza City. He fell in arrears when a Qatari-funded Islamic charity, suffering the fallout from the Gulf crisis between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, cut a monthly stipend it was paying the taxi driver.

Young man sits on couch in sparely furnished room with a poster of Yasser Arafat on the wallSabri al-Maqadma in the taxi office where he sleeps.Mohammed Asad

Even though mediation saw the landlord reduce the debt by half, Sabri, 45, still couldn’t pay. He was forced to leave his home prompting his wife to leave him. Now the owner of the house is pursuing him for $900 in unpaid rent. His estranged wife is demanding he also pay his family another $200 a month for their sustenance.

He had to sell his washing machine, but that only raised $50. He owes his local grocer $200 and ups his tempo, he told The Electronic Intifada, every time he has to pass the shop.

Sabri is angry. He sleeps in the taxi office where he works. He once told a colleague, who had offered him two sandwiches, to buy him poison instead.

“Life is unbearable,” he said. “I don’t know how much longer I can take it.”

Nahed

Nahed Salah al-Amasi, 44, ought to be rushed off his feet. The owner of the largest building materials store in Gaza, his is a trade in demand.

But building materials are only trickling into Gaza due to the Israeli stranglehold on imports and exports and there is no money to rebuild. Rather than oversee a roaring business, Nahed spends most of his time idle in his Gaza City office.

After the 2014 Israeli offensive, Nahed worked closely with the UN to deliver building materials for reconstruction projects. Now, such projects have slowed or ended.

Nahed al-Amasi in his empty warehouse in Gaza City.Mohammed Asad

Nahed told The Electronic Intifada that since April 2017, the situation has been worse than any time he can remember. Now, he is contemplating laying off the 45 people he employs in his three stores who rely on him for their livelihoods. He has already put them on shift work, half working alternate days.

Nahed is no longer wealthy. His is a family enterprise, and one that his family has been doing for generations. They are not set up to do anything else. And now he is struggling, he said, to pay the university tuition fees for his five children.

“This is the worst situation ever,” Nahed said.

Syria Is Threatening to Break the Aid World

In a nighttime ride from the Syrian border, the president of the Red Cross describes tensions between his moral principles and the country's political realities.

Peter Maurer, president of the International Committee of the Red Cross, talks with aid workers after arriving in Eastern Ghouta on March 15, 2018. (Al-Ajweh/AFP/Getty Images) 

No automatic alt text available.
BY -
  MASNAA, Lebanon — The 4×4 passed into Lebanon at night, navigating the concrete barriers and stray dogs that populate the Syrian border crossing. In the back seat sat Peter Maurer, the president of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), who just hours before had become one of the few international observers to visit the bombed-out suburbs of Eastern Ghouta, currently the scene of the worst humanitarian crisis in the Middle East.

Maurer was once second in command at the Swiss foreign ministry and still speaks with the careful diction of a diplomat. He had just completed a 10-day trip to Iran, Iraq, and Syria, and I had the duration of our journey back to Beirut to quiz him on what he had seen during his travels.

“Today was certainly for me one of the top five difficult places I went over the last six years, since I’m president of the ICRC,” he says.

It’s a significant statement for a man who regularly visits the worst humanitarian crises on the planet, from northern Nigeria to Afghanistan. The Syrian government and its allies have drawn on the same playbook they used two years prior in eastern Aleppo, subjecting residents to a withering siege and constant air and artillery bombardments, this time allegedly including chlorine and napalm attacks. Over 10,000 people have been evacuatedfrom the region over the past week , bringing the government to the verge of eliminating the last rebel threat to the capital.

The residents of Eastern Ghouta are living an “underground life,” Maurer says, forced into shelters to escape the bombing. People are pale and cannot even manage the ever-growing number of dead bodies. “You walk in and people ask you if you have a bottle of water,” he says. “That doesn’t happen in many places. People want food, people want a lot of things, but we are down to the very basics.”
Maurer is confronted daily with how fraught the task of providing humanitarian can be.
Maurer is confronted daily with how fraught the task of providing humanitarian can be.
 His latest struggle is to get medical aid into Eastern Ghouta: The Syrian government periodically allows flour bags and food parcels but blocks trauma kits and basic medicine, such as insulin, from entering the area. At the same time, he must contend with hostility from critics in the Syrian opposition, who contend that aid organizations have abandoned their principles in dealing with the Syrian government and serve to strengthen Bashar al-Assad’s grip on power.

The ICRC has recently had to fend off criticism spurred by a video of Assad driving himself on the road to Eastern Ghouta, in which the Syrian president briefly drives behind an ICRC vehicle. Some anti-government commentators seized upon the video as evidence that the aid organization provided him with protection. The ICRC responded by noting that the video appeared to be filmed near one of Damascus’s busiest squares — the ICRC vehicle was not protecting Assad but just one of many on a crowded thoroughfare. Nor, it said, did the organization even conduct an aid operation into Eastern Ghouta on the day the video was filmed. These facts, however, seem to have done little to stop criticism of the ICRC from spreading within anti-Assad circles. “Wounded children did not exit from Ghouta,” one opposition banner featuring the image reads. “But the criminal Bashar al-Assad entered it.”

There’s a reason for the opposition’s enduring suspicion of aid organizations. For years, journalists have reported on how these organizations’ desire to stay in the good graces of the Syrian government has skewed aid delivery and caused them to whitewash Assad’s behavior: U.N. aid organizations dragged their feet on delivering life-saving assistance to hundreds of thousands of civilians in rebel-held areas, for instance, and the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) once allowed the Assad government to scrub any mention of “sieged” or “besieged” areas from a U.N. report.

For Maurer, these tensions are baked into the very DNA of the international aid community. The ICRC’s fundamental principles dictate that aid should be delivered without discrimination based on political belief and that the organization should remain neutral in conflicts — but the Geneva Conventions and the U.N. resolutions creating the humanitarian system all begin by acknowledging the primacy of states. “So it’s no surprise that our first address is always governments and to try to seek to negotiate with them on what we are able to do,” he says.

Maurer acknowledges that this has “led to a certain imbalance” when it comes to aid delivery. However, he is quick to point out the lengths that the ICRC goes to push the Syrian government to expand the scope of aid delivery. The organization has provided 3 million people with food across Syria in the past year, and more than 1 million people have been able to access health care services because of it. In Eastern Ghouta alone, tens of thousands of people benefit from food, clean water, and hygiene kits provided by the ICRC
In Eastern Ghouta alone, tens of thousands of people benefit from food, clean water, and hygiene kits provided by the ICRC
 — aid that would be impossible to deliver without working with the Syrian government. “We do recognize that the result is imperfect,” he says. “But we have also to respect the power realities on the ground.”

These power realities include the leadership of the ICRC’s local affiliate, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC). While its volunteers do extraordinary work and possess a range of political views, its top officials are deeply tied to the government. Its longtime former president, Abdulrahman al-Attar, boasted strong links to Rami Makhlouf, Assad’s cousin and a businessman who has funded pro-government militias: U.S. diplomatic cables reported in 2008 that Attar, acting as a “possible cutout” for Makhlouf, attempted to lease airliners in contravention of U.S. sanctions.

When Attar died in February, Maurer hailed his “leadership and life-long service to the people of #Syria.” I wanted to understand where Maurer draws the line: Is working with figures tied to the government simply the cost of working in Syria, or could the ICRC reach a point where it would jeopardize its relationship with Damascus to protect its principles?

It is yet another source of tension, Maurer admits, that he has to navigate. On the one hand, the SARC is legally linked to the government; on the other, it is part of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent movement and committed to its principles. But the ICRC does not appear close to reaching a breaking point with the SARC. “It was always my assessment that the chances of doing better assistance and protection to the Syrian people was outweighing the risk of having a leadership which was close to government,” Maurer says.

As if navigating war zones like Syria was not enough, Maurer also must manage relations with the ICRC’s donors — foremost among them the United States, which provides the largest percentage of its annual budget. Maurer says he has so far received no indications that ICRC funding is on President Donald Trump’s chopping block. The ICRC, he says, has “very positive interactions” with the United States as both a donor and a major power involved in conflicts across the globe.

I want to speak about an interaction that was not so positive. As we approach Maurer’s hotel in Beirut, I ask him about a report that the ICRC wrote in 2007 based on its visits to the Guantánamo Bay detention facility, where it found that several detainees had arrived at the prison by passing through CIA “black sites.” The CIA had used torture at those sites, the ICRC reported, including physical abuse, sleep deprivation, and waterboarding. Trump’s nominee for CIA director had previously been in charge of one of these CIA sites in Thailand.

Maurer demurs. The report had not been released by the ICRC but leaked to news outlets. “Our ability to operate in detention facilities is based on confidentiality,” he says. “So we will keep it that way.”

I try a different route: In the abstract, does the ICRC oppose giving leadership positions to officials implicated in torture?

“That’s not an issue that’s in our decision,” Maurer answers with a slight smile. “We certainly oppose torture as an institution.”

That’s as close as I will get Maurer to delve into U.S. politics. The countries change, but the strategy remains the same: Doing good, in Maurer’s world, means working with those who are complicit in the problems he’s trying to solve. It’s not only in Syria, after all, where he has to weigh his words carefully.

Dalai Lama faces cold shoulder as India looks to improve China ties

NEW DELHI (Reuters) - The Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, faces increasing isolation in his home in exile as India tones down an assertive stand toward its powerful neighbour and rival, China, in the hope of calming ties strained by a border stand-off.

Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, speaks at an interactive session organised by Indian Chamber of Commerce on "Revival of Ancient Knowledge" in Kolkata, November 23, 2017. REUTERS/Rupak De Chowdhuri/Files

MARCH 29, 2018

 
The Asian giants were locked in a 73-day military face off in a remote, high-altitude stretch of their disputed border last year, with, at one point, soldiers from the two sides throwing punches and stones at each other.

The confrontation between the nuclear-armed powers in the Himalayas underscored Indian alarm at China’s expanding security and economic links in South Asia.

China’s ambitious Belt and Road initiative of transport and energy links bypasses India, apart from a corner of the disputed Kashmir region, also claimed by Pakistan, but involves India’s neighbours Sri Lanka, Nepal and the Maldives.

Now Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s nationalist government, is reversing course, apparently after realising its hard line on China was not working, and the Dalai Lama is facing the cold shoulder.

“We are moving forward with this relationship, the idea is to put the events of 2017 behind us,” an Indian government source involved in China policy said.

The idea is to “be sensitive” to each other’s core concerns and not let differences turn into disputes, the source said.

The Dalai Lama has lived mostly in the north Indian town of Dharamsala since 1959, when he fled a Chinese crackdown on an uprising in his homeland.

In Dharamsala, his supporters run a small government in exile and campaign for autonomy for Tibet by peaceful means. India has allowed him to pursue his religious activities in the country and to travel abroad.

Early this month, India issued an unprecedented ban on Tibetans holding a rally with the Dalai Lama in New Delhi to mark the 60th anniversary of the start of the failed uprising against Chinese rule.

‘DEEPLY RESPECTED’

This week, the Dalai Lama cancelled a visit to the Indian border state of Sikkim this week, hosted by authorities there, officials say, lest it offended China.
Sikkim is south of the Doklam plateau where the hundreds of Indian and Chinese soldiers confronted each other last year after India objected to China’s construction of a road in an area claimed by India’s tiny ally, Bhutan.

Even “thank you” rallies by Tibetans planned for New Delhi to show appreciation to India for hosting the Dalai Lama and his followers have been shifted to Dharamsala.

India’s foreign ministry said the government had not changed its position on the Dalai Lama.

“He is a revered religious leader and is deeply respected by the people of India. His Holiness is accorded all freedom to carry out his religious activities in India,” spokesman Raveesh Kumar said.

But India’s recent attitude is in stark contrast with his former treatment.

In 2016, the Dalai Lama was invited to India’s presidential palace for a ceremony honouring Nobel Peace prize winners. The government later allowed him to visit the disputed state of Arunachal Pradesh, disregarding Chinese objections.

China reviles the Dalai Lama as a dangerous separatist and his activities in India have always been a source of friction, and a tool with which India can needle China.

“Tibet has utility to irritate China, but it is becoming costly for us now. They are punishing us,” said P. Stobdan, a former Indian ambassador.

China has blocked India’s membership of a nuclear cartel and it also blocks U.N. sanctions against a Pakistan-based militant leader blamed for attacks on India.

‘UNDERSTANDING AND RESPECT’

The Tibetan government-in-exile has been phlegmatic, expressing understanding of the shifting circumstances and gratitude to India for hosting the Dalai Lama for 60 years.

“The Indian government has its reasons why, these coming months are sensitive, and we completely understand and respect that so there’s no disappointment at all,” Lobsang Sangay, the head of the government in exile told reporters.

China has hailed better ties.

“Everyone can see that recently, due to the efforts of both sides, China-India relations have maintained positive momentum and development, and exchanges and cooperation in all areas have achieved new progress,” Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lu Kang said on Thursday.

Lu said China was willing to work with India to maintain exchanges on all levels and to increase mutual political trust and “appropriately control differences”.

A flurry of visits is planned.

Next week, India National Security Adviser Ajit Doval is heading to China and Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj is due to visit in April.

Modi will visit in June for a regional conference and talks with President Xi Jinping.

The two sides are also expected to revive “hand-in-hand” counter-terrorism exercises when India’s defence minister, Nirmala Sitharaman, visits China in April, a defence source said. The drills were suspended earlier.

Revealed: Cambridge Analytica data on thousands of Facebook users still not deleted

28 Mar 2018

Facebook said it took steps to ensure harvested campaign data had been “destroyed”. But Channel 4 News has now discovered that data on thousands of people in Colorado is still circulating – and Channel 4 News has been to speak to those whose privacy was breached.

Cambridge Analytica’s US campaign data, which was harvested from Facebook, is still circulating – despite assurances it has been deleted.

Channel 4 News has seen part of the information extrapolated from 50 million people’s Facebook profiles and activity.

The cache of campaign data from a Cambridge Analytica source, details 136,000 individuals in the US state of Colorado, along with each person’s personality and psychological profile.

The data, which dates from 2014, was used by Cambridge Analytica to target specific messages at residents who would be most susceptible to them.

As the harvesting scandal grew last week, Cambridge Analytica insisted all Facebook data it held, and any information they had derived using the Facebook data, “had been deleted”.

Facebook also said it took steps to ensure all information related to harvested profiles was “destroyed”.

But the Colorado dataset, along with similar data for Oregon, suggests copies of the Facebook-derived data still exists, and raises questions about who still has them.

The data is also known to have been passed around using generic, non-corporate email systems, outside of the servers of Cambridge Analytica, and linked company SCL.

Now, more than a week after the revelations that disgraced Cambridge Analytica and ripped through Facebook’s reputation, Channel 4 News has spoken directly to those whose privacy was breached.
And residents in the middle-class suburb of Arvada, in the swing state of Colorado, were told: “If we [Channel 4 News] can get a copy of it, users would be naïve to assume that someone else can’t as well.”

Janice, a nurse whose data is included in the cache, said: “It’s a manipulation of our society by people who don’t really care about our society. They care about their business. They care about their bottom line and they aren’t here for all of us, other than they want to manipulate all of us because we’re either a voter or a consumer. And that’s how they look at me, they don’t look at how safe I am, or how good my schools are.”

On Sunday Mark Zuckerberg issued full-page newspaper adverts apologising for the Facebook data scandal. But when asked how she felt about his apology, Janice told Channel 4 News:

“He didn’t do it until people deleted their profiles and started closing their accounts. He didn’t care about America until it was going to hit his bottom line or he thought the trend might go the wrong way. And so, in that, it just made me more disgusted with him.”

Debra, a local resident said: “It’s personal information, and just to have strangers be able to make an assessment about who we are and what our views are… whether it’s accurate or inaccurate…  It’s unnerving to think that someone has and is keeping track of that information. I’m questioning if I scroll down something and click on it, to look at it more what’s involved in the post, then that’s them gathering data as well. It makes me really hesitant to even want to engage to that degree.”

Householder Barbara was asked: “Does it worry you that somehow people have extracted this information about you from your online profile?”

She said: “It doesn’t worry me … I just figured they were.”

The system of Facebook personality profiles was devised by Cambridge Analytica in line with ground-breaking research by scientists at Cambridge University that built personality profiles from people’s social media.

Sources have told Channel 4 News the Cambridge Analytica data was used by the Republicans in Colorado to help target voters.

The Cambridge Analytica data was allegedly also used by President Trump’s incoming national security adviser John Bolton, according to reports in the New York Times. Mr Bolton’s political action committee, known as The John Bolton Super PAC, first hired Cambridge in August 2014, months after the political data firm was founded and while it was still harvesting the Facebook data.

Since revelations were first broadcast on 17 March 2018, Channel 4 News has asked Mr Zuckerberg repeatedly for an interview. The Facebook CEO has repeatedly declined.

Responding to the latest revelations, Facebook’s Vice President and Deputy General Counsel, Paul Grewal, said: “What happened with Cambridge Analytica represents a breach of trust for which we are very sorry. It is now clear to us that there’s more that we could have done, and as Mark Zuckerberg said, we are working hard to tackle past abuse and are committed to letting people know if their data was inappropriately accessed or misused.

“In 2015, we learned that a psychology professor at the University of Cambridge named Dr. Aleksandr Kogan lied to us and violated our policy by passing data from an app to SCL/Cambridge Analytica.

“When we learned of this violation, we removed his app from Facebook and demanded certifications from Kogan and all parties he had given data to that the information had been destroyed. Cambridge Analytica certified to us that they had destroyed the data in question in 2015.

“Two weeks ago, we received reports from media, including Channel 4, that, contrary to the certifications we were given, not all data was deleted. Cambridge Analytica have confirmed publicly that they no longer have the data, others are challenging this, we are determined to find out the facts.
“The ICO has launched an investigation into Cambridge Analytica and we are assisting with this. We want to assure people that we have suspended Cambridge Analytica from Facebook.” – Paul Grewal, VP & Deputy General Counsel.”

A Cambridge Analytica spokesperson said: “We have never passed any data from GSR to an external party. After Facebook contacted us in December 2015 we deleted all GSR data and took appropriate steps to ensure that any copies of the data were deleted. This includes our lawyers taking action in late 2014 against a number of former staff members who had stolen data and intellectual property from the company. These former staff members each signed an undertaking promising that they had deleted all such material. It is untrue that we failed to take appropriate measures to ensure that GSR data were deleted.”

You can read Channel 4 News’s full coverage of the Cambridge Analytica scandal here.