Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, March 26, 2018

THE INTIMIDATION CAUSE TOWARDS A’LAMPIL JOURNALIST NEEDS A FORMAL INVESTIGATION – FMM


26/03/2018

25-March-2018/FMM Media Communiqué .

Sri Lanka BriefThe Free Media Movement vigorously protests to the Sri Lanka Military for intimidation caused towards provincial journalist Shanmugam Thavaseelan, of ABC Media network, who had taken photos of a public protest at A’lampil in the Mullaitivu District.

Thavaseelan was detained for more than two hours, and the Free Media Movement consider it as an act prohibiting the conduct of his professional duties and a threat to the freedom of expression.

The Free Media Movement wishes to stress the fact that It is an obligation of the Sri Lankan Government including the armed forces to create a democratic environment for media personal to perform their duties without any obstacles.

C.Dodawatta , Convener
Dileesha Abeysundara , Secretary



Political Bankruptcy Of Sri Lankan Muslims Threaten Community’s Future & Country’s Stability


Latheef Farook
logoResponse of Muslim politicians, religious organizations and even civil society to the failure of the government to prevent violence against Muslim in the central hills early this month is deeply disturbing.
The senseless destruction of Muslim owned property and their commercial establishments striking at their very survival are enough for any Muslim politician with an iota of self-respect to leave the government as a mark of protest against its failure.
However it was wishful thinking. Muslim parliamentarians prefer positions and perks to the security of the community. The Sinhala leadership was aware that Muslim parliamentarians would cling on to the government whatever the harm  and however much insult they cause to the community.
True to this image some Muslim parliamentarian accompanied President Sirisena in his visit to Pakistan this week helping to cover up the crime against Muslims in the central hills and hoodwink the world. This include S.M. Marikkar, Hisbullah, Ishak Rahim, Mastan Cader and Ali Zahir Moulana.
They are so shameless and willing tools serving the government that Minister Faizar Mustapha gladly went to Geneva this week to defend Sri Lanka at the 37th UNHRC session. As a Muslim did he speak a word about the misery caused to the Muslims in Sri Lanka? 
However still there are silver line of hope as parliamentarian such as Mujibur Rahman refused to be part of president Sirisena’s team to Pakistan as a protest at government’s failure to protect Muslims. He was one of the few Muslim parliamentarians who vehemently condemned the attacks on Muslims in central hills despite bringing to the knowledge of president, prime minister and even the IGP of the anticipated violence against Muslims.
While politicians failed to protect Muslims, the role of religious leaders and civil society equally disappoint and threaten the interest of the community.
For example a delegation of about fifteen civil society groups led by the religious body All Ceylon Jamiathul Ulama, met President Sirisena on Thursday March 8, 2018- fifth day after the attack.
This is a political issue and not a religious matter. Thus the question why the ACJU get involved in such burning political issue. This also demonstrates the overall political bankruptcy of the community
During the meeting none of the participants asked President Sirisena “why he failed to stop the attacks despite numerous reports about this anticipated attacks.” Perhaps they did not want to antagonize the president.
On the other hand what is the use of this meeting after the damage was already done. Instead the ACJU led team, according to Ceylon Daily News report on 9 March 2018, extended their fullest support to this very same President Sirisena to establish a peaceful atmosphere conducive to all Sri Lankans to live in peace.
Support for what? Allowing racists to burn and destroy mosques and Muslim properties?
It is true that there are some issues such as black abaya, face veil, using loud speakers during call for prayers especially in predominantly areas where non-Muslims live, remain source of irritants to non-Muslims.
Many fair minded non-Muslims who are keen on communal harmony were urging Muslims to address these issues. However the ACJU has miserably failed the community and thus the country on these issues.
Instead in a statement issued more than a year ago and published in the Tamil Muslim daily Nava Mani the ACJU president stated that face cover and black abaya are compulsory. However he failed to quote any source from Holy Quran and Hadeeds to justify his claim. 
In this regard it is worthy to note that in his book “HIJAB or NIQAB-An Islamic Criique of the Face Veil” London based late Egyptian Islamic Scholar Syed MutawallyAd-Darsh had this to state;
“I disagree with the statement that niqab (face-veil) is an obligation and have been at pains to explain this from the outset. There is no hard or unquestionable proof in the holy Qur’an or Sunnah to that effect. Otherwise we are going to question the integrity or scholarship of the overwhelming majority of the learned community of Islam? I find myself amazed by the claims of latter day scholars who say” But we live in bad times… or society is bad…. Now women should observe this or that…..”. This is illogical attitude which opens the door to discarding Islamic rules, such as the government controlled muftis who say that modern banking is different from the lending and usury of time past. This is very dangerous trend indeed”.
What the ACJU need to understand is that we are living in a different era where there is a powerful global military campaign, the worst ever in known Muslim history, against Islam and Muslims. This well planned and coordinated campaign has been unleashed by Israel, sworn enemy of Islam and Muslims since the time of Prophet Muihammed (PBUH) and its United States, British, French and Russian  collaborators backed by their Arab tyrants in the Gulf.  India’s anti-Muslim RSS front BJP government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has joined this war mongers.
These forces which rape and ravage Muslim countries in the Middle East and beyond supported the recent genocide of Rohingya Muslims are here in the island with their own agendas against the island’s Muslim community. There are willing mercenaries among the Sinhalese to implement their evil agendas on the Muslim community.
Sri Lankan government’s failure to condemn this genocide indicate its changing policy towards Muslims. This also indicates that Maithri-Ranil government has been absorbed into this war mongers axis. This perhaps may be the reason why the government gave a free hand to racists to attack Muslims in the central hills early this month. Inevitable result is the political instability of the island.
The irony is that reports now emerge that besides the mob, the Special Task Force also terrorized people when they entered into mosque with their boots and attacked Muslims at prayer.
For example, according to reports, they entered the Hijrapura Mosque at the peaceful Muslim village of Kumbukkandura adjacent to Digana, and attacked those praying including elderly and taken with them two persons who were inside the mosque. They were beaten, terrorized and saved only because of the timely interference of a compassionate Buddhist Monk.
Muslim votes played a crucial role in Mr. Maithripala Sirisena becoming President and Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister after he lost more than 28 elections. The tragedy is that these violence against Muslims are taking place under this very same Maithri-Ranil government.

Read More

CCTV shows Sri Lankan police aid anti-Muslim riots





The "deficiencies of the police" are being investigated.

Police and politicians joined anti-Muslim riots that rocked Sri Lanka's Kandy district this month, according to witnesses, officials and CCTV footage reviewed by Reuters.

Scores of Muslim mosques, homes and businesses were destroyed as mobs ran amok for three days in Kandy, the central highlands district previously known for its diversity and tolerance.

The government declared a state of emergency and blocked social media platforms for a week to control the unrest.

Police role

The role of police and some local Buddhist politicians in the Islamophobia rampage points to the depth of the problem that Muslims face in Sri Lanka. It also shows that the government has no control over some of its police and security personnel, and that the violence was more than a spontaneous outbreak fueled by fringe Buddhist fighters and hate-speech spread on social media.

Victims and witnesses, whose accounts were partly backed by CCTV footage seen by Reuters, described members of an elite paramilitary police unit, the Special Task Force (STF), assaulting a Muslim imam and leaders. Local STF commanders declined to comment.

"They came to attack," said A H Ramees, an imam at a mosque where worshippers say they were beaten by police who were supposed to be protecting them.

"They were shouting. There was filthy language. They said all the problems were because of us, that we were like terrorists."

Ruwan Gunasekera, a spokesman for the national police force, including the STF, said a special investigation unit was "probing the deficiencies of the police in the incident".

A second unit was examining the role of political actors, he said.

Buddhist nationalism

The riots were the latest example of rising Buddhist nationalism and Islamophobia in the region and have unnerved Sri Lanka's multi-ethnic coalition government, which removed former President Mahinda Rajapaksa in an election in 2015, according to analysts and two sources familiar with the government's deliberations.

Buddhists make up about 70 percent of Sri Lanka's 21 million people. Tamils, most of whom are Hindu, account for 13 percent, while Muslims make up about 9 percent of the population.
Sri Lanka's Law and Order Minister Ranjith Madduma Bandara has said the violence in Kandy was "well organised" and pointed the finger at members of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), a political party backed by Rajapaksa that scored a huge victory in local elections last month.

At a press conference flanked by senior leaders earlier this month, Rajapaksa said the accusations were politically motivated. According to him, the government fomented the violence to "get the Muslim vote" and to distract from its inadequacies.

CCTV footage

An excerpt of CCTV footage from the first day of attacks, reviewed by Reuters, showed police letting a large group of men through the cordon protecting the Noor Jummah mosque in Digana, a Kandy township.

The men rush into a multi-story building opposite the mosque. A local SLPP politician, Samantha Perera, can be seen pointing at the higher floors of the building.

Perera confirmed he was the person shown in the footage. He said he was trying to calm the rioters and only found out later the mosque had been attacked. "I am a good Buddhist. I am not instigating violence against anybody," he told Reuters.

Cabinet spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said Perera was under investigation for "attacking Muslim-owned shops and mosques with stones".

At least three other SLPP politicians, including a national politician, were being investigated and another SLPP councillor has been arrested for setting fire to a mosque, he said. All deny any involvement in the violence.

"There's a political motive to discredit me, Mahinda Rajapaksa and the party," Perera said.

Islamophobia 

Islamophobia has surged in Sri Lanka since 2009, when a long civil war against Tamil fighters was brutally ended by Rajapaksa, amid charges by a United Nations panel of experts of human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings by the military and STF.

As in Myanmar, from where 700,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled an army crackdown in recent months, Buddhist hardliners in Sri Lanka have argued that Islam is a threat to the Buddhist way of life.

Though the level of violence is not comparable, the Sri Lankan Secretariat for Muslims, a civil society group, logged more than 600 attacks and threats to Muslims in the past five years, according to director Hilmy Ahamed, who added that the rate of anti-Muslim violence had accelerated in recent years.

"The fear that Muslims are going to take over, are going to deprive you of your welfare, is so widespread," he said.

Veteran political analyst Jayadeva Uyangoda said Buddhist chauvinism in Sri Lanka was a "monster beyond control", as local activists draw inspiration from Buddhist elements in Myanmar and Hindu ones in India hostile to Muslims.

'Can you believe it'

About 10 minutes after the incident near the Noor Jummah mosque shown in the CCTV footage, the mob returned via a back road, out of the line of sight of the mosque's exterior cameras, and threw a petrol bomb into the mosque's first floor office, according to witnesses Mohamed Niyaskhan, who said he was beaten and left bloodied, and the mosque secretary M I M Shukry.

The men burned Korans during 45 minutes of looting and destruction, they said.

Niyaskhan said earlier that day he had prepared food and drinks for STF members protecting the mosque, but they had left shortly before the attack.

"No STF, no police were there," he said. "They had gone around the corner. Can you believe it?"

Later that day, eight to 10 members of the STF rushed the Hijrapura mosque, also in Digana, according to scholars and worshippers.

The police assaulted worshippers with batons, according to Ramees, the imam.

CCTV footage shows police in riot gear striking Ramees and another scholar, M S M Nizam, four times with batons. A local Buddhist monk, Gerendigala Chanda Wimala, told Reuters he saw the men being manhandled by police and successfully demanded their release.

At about the same time, a local Muslim politician, Abdul Saleem Mohamad Fazil, and a friend, Mohamad Faizal, were also attacked by members of the elite police unit, according to the victims and a witness, Father Christy Paul, the prelate at Digana's Catholic church.

"Three STFs came through the back entrance of the house and started beating us," said Fazil, who suffered a deep head wound and said he spent a night in prison after being refused medical treatment.

"They grabbed some bottles from the landing and put them in a bag and said we were making petrol bombs."

Father Christy said he heard the men's screams and saw the police hitting them with batons. The men were cowering on the ground and not offering any resistance to the police, he said.

A local STF commander, asked about the incidents described to Reuters, declined to comment, citing restrictions on talking to the media. The law and order ministry referred to the police special investigation into alleged abuses.

Police say they have arrested more than 300 people involved in the riots.

Opening our Minds to Thrive with our Neighbours




We can feel diminished by the tragic events that happened in Sri Lanka when our neighbours were targeted in the anti-Muslim riots or we can consider it an opportunity for everyone to take action.
The extremism seen in the Wahabbi movement, and the emergence of extremist Tamil nationalist and Sinhala-Buddhist movements pushed by demagogues are reaching vulnerable and fearful people. In the absence of the correct knowledge, they can be lead to think that their community can be liberated at the expense of another.

People join these movements at the spur of the moment, out of their own need for belonging and a sense of self-importance for what they think is a just cause are met.

Religions, which originated from specific regions of the globe, spread through peaceful means, migration or violent crusades to Sri Lanka, where they have separated people.  Unfortunately, government policies and systems are institutionalising this separation, through language policies, schools, politics, socio-cultural settings, regions, neighbourhoods and communities.

The attachment of race, religion and culture to people’s identities have made it so emotional and personal that people are willing to kill and destroy the ‘other’. They do not realize nor have empathy for the other as a fellow thinking, feeling, suffering human being, who is also striving for happiness, joy and well-being.

At the same time, over four centuries of migration and trade, an interconnected, intertwined global village dominated by technology has brought diverse people together. We have no choice but to find common ground to live with each other in peace.

What can we – as individuals, as citizens – do to prevent separation and stem the support for extremist movements, to pave the way for unity among the people?

Our Moral Compass and my Optimism

I am an optimist; having worked and travelled to every continent on this earth, I learned that conditioned cultural differences are superficial and when we go below the surface to the unconditioned, we find the same human being with feelings and needs guided by a moral compass.

At the core, we seek respect, autonomy, to belong, to be appreciated, loved and fed to not only just live, but thrive.  When these needs are met, the chances of a person joining extremist movements become less. As such, if we create opportunities for people from a young age to live, play, learn and work together, we will understand each other in different ways, also finding common ground.  That way, when the call comes to attack a Muslim shop, your friendship with a Muslim person may cause you to think twice.

Stories of Getting to Know Each Other

I want to share a few stories from my own experiences in bringing different people together and challenging individuals to create more fellowship among different communities.

I conducted a training session in Hambantota for about twenty youth in 2006. I began by asking the participants to pair themselves and get to know each other for about 10 minutes. They shared their names, backgrounds, education, interests and hobbies and finally their expectations from the programme. I encouraged male and female participants to mix as well. After these instructions, three Muslim girls decided they would speak among themselves.

I suggested they each pair up with one of the boys, which they resisted. I responded saying the purpose of this programme – which they had willingly signed up for – was to step out of one’s comfort zones and learn new things. If they were not comfortable in doing so, I let them know that they were free to leave. I was eventually able to encourage them to pair up with three boys, who happened to be Sinhala.

When we regrouped, I asked them to introduce their new friend and the person who had resisted the most said “It is amazing that we live as neighbours and we are still alien to each other. This brother has similar interests, aspirations and values as me, yet we live such separate lives not knowing each other in this same town.”

Seeking Empathy – Understanding Feelings and Needs

The connection they made was based on empathy; understanding the feelings and needs of someone they otherwise perceived as a stranger. We discussed that our separateness comes from a space of fear, scarcity and suffering, while our unity comes from openness, compassion, trust and abundance. This connection, once made, is bound to have a lasting impression.

I had the privilege to be a part of innumerable such programmes, during the war and after. These programmes, often foreign-funded, happened at a time when any Western initiative was perceived as promoting an agenda that was counter to Sri Lanka’s war effort. What many people did not realize was that the facilitation and the delivery of the programmes were tailor-made by Sri Lankans, who ensured they benefited diverse communities across the country.

First Time Encounters

We invited ten girls from Hindu Ladies College in Wellawatta to join ten boys from D.S. Senanayake College in Colombo, which enrolled students of diverse backgrounds.  Inviting girls to a boy’s school and asking them to mix was fraught enough. At the height of the war, asking Tamil girls to come for three days of training with boys from DS Senanayake to work together over a week was a huge challenge.

Some of the girls’ parents hovered around for most of the first day, as they feared leaving their daughters behind. After reassuring them, they left the girls to participate alone. When they all arrived at the sports event, they were delighted to see what the young leaders had achieved together.

At the end of the programme, the assignment for the twenty young leaders was to organize a sports event for about 100 children. It was a daunting task for them, yet with the training, their youthful ingenuity, their skills and great teamwork, they organised a very successful event.

I remember feeling surprised during the introductions on day one, when the Hindu College girls said they had never met nor spoken to a Sinhala, Muslim or a Burgher boy before and this, while living in Colombo.

Tears welled-up as I listened to the reflections when the young leaders spoke passionately about how their lives have changed forever. They learned experientially that the religious, cultural, language and racial differences were superficial and at the deep core, we humans are all the same.

These examples show that it is not too difficult to build unity among diverse people through such targeted programmes. However, as long as there are governing policies that separate students through schools and through mediums within schools, people, neighbourhoods and communities will be separated.

Great Example of Unity in Singapore

Singapore has achieved harmony among its communities by creating and enforcing a secular state where religion and the state do not mix.

It does not mean religions do not exist or people are not religious – most Singaporeans are religious and come from a rich diversity of religions and cultural backgrounds. It simply means religion or cultural affairs do not dictate the running of the state.

Singapore is guided by Public Reason first, as espoused by Immanuel Kant in the 18th century and later developed by contemporary American Philosopher John Rawls. They reasoned that all citizens in a pluralistic society share in the common good equally and not derived from any particular scripture or doctrine.  Yet, decisions made for the common good would be acceptable to people from diverse cultures and backgrounds.

This avoids any religious or cultural ceremonies and rituals from entering the process of governing in Singapore. This enables policies to be established for the common good rather than in favour of one or the other religious or ethnic majority or even a minority, especially if the minority has political power due to for example, economic might.

One could say that Singapore is a new state, unlike Sri Lanka which has a long history with religious and cultural tradition. If that is an excuse for inaction, we will continue to see fissures and tragic circumstances that leading to distress, often with dire economic consequences as well.

Demagogues will exploit these differences to meet their own political ends. It will also enable outsiders to undermine Sri Lanka’s integrity for geopolitical reasons. Therefore, with an open mind, Sri Lanka can learn from the example of Singapore and other peaceful nations, in its journey through the 21st century.

Finding our own Way

I am not espousing us to follow Singapore unquestioningly, yet Sri Lanka can deliberately enact policies that build common spaces to foster understanding and trust between communities and work hard to prevent isolation and mutual exclusion.

Having common schools and safe neighbourhoods allow children of all cultures and religions to grow up, study, live, play and work together. The socio-economic indicators of a harmonious and a united Singapore reveal the rest of the story.

Citizen Action

As I was writing this article in the middle of anti-Muslim riots in Sri Lanka, I was thrilled to receive this e mail from a Sri Lankan in Toronto, pained by what was happening in his home country.
Riyaz Rauf, who I have not met, stated the following;

It is the duty of the majority communities to protect the minorities and its the responsibility of the minorities to respect the majority communities to create the perfect balance and for all to prosper. 
I am committing my family to invite a Buddhist, Christian and Hindu family to our home for lunch on our Ramadan Eid day and to honour and to respect them we will be serving only vegetarian food on that day.

As Rauf says, it is the duty of the majority community to protect the minorities.

These violent actions of a few seemed to be perpetrated in the name of Sinhala-Buddhists, and I was happy to see the true nature of Buddhist teachings of Metta (loving kindness) and Karuna(compassion) being displayed by the neighbours who helped families rebuild from the carnage.

In the same way, Riyaz rightfully says minorities have to respect the majority communities too. Perhaps, like the girls in Hambantota, it requires open minds and hearts to go out of comfort zones and get to know each other better.

It is the unfair demands or actions of a loud few, such as the clamour for Sharia law for all, that drown out the balanced and moderate people among all the minority communities and may raise the fears of many. We have to continue our crucial conversations on how we balance between assimilation and protecting our own religious and cultural values through empathy and understanding. Let us take some action everyday to make sure what happened in February and March 2018 does not happen again by finding that middle ground to live in harmony.
#
Related articles: The Art of Connection: Two organisations take on reconciliation

Islamism=Wahhabism – Confused Cassandras


Dr. Ameer Ali
logoJust the other day I happened to watch a video on the recent anti-Muslim violence in Sri Lanka in which the reporter claimed that Islamism is on the rise in the country and went on to equate it on the spread of Wahhabism. I was appalled at the reporter’s confusion between Islamism and Wahhabism. In fact it is this confusion that is creating unnecessary alarm within the Sinhalese community and is being exploited by the ultra-national Buddhists to promote their own anti-Muslim propaganda. What is more shocking is the parallel the video drew between the Maldives Islands and Sri Lanka. Comparing the incomparable to prove a point is mischievous to say the least. The Muslims in the Maldives are the ruling majority and Islamism is a political weapon in the hands of contesting political groups; but in Sri Lanka Muslims are the second minority and there is absolutely no chance what so ever of them ruling this country or any part of it. Let me clear this confusion.
Islamism is a late twentieth century political phenomenon that arose out of the religious awakening amongst world Muslims, which in turn was the consequence of two related developments. One was the sudden increase in hydrocarbon-generated financial wealth, especially among members of the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC); and the other was the Islamised revolution in Iran.  In the late 1970s and 1980s there was a plethora of conferences and colloquiums funded by oil rich nations and held in expensive venues in which met selected Muslim scholars, Muslim political leaders and Islamic activists to plan out programs to Islamise the World Order. The slogan, ‘Islam the Answer’ was heard everywhere. The concept of the Islamic state and its derivatives such as Islamic economics, Islamic finance, Islamic law, Islamic science, and Islamic education and so on, are different dimensions of this religious awakening. However, all this projects were meant to be implemented in countries where the Muslims are a majority and hold political power. The sad story is that until today, none of the Muslim countries, including Iran and Saudi Arabia, have Islamised their state or economy. They are all nation states modelled on the Westphalian synthesis. Thus, the grand idea of Islamising the World Order still remains a utopian dream.
The eighteenth century eponymous Wahhabism on the other hand is not a political movement but an ultraconservative religious movement, which, owing to a historical coincidence in the eighteenth century won the political backing of the dominant Saudi family in Arabia. At that time the British super power welcomed this alignment with the hidden agenda of splitting and weakening the Ottoman Caliphate. Yet, Wahhabism remained mostly confined to the Arabian Peninsula until the late 1970s when, Ayatollah Khomeini, after throwing out the Americans from Iran, threatened to export his revolution to the American backed Sunni regimes in the Middle East. Though American administration panicked, it saw in Saudi Wahhabism an ultraconservative Sunni philosophy to counter Iran’s Shia radicalism. To the 21st century super power Wahhabism came as a Godsend. Thus, with blessings from the US and its Western allies this ultraconservative religious ideology received an open licence to spread its message throughout the Muslim world.
Wahhabism is not a political phenomenon and therefore does not fall into the category of Islamist movements like Al-Qaeda, Taliban, Boko Haram or ISIS, even though many of the members of these groups are Wahhabis and are from Saudi Arabia. Their common objective of creating an Islamic state or a Caliphate is anathema to the Saudi as well as to all other Muslim regimes. Saudi’s support to these movements is conditional and not to encourage their Islamist ideology but to fight Shia Iran and its proxies. Even in Sri Lanka Wahhabism’s chief political objective is to counter Iranian influence.   
Wahhabism as a religious phenomenon is essentially, anti-Shia, anti-Sufi, anti-rational, and even anti-science in outlook. It is exclusivist and literalist in its religious interpretation as opposed to being accommodative and discursive. In the name of purifying Islam from all post-Salafi accretions i.e., additions to Islam that occurred after the death of the Prophet and the first four caliphs, it has become a backward looking ideology.  A number of modern Islamic scholars like Prof. Khaled Abou El-Fadl feels that the Wahhabi teachings are out of step with what the Quran advocates. Yet, because it has the financial support of the Saudi regime and blessings of the West it is flourishing in countries like Sri Lanka, which not only needs Arab foreign investment but also is well entrenched in the American and Western ideological camp.  

Read More

Policy disagreement in Unity Govt. has been the killer of the economy

logoA slowing down economy

 Monday, 26 March 2018 

According to the data released by the Department of Census and Statistics or DCS – the country’s official statistics bureau – Sri Lanka’s economy has grown in 2017 by 3.1% (available at: http://www.statistics.gov.lk/national_accounts/dcsna_r2/reports/Annual_2017_(2018_03_20)_English.pdf ). This is a continuation of the deceleration of the growth rate since the new Government – till August exclusively of UNP and since then, a unity government – took charge of the economy in early 2015.

Political power enjoyed by the Government leaders in Parliament has empowered them to do what they desire. But it means nothing to citizens who only have a desire to see an improvement in their living conditions, an essential ingredient to empower them – Pic by Shehan Gunasekara

Expose` -Gota and Henda after forming armed intelligence unit killed 130 in 9 years and over 13 of its members ! Cogent evidence

-Keerthi Ratnayake a former Intelligence unit officer !

LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 25.March.2018, 11.45PM)  Ronen Bergman is an Israel  investigative   journalist  who launched a book on 23 rd  January 2018. The title of that book  was ‘ Rise and kill first : The secret history of Israel’s targeted assassinations’ . The content of the book related to the murders committed by Mossad Organization , and reasons for those crimes. 
It is common knowledge that Israel was possessed of the most feared ‘hit squad’ alias murder outfit in the world. It is the personal  view of the writer that such a squad is necessary for  a country for its national security,  though an  armed intelligence division of a country should not be   concealed  and it  must be  an outfit which is a duly established Institution operating  according to accepted norms .
In a country the intelligence division along with  its affiliated armed squadrons is an  autonomous Institution of the forces and  a  civil department of the Think tank. This is a department that functions under  the  orders of the leader of the country while the  decisions are  not taken by a single individual , but rather on the analysis and recommendations made by an  Intelligence Council and with the latter’s permission.

 The decision taken by the Intelligence Council is intimated to the leader of the country , and after the permission is obtained it is  implemented. Moreover , there is a fundamental guiding  principle that governs the Intelligence Bureau of a country .
That principle is concerned  with  the national security  and the grounds interwoven   with it  , and has nothing to do with  the disillusionments or allied issues of a state leader  . 
CIA -the American Central intelligence agency , Mossad of Israel,  RAW of India, FIA of Pakistan, ASIS –secret intelligence service of Australia, AISI- the Internal information and security agency of Italy  , CIRO-  Intelligence research Bureau of Japan’s cabinet,  BND –the Federal Intelligence service of Germany , M15 and M16 of Britain or any other recognized intelligence organization functions strictly following  this basic tenet. 
Recently , Michael Wolf released a book entitled ‘Fire and fury’ against Donald Trump. Since this was in relation to Trump’s frustrations , and not national security , the CIA  did not concern itself with that , and did not consider it as a ground  to deal the deadly  blow to Wolf.  This illustrated the close binding  within the intelligence division and principles they faithfully follow.

Therefore their  agendas  do not  target political opponents and media personnel as their victims. There is also no room  to take base decisions too against Trump or such politicians, and even if it was  said , and such a decision was  taken , the officers will not go ahead  on that .   Owing to this the national security division does not face challenges from the political power quarters.

The story unfolds  thus  …

With the appointment of Gotabaya as the defense secretary , an ‘armed intelligence unit’ was commenced based on a cabinet paper. This unit was under Kapila Hendavitharane.  
An armed intelligence unit created within a definitive framework, based on policies  , and a disciplinary code is a country’s prestigious unit. However Gota is not prepared to accept that the armed intelligence unit was established by him. Neither is Hendavitharane prepared to accept  that he was the second in command in the hierarchy of that unit . Understanding this attitude of theirs  is of course is very easy .   
2700 murders were committed by Mossard in 1970 . Finding this in the internet is easy.
99% of Mossard murders were committed on grounds of national security and confrontations. The ‘National intelligence division’ of Gotabaya during the 9 years committed nearly 130 murders . What is significant to note here is , 99 % of these murders were committed based  on his personal grounds. There was no Intelligence council for Gota’s national intelligence division , and all decisions were taken singly based on   political reasons , and the victims were targeted on political vendetta. For instance when   editor late  Lasantha Wickremetunge exposed Gota’s monumental fraud involving billions of dollars on the MiG jet deal, he was liquidated. This exposure had nothing to do with national security , and only pertained to issues revolving around   Gota and his  frustration .
Gotabaya established this ‘National Intelligence division’  via cabinet paper in 2006 , and Hendavitharane was appointed as its chief. This was not part of the military but  was  a civil Institution and  Hendavitharane’s office was housed in the defense ministry. It is evident from this arrangement  , Hendavitharne did not report to Fonseka. 
In the cabinet paper then it was mentioned , this new intelligence division is being established to bring the State Intelligence Service (SIS) , Military intelligence service (MIS) and various police intelligence divisions under one commanding hierarchy .  Many who are concerned about the country believed this was on the same lines of the popular  RAW organization . It is in this scenario the writer and many others  came together while the ‘National Intelligence division’ , yet under  Hendavitharane it turned into a ‘Trojan horse’.

There was no Intelligence council constituted of recognized reputed   individuals of the security or geopolitical  spheres  to take decisions.
The armed unit was created painting a picture in diverse ways that it is for effective management of the SIS,  MIS and various Police divisions for security of Colombo.  But in  fact it were  licensed underworld gangs that were spawned. 
Active members of the forces , retired members of the forces , a number of groups including those of of Karuna , Pillaiyan and  Douglas Devananda , were operating under the commands of Hendavitharane. 
Their primary target was brutal political murders . Resentment naturally began mounting  locally and internationally against the murderers. To counter that what Hendavitharane did was liquidating the murderers to wipe out evidence in order to safeguard the despot . 
The use of the new  intelligence division by Gota to silence his opponents spelled doom to the country and proved  a great tragedy. Making use of the spray of bullets protecting Gota , he silenced the adversaries. In order to suppress evidence , more than 13 members of the Intelligence division were killed.  Over 30 members who carried out the illegal orders of Gota ended in remand prison.  Another group ended up  on all fours at the fourth  floor. Some left the country. Some others disappeared.
If the National intelligence division which was established via a cabinet paper had stuck by the principal aim which was national security for which it came into existence, this disaster would not have struck the motherland.  If that aim was genuinely  pursued that would have grown into a gigantic tree and provided shade to the nation. It is very unfortunate what happened was the converse. The sins and crimes of Henda and Gota were fastened on the low rung  officers, and  so called war specialist Gota dealt direct blows with a club to the  head of the Intelligence division.
The  citizens must be by now having a sound unerring understanding of these  Veddahs .They surely must by now be aware of the true colors of these blood lusty  individuals who are vainly  dreaming to become ‘Kings’

Keerthi Ratnayake

Translated by Jeff
---------------------------
by     (2018-03-25 20:28:46)

Confidence calls for strength


Monday, March 26, 2018

With the noise of the no confidence motion against the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe the issue of the powers of the president came under debate again. Comrade Jayampathi of course believes that he has put the final nails on the coffin of this issue. Strangely, things happened recently that made the yahapalana democratic movement to demand that presidency, even with the 19th Amendment, is an unwanted burden hence it should be removed with a separate amendment for that purpose. However those who want to continue with presidential system, for its shape of Raja perhaps, come forward to defend the constitution now in function.

They argue that dictatorial aspect of the constitution has been moderated to make it a powerful democratic constitution. They condemn that the near hysterical response to the local election results, by parliamentarians and the media alike, demonstrated an unfortunate lack of understanding of the powers of the President.


Executive powers

According to them the office of President today, not what was established by President Jayewardene in 1978; nor are the powers of that office the same or even similar. The 19th Amendment [19A] stripped the Presidency of nearly all the executive powers which President Jayewardene invested himself with. The President today is, in many respects, a constitutional Head of State who is required to act on the advice of the Prime Minister, similar to the Presidency under the 1972 Constitution.
However in the present constitution, leader of political party antagonistic to that of the Prime Minister can assume the post of president. This arrangement is very much different from the functions of a ceremonial Head of State, be it a Queen or President. In the United Kingdom, its exercise is regulated by convention. But we are used to entirely different tradition for several decades.

In Lanka, Article 43 of the Constitution empowers the President to appoint as Prime Minister “the Member of Parliament who in his opinion ‘is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament’”. No petition with signatures, or even a vote of confidence in Parliament, is required. This absolute power come from 1972 Constitution where president is appointed by the political head. It means that if the president in his opinion concludes that the sitting Prime Minister has lost the confidence of the parliament, president could attempt to throw the Prime Minister out! In any event, if the President were to dismiss the Prime Minister, he may do so only if he is of the opinion that the Prime Minister “most likely” does not command the confidence of Parliament, and that some other Member of Parliament does. In such event, that other person should immediately be appointed Prime Minister!

1972 Constitution

On the other hand 1978 Constitution originally provided that a Minister or a Deputy Minister may be removed from office “by a writing under the hand of the President”. The 19A deleted that provision. In its place was substituted a provision which states that a Minister or Deputy Minister may be removed from office “under the hand of the President on the advice of the Prime Minister”.

 Therefore, the process of removing a Minister or Deputy Minister now has to be initiated by the Prime Minister, and in making a removal order the President is required to act on the Prime Minister’s advice. Thereby, the position under the 1972 Constitution has been restored. Also, the 1978 Constitution originally empowered the President to exercise his executive power to dissolve Parliament at any time after the first year following a general election. The 19A removed that power.
The President may now dissolve Parliament only in the last six months of its five-year term. If he wishes to do so earlier, he needs to obtain the consent of Parliament expressed through a resolution passed by not less than two-thirds of the whole number of its members voting in favour.

The President, of course, has residuary executive powers which every Head of State possesses. He is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Head of the Executive. He may declare war and peace. Now that president is a live political leader not just an apolitical figure like Gopallawa these powers are serious. He may appoint and accredit an ambassador, but only if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has secured the agreement of the receiving state. The recent problem involving the Defence Attaché in London, when the President reportedly overruled the Foreign Minister’s instructions that the officer concerned should return home immediately, demonstrated the reality of presidential powers.

In addition the President has the power to pardon any convicted offender, or substitute a less severe form of punishment. Finally, the President of Sri Lanka is constitutionally vested with a unique power, without precedent in the constitution of any other country; that is, to appoint President’s Counsel. In exercising all these powers, a political head will be governed by his political will.

Provincial administration

The 19th Amendment left intact certain powers which the 13th Amendment had vested in the President. These relate to provincial administration. The President appoints a Governor for each province. Where there is a failure of its administrative machinery, the President may, upon being so informed by the Governor, assume to himself the powers of the Governor for a period of 14 days; the powers of the Provincial Council passes to Parliament which may, in turn, confer such powers on the President who may, in turn, delegate such powers to any other authority.

The 19A, left intact the provision in the Constitution which indirectly make the Public Security Ordinance of 1947 to be a law enacted by Parliament. Consequently, it is the President who, under that Ordinance, decides whether to declare a state of public emergency, and it is the President who makes emergency regulations; however proclamation declaring the existence of a state of public emergency lapses in 14 days; unless Parliament by a resolution approves it.

Therefore, unless the President had acted with the concurrence of the Prime Minister, his proclamation will necessarily be short-lived.

The argument that presidency established by the 1978 Constitution no longer exists and the 19A has effectively abolished it is a dangerous statement. It is true that the President, of his own volition, cannot choose the Ministers.

He cannot remove any Minister from office except on the advice of the Prime Minister. He cannot dissolve Parliament at a time of his choosing. Acting alone, he cannot appoint Judges, Senior Officials or the independent Commissions. But as pointed above the residue is unacceptable. We must implement the promise to remove executive presidency. 

PM’s no-confidence vote and yahapalanaya’s divided loyalties

  • The 19-A has saved this Govt. from the fate of the UNP’s co-habitation Govt. under CBK
  • This Govt. has been paralyzed by divided loyalties -- keeping one foot here, the other in Carlton House
2018-03-27
Prime Minister RanilWickremesinghe is facing a no-confidence motion submitted by the Joint Opposition and signed by some of the ministers in his own government. He may survive the vote, but the wrangling between the UNP and SLFP in the unity government would continue till the remainder of its term, or more likely till the President gets his chance to dissolve the government. That would be one and a half years from now, by when the current Parliament completes four and a half years. (According to the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, the President cannot dissolve Parliament until four and a half years into its term unless a resolution is passed with two third majority in Parliament for its dissolution.)   

The joint opposition and the SLFP Ministers who cherish the memories of the good old days of the Rajapaksa regime would escalate political destabilization during the next 18 odd months, so that it would be easier for the President to dissolve Parliament and hand himself into the Rajapaksa cronies as part of a usual behind the curtain deal.   

The problem with cohabitation governments in this country is that politicians have little desire to cohabitate. Such arrangements are usually a pretext for binding time for the opportune moment. This government has so far been saved from the fate of UNP’s co-habitation government with President Chandrika Kumaratunga thanks to the 19th Amendment. However, constitutional provisions cannot save the country from all acts of political opportunism.   

Earlier, the President insisted that Mr. Wickremesinghe resign as the Prime Minister. Since that failed to materialize, he has been sending couriers to the Rajapaksa camp and making calls to Basil Rajapaksa, who has intentionally kept away from picking the phone. The latest initiative of a no-confidence motion is unlikely to have taken place without the president’s blessing. He is either condoning or turning a blind eye.   

From the very outset, this government has been paralyzed by the divided loyalties of those who keep one foot in the government, and the other in Carlton house.   
On his part, Mr. Wickremesinghe himself is having troubles with his own party. The UNP’s suppressed discontent to his manifold failures, and his preference to the Royal College club burst into surface whenever the prime minister is forced to a corner. As much as he seems to think it is the duty of the voters to elect him to power, he also tends to believe that the UNP cannot survive without him. He has not designated a successor, which may be a well thought out move, because, had there been one, the disgruntled UNP MPs and the functionaries would have rallied behind him and ousted Mr. Wickremesinghe in no time. He has tried to nurture some young leaders, but those who held a promise, soon fell out with him, majority of others who remain as his trusted lieutenants unfortunately do not have a national appeal. They will be gone, when Mr. Wickremesinghe leaves.   

Economy will also be the main victim of an aggravated political instability in the country. Yahapalanaya got off on the wrong foot, suspending foreign-funded development projects, distributing unaffordable economic dole outs and salary hikes to win the parliamentary election, and sending mix signals on economic policy. Since then, the economy has not recovered, economic growth has plummeted to just four per cent a year for three consecutive years. There seems to be no sense of urgency. Development projects that can really create growth and jobs, such as the Hambantota industrial zone are held back by usual bureaucratic lethargy. One positive thing this government can learn from the former regime is economic pro-activeness, without which, all other self- righteous pretense of democracy and freedom is in vain.   

Mr. Rajapaksa would be the only winner. However, even if he runs for the next election, he will be quite old by then and will be in the league of his old friend Yoweri Museveni, the president of Uganda. Old age may compel him to expedite his dynastic project and fast track Namal’s accession to the leadership. Others like the folks who signed the no-confidence motion would get the crumbs. Sri Lankans as a whole will lose one more time, this time pretty badly.   

The only way out from a looming calamity is for the President to exercise his powers and not to instigate SLFP ministers against the UNP, but to keep them in line with the basic concept of the UNP-SLFP agreement

The only way out from a looming calamity is for the President to exercise his powers and not to instigate SLFP ministers against the UNP, but to keep them in line with the basic concept of the UNP-SLFP agreement. He cannot win by destabilizing his own government. His ministers will soon jump the ship at the opportune moment. The President has also squandered another opportunity to catch the crooks of the former regime, and do so in a way that it appears that the government is really mean it, by refusing to appoint Sarath Fonseka. Instead, he chose to heed to the same lot of SLFPers who is plotting to bring down the government. If he chose Fonseka, it would be the joint opposition that would be sending emissaries to him.   

The government will have to devise some means to revive the doomed anti-corruption campaign. It also has to infuse a sense of urgency into economic development, and mobilize whatever power at its disposal to take off at least one major development project, that can create jobs. That would make people feel at least something is being done. And last but not least, the president and the UNP could agree to cooperate on what is in mutual interest, i.e. to keep Rajapaksas out of power.   

Mr. Wickremesinghe may survive the no-confidence vote. But, if nothing is done, both the UNP and the president will be out of power in 18 months.   

Follow @RangaJayasuriya